Medford mail tribune. (Medford, Or.) 1909-1989, August 13, 1956, Image 4

Historic Oregon Newspapers

Medford mail tribune., August 13, 1956, Image 4

Image provided by: University of Oregon Libraries; Eugene, OR

About Medford mail tribune. (Medford, Or.) 1909-1989 | View Entire Issue (Aug. 13, 1956)

Prev Page of 16 Next Prev Issue Next Text PDF JP2 (2.9 MB) Clip/Print Image

Return to Top

Prev Page of 16 Next Prev Issue Next

Newspaper Page TextTOtTR MEDFORD (OREGON) "Everybody in Suttcm orefon Beads The Mail Tribune" Published Daily Except Saturday by MEDFORD PRINTING CO 37-2S North Fir St. Phone ROBERT W RUHL. Editor HERB CREV Advertising Manager GERAl-D LATHAM. Business Mamiar ERIC ALXEN JR. Managins Editor EARL H ADAMS. City Editor HARRY CHiPMA.N. Telegraph Editor RICHABD JEWETT S porta Editor OLIVE ST ARCHER Society Editor DALE ER1CKSON Circulation Mgr. m An Independent Newspaper Entered a aecond class matter at Medford Oreiton. under Act ol March 8, 181)7 SUBSCRIPTION RATES Rw Mill In Arivanr: Per CODT IOC. Dally and Sunday Ona year $12.00 Daily and Sunday Six montha 9-50 Daily and Sunday Three mos 3.50 Sunday only ona year aj-u By Caraier In Advanca Medford. Aahland Central Point. Eaxle Point. Jacksonville Gold Hill, rnoenix. Shady Cove Rogue Biver. Talent, and on motor route-. Daily and Sunday Ona year S13.00 Dally and Sunday One month 1.25 Carrier and Dealera 5c per copy All Terma Caali In Advance Olllclal Paper of the City ol Medford Official Paper of Jackson County United Presa Full Leased Wire MEMBER 0 AUDIT BUREAU OF CIRCULATION Advertising Representative: WEST-HOLLIDAV COMPANY INC Offices In New York Chicago. De troit San Francisco. Los Angeles. Seattle Portland St Louis Atlanta Vancouver B C. NATIONAL EDITORIAL ASSOCIATION I y J o 0" NEWSPAPER: PUBLISHERS ASSOCIATION Flight o' Time Medford and Jackson County History from the files of The Mail Tribune 10. 20. 30 and 10 years ago. 10 YEARS AGO Aug. 13. 1946 (It was Tuesday) Inability to obtain materials has delayed construction work on three Jackson county bridges. From Arthur Perry's Ye Smudge Pot column: There is now a shortage of care railroad and motor. 20 YEARS AGO Aug. 13. 1936 (It was Thursday) Tengwald agency announces today the sale of a modern five room dwelling at 402 Park ave. to William A. Schulz. United States ' civil service commission today announces a competitive examination for coppersmith to fill existing and future vacancies in the Puget Sound navy yard. 30 YEARS AGO Aug. 13. 1926 (It was Friday) Plans for holding American Legion's ninth annual conven tion in Pans, France, in Sep tember, 1927, are going forward without interruption. J. W. Judy and P. B. McDon ald, of Medford, are appointed distributors for Calpet gasoline, it is announced today. 40 YEARS AGO Aug. 13. 1916 (It was Sunday) Charles Evans Hughes. Re publican nominee for president, will arrive in Medford at 4 p.m., Thursday, Aug. 17. From Local and Personal col umn. C. D. Colby returned to Medford Monday morning, aft er having spent six weeks in Merlin, Ore. What's the Answer? Can You Get 4 of the 77 Copr. 1955. Editorial Research Report 1. Which of these states has the most votes at the Democratic convention: Illinois, California, Texas, Pennsylvanio, Ohio? 2. General Motors made con siderably more or less than half of all cars produced in the first half of this year, or about half? 3. The Hambletonian trotting race is run in Kentucky, New - York state. Ohio, Maryland, or Connecticut? 4. The present Bull market in stocks has lasted longer than any other in history; right or wrong? 5. A substantial part of all shares in the Suez canal is own ed by the U.S. government; right or wrong? 6. The 10 stales of the "Solid South" have a little over (a) 5, (b) 20, (c) 35 or (d) 50 per cent of the votes in the Electoral college? 7. An au gratin dish is one cooked with cheese, sherry, onions, garlic, capers, sour cream or mushrooms? ....1. Pennsylvania. 2. Consider ably more than half. 3. New York (southeastern). 4. Right. S. Wrong. 6. Little over 20 per cent. 7. Cheese. McCANN ON VACATION Charles M. McCann is on vacation. His weekly news out look and daily foreign news commentary columns will be resumed upon his return. MAIL TRIBUNE Young Offenders The time has arrived for a full-scale reexamina tion of society's rules and attitudes toward its young er members particularly those who get into trouble. We would like to see the next session of the Ore gon legislature, which meets next January, set up an interim committee that handy and often helpful re search device it uses so much to conduct a two-year study of laws pertaining to The study should cover law governing the handling administration of juvenile departments and courts and their relationship to the regular courts, the lim its of jurisdiction of each, the opportunities for rehab ilitation, the penalties and ailable, the need for and homes, and the relative responsibility of parents, po lice, prosecuting officials, courts, and the youngsters. XE ARE not alone in our nagging sense of unease T about the difficulty inherent in handling young lawbreakers. Trained juvenile officers, who have de voted their lives to the subject, would be among the first to admit that the pattern is not perfect, nor fool proof, nor always effective. Oregon law, generally, phy that a youthful lawbreaker is not, m truth, a mm inal. But the law is not consistent. Depending on how the case is handled, one teen ager could end up in the penitentiary for committing the same offense which would result in another youth being warned and re manded to his parents' custody. This is only an example of what can happen. Perhaps the present laws are the best that can be devised, but we doubt it. Serious study and considera tion is needed, for the juvenile offender of today can well become the criminal of tomorrow. Anything to prevent this is all to the good. TXE DON'T know just why the problem has become " more serious, and there are .probably as many different answers as there are people who have given thought to the subject. But we do know that difficult ies involving teen-agers have increased. Teachers, police authorities and other informed observers have noted the rapid rise in "juvenile delin quency," particularly in big cities; health officers testify to frightening increases in the venereal disease rate in minors ; the National Education association has issued a survey of its teachers-which reveals that im pertinence and discourtesy, failure to do homework, drinking, stealing, sex offenses, cheating, fighting and other symptoms have shown signs of increasing in the past 20 years. We are not saying the "younger generation is going to the dogs." That's an old saw which is not true. By far the greatest majority of young people is com posed of good, honest, decent kids. But it is. equally tine that the minority of trouble-makers is increasing, and likely becoming worse. TTHIS minority of kids in trouble and making trouble is too important to shrug off. It represents a potentially valuable resource gone wrong, and a potential threat to society which is dangerous. If a change in society's rules and regulations and procedures can help, the change should be made. If the laws are wrong, they should be righted. If they are good they should be enforced and if possible made better. But laws, however good, are not the entire answer. As we see it, the family the unit on which our entire concept of social organization is based is the key factor. Anything which can be done to strengthen, to solidify, to make more wholesome, family relation ships would be to the lasting benefit of us all. Parents have a heavy responsibility and a serious duty in the raising of their children. Too often they do not realize this fact. MEWSPAPERS, at' least those in Oregon, are not ' blind to their own curious responsibility. One of the problems involved is whether or not to publish the names of youngsters who break the law. The Corvallis Gazette-Times recently, after long study and soul-searching, announced a new policy in this regard, which declared that the names of juveniles aged 14 or over who commit felonies or of fenses against the person would be published, and that the names of habitual minor violators in the same age group would be published upon recommendation of police authorities. This is a reversal of an almost-universal custom among Oregon papers not to publish the names of of fenders less than 18 years old. THE Mail Tribune, which has long followed the gen eral policy, also has given much thought to making some similar change, and has decided against it, for the time being at least. We queried judges with jurisdiction over young offenders, prosecuting officials, juvenile officers, and police authorities. Some believe the ends of justice and crime prevention would be better served by the publication of names; others disagreed on the basis that publicity would hinder the chances for rehabili tation and leave a black mark on his record. No policy is automatically good forever without reexamination, and we shall continue to ponder the equities and the rights and wrongs of such a move. IT IS unhappily true that there are a few young peo pie that no one can help to achieve a decent, law abiding, creative life not parents, not police, not judges, not the legislature, It is equally true that start CAN and MUST be helped to the right path. It is up to all of us, individually, and collectively as "society," to do whatever needs to be done to achieve this. At the moment, what this is, is not al ways clear and may never be. But we must keep try ing to find it. E.A. Monday. August 13, 19S8 juvenile cases. the provisions of Oregon of juvenile offenders, the correctional methods ay- administration of detention leans toward the philoso not the penologists. many who get off to a bad Republicans Outscore 1956 Support of Ike's Washington (CQ) Repub licans in Congress outscored Democrats by 24 per cent in their legislative support of Pres ident Eisenhower in 1956. This was the key finding of Congressional Quarterly's an nual analysis of Presidential sup port. Basis for the study was a tabulation of 99 roll-call votes in 1956 on which the President's position at the time the vote was taken, pro or con, was a matter of record. The study showed that Repub lican Senators and Representa tives, as a group, scored 72 per cent, up from 4he 63 per cent registered in 1955. By contrast. Democrats as a group scored 48 per cent, down from 54 per cent in 1955. Conversely, GOP members voted against the President only half as often as Democrats in 1956. Opposition scores, based solely on votes cast against the President's position: Republicans 19 per cent, down from 25 per cent in 1955; Democrats 40 per cent, up from 36 per cent in 1955. Support and opposition scores add to less than 100 per cent because of failures to vote. Back GOP Claim In sum, the figures back up the Republican claim that Re publicans in Congress would act more favorably on Presi dent Eisenhower's program. In 1954, Democrats argued that, on the contrary, they would sup port the President more than members of his own party. This year, however. Democrats are out to put their own man in the White House, and might well choose to make a campaign vir tue of their opposition to much of the Eisenhower program. What goes for the parties, however, doesn't necessarily go for individual Senators and Rep resentatives, whose scores varied widely on both sides of the aisle. For example, of the 16 Republican Senators seeking re election in November, eight supported the President 80 per cent or more of the time, while four did so less than 50 per cent of the time. On the Democratic side, only two of 14 Senators seeking re election supported the President more than half of the time. Only one Member of Congress, Rep. William A'. Dawson (R Utah), scored 100 per cent in Eisenhower support, voting with the President on each of 34 test Neuberger, Morse Ellsworth Records On Ike Aid Listed Washington (CQ) Sen. Wayne L. Morse (D-Ore.) sup ported President Eisenhower on 42 per cent of 65 test roll-call votes in 1956, and opposed him on 48 per cent. The scores were tabulated by Congressional Quarterly as part of its annual study of Presidential support. Sen. Richard L. Neuberger (D-Ore.) scored 52 per cent sup port and 48 per cent opposition. On the average, Republican Sen ators scored 72 per cent support. 18 per cent opposition; Demo cratic Senators 39 per cent sup port, 49 per cent opposition. In the House.- Rep. Harris Ellsworth (R-Ore.) backed the President on 82 per cent of 34 test votes in 1956, and opposed him on 18 per cent. House Re publicans averaged 72 per cent support and 19 per cent opposi tion; House Democrats 52 per cent support, 37 per cent opposi tion. Foreign Policy Twenty-two of the 65 . test votes in the Senate concerned foreign policy. On these Senator Morse backed the President on 77 per cent and opposed him on 14 per cent. Senator Neuberger scored 95 per cent support on foreign policy and 5 per cent op position. Republican Senators averaged 67 per cent support on foreign policy and 23 per cent opposition; Democratic Senators 57 per cent and 31 per cent re-Uy spectively. Rep. Ellsworth voted with the President- on three out of three test foreign policy roll calls in the House, and opposed him on none. GOP Representatives aver aged 70 per cent support and 23 per cent opposition on these three votes; Democrats 76 per cent and 16 per cent respec tively. Domestic policy issues were involved in 43 of the 65 Senate test votes. On these. Senator Morse stood with the President on 23 per cent and opposed him on 65 per cent. Senator Neu berger scored 30 per cent sup port on domestic policy and 70 per cent opposition. Republican Senators averaged 75 per cent support on domestic policy and 16 per cent opposition; Demo crats 29 per cent and 58 per cent respectively. In the House, 31 of the 34 test votes concerned domestic policy. On these. Rep. Ellsworth scored 80 per cent support on domestic issues and 19 per cent opposition. House Republicans averaged 72 per cent support on domestic policy and 18 per cent opposi tion; Democrats 50 per cent and 39 per cent respectively. votes in the House. Highest scor ing House Democrats were Reps. Sidney R. Yates (111.) and Harri son A. Williams Jr. (N.J.), each with 79 per cent. In the Senate, the highest Republican score was made by Sen. Edward Martin (Pa.) with 95 per cent; the high est Democrat, Sen. Spessard L. Holland (Fla.) with 66 per cent. GOP House Leaders Joseph W. Martin Jr. (Mass.) and Charles A. Halleck (Ind.) both scored 85 per cent support. Martin scored 9 per cent opposition, Halleck 3 per cent. Democratic Majority Leader John W. Mc Cormack (Mass.) and Whip Carl Albert (Okla.) scored 62 and 59 per cent support, respectively (35 and 38 per cent opposition.) In the Senate, Minority Lead er William F. Knowland (R Calif.) scored 88 per cent (12 per cent opposition). Whip Lev erett Saltonstalf (Mass.) 89 per cent (8 per cent opposition) and GOP Policy Committee Chair man Styles Bridges, 62 per cent (15 per cent opposition). Demo cratic Majority Leader Lyndon Adlai Still Best Bet, Writer Says If You Must Make Bet By LYLE C. WILSON United Press Correspondent Chicago U.R) Adlai E. Ste venson of Illinois, still is the best bet for this year's Demo cratic presi dential nomi nation if you must bet. Steve nson has the most delegates. He is gen erally ac ceptable to the South. He is an established na tional figure with support well distributed in all parts of the United States. That falls short of assuring Stevenson's renomination by the Democratic National convention meeting here today. But it is more than can be said of any other avowed Democratic can- aasaaxfi! JmA Matter of Fact By Jo and Stewart Alsop ADLAI AND AVE Chicago Even if you for get about the politics, and con sider only the characters and re lationships of the two men, the contest be tween Adlai Stevenson and Averell Harri man is an ab sorbing human drama. The two men have of course Stewart Aisop never been close. Harriman was a major grandee of the wartime Roose velt administration when Stev enson was a very minor fig ure in the Navy Depart ment. Harri man was a des perately seri ous candidate in 1952 when the reluctant Stevenson got -waco .v.,, the nod that Harriman hoped for. Harriman's post 1952 endorsement of Stev enson for the Democratic nom ination in 1956 was plainly of fered without very careful thought. None the less, Stevenson was quite exceptionally embittered by the subsequent transforma tion of Harriman from support er into rival. When Harriman announced his "active" candi; dacy on June 9, Stevenson pre pared what must surely be the sharpest public statement re cently penned by a serious Amer ican politician. STEVENSON wrote that he was "not surprised" when Harri man withdrew his support of the Stevenson candidacy immediate- after the President's heart at tack. But he was surprised, he added, when Harriman chose to announce his own active candi dacy on the same day when the President underwent a major op eration, even while the nation was prayine for the President's recovery'. This sarcastic attack on Harriman's motives was for tunately suppressed by Steven son's astute campaign manager, -Tames Finne'an. Yet the episod" is still significant, as proof of the immensity of the gulf be tween Stevenson and Harriman." The gulf was ordained, one susnects, iust bv the difference in their characters; and the in cidents that produced it were, quite literally, incidental. Stev enson is supremely articulate but often selMoubtine. Harriman's struggles' to- express himself verge on the titanic, but he is never afflicted by self - doubt. Stevenson detests a rough and tumble fight. Harriman has an incomparable zest for battle. Stevenson wants to be sought, and still insists that the Presi dency should seek him. Harri man's whole life story has been a succession of choices of new objectives, which be has sought EM Demos in Program B. Johnson (Texas) scored 49 per cent (48 per cent opposition) and Whip Earle C. Clements (Ky.) 32 per cent (54 per cent opposition). Although Republican support of the President increased in 1956, his position prevailed less often than in any of the three preceding years of his Adminis tration. The President won his point on 69 of the 99 test votes, or 70 per cent of the time. A majority of Republicans, present and voting, sided with the Presi dent on 66 of the 69 victories. On 43 of the 66 votes a majority of Democrats likewise support ed the President. Of the Presidnt's 30 defeats, 23 were the work of Democrats, a majority of whom voted against the President's position while a majority of Republicans stood with him. Four of the defeats, however, were inflicted by bipartisan majorities on votes concerning social security, for eign aid and veterans' pensions. (Copyright. 1956, Congressional Quarterly) didate, favorite son or dark horse. Stevenson had it in the bag, or close to, until former Presi dent Harry S. Truman down rated him by expressing the opinion that Gov. Averell Har riman of New York was the Democrat best qualified to be president of the United States. Mr. Truman's statement slowed and may have stopped the drift of favorite son and uncommit ted delegations to Stevenson. It gave Harriman a chance to win the nomination where he'd had no chance before. Truman Taking Chance Mr. Truman has taken a long chance at the risk of his own prestige as an elder statesman and his party's showing next November. It is a fact that there was a substantial Southern bolt against Mr. Truman's presiden- with remorseless determination and almost unvarying success. You might, indeed, almost com pare the two men in terms bor rowed from the great and ter rible seventh scene of the first act of Macbeth. . A S Macbeth is accused of doing, Stevenson tends to "let 'I dare not' wait upon "I would' like the poor cat in the adage". As for Harriman, his motto might well be Lady Macbeth's bold and scornful cry, "We fail! But screw your courage to the sticking place, and we'll not -fail!" From this difference in char acter, in turn, flows the marked difference in the political per formances of the two men. Stev enson is like a boxer with a bril liantly polished style, beautiful foot-work, and fine intelligence in the ring, whose stylstic excel lence has won him an immense following among the ringside ex perts. But a minority of those same ringside experts former Presi dent Harry Truman, for in stance think that Stevenson is all style and no punch, which is rather a defect in a boxer. Mean while, Harriman is like a big, lumbering fighter, totally devoid of style, heavy in footwork, giv en to thrashing about, but with a punch that kills when it lands. And this killing punch has won Harriman the support of that same minority that thinks Stev enson has nopunch. The comparison can be carried too far, of course. Stevenson showed he could summon up a real punch in the California pri mary. Harriman displayed some pretty fancy footwork when he got himself elected Governor of New York. a OUT there is enough tfuth in - this comparison to explain a lot of things, including the much - criticized fervor with which Harriman is seeking the nomination. He does not believe that President Eisenhower can possibly be beaten by stylish fighting. He is genuinely con vinced that there is a chance of beating the President with his kind of attack. He may be wrong, but his convictions are deep and sincere, and it is hard to see why he should not act on them. Meanwhile, the differences be tween the two men are even now producing practical results. Be cause Harriman is thought to be unlikely to make any great ef fort to carry New York for his rival, Stevenson has already as signed Thomas K. Finletter to organize a New York Citizens for Stevenson movement. By the same token, the word is al ready being proved that if Stev enson is both nominated and elected, he will be highly unlike ly to make any use of Harri man's undoubted talents Alto gether, the gulf between Steven son and Harriman Is bad luck for the Democrats. . (C) New York Herald Tribune Inc. In The Day's Speaking to the conservation and wildlife group of the Veter ans Luncheon club in PorUand, Douglas McKay, Republican can didate for U.S. senator from Ore gon and a former secretary of the interior, asserted that in his opinion the eventual answer to the problem of disposal of the Klamath Indian forests (as a part of the process of termination of federal control of the Klamath reservation) probably lies in pur chase of the reservation, or at least its timber lands, by the federal government for sustained yield operation. He added: "Otherwise, piecemeal sales to the highest bidders would be an ever-present threat, whether sold by the Indian owners or the fed eral government. Piecemeal sale could not, in my opinion, insure continuous sustained yield prac tices and this great pine forest (one of the finest in the west) should still be producing logs a thousand years from now." I THINK he is right and I be lieve most people who have given' careful thought to the problem involved in termination of federal control of the reserva tion will agree with him. tial candidacy in 1948. There was a substantial Southern bolt in 1952 against the candidacy of Stevenson, who was Mr. Tru man's hand picked nominee. There is likely to be a sub stantial Southern bolt this year if Mr. Truman hand picks an other candidate, in this instance, Harriman. The South doesn't love the governor of the state of New York. The South doesn't much love Stevenson, either. But Stevenson is the best the South can expect from this con vention, and, in general, the South is willing to take him. So, it adds up like this: Nomination of Stevenson would tend to unify the Demo cratic party after two succes sive presidential election bolts among Southern states. Nomination of Harriman scarcely could fail to obtain an other Southern bolt. That would be especially true if Harriman insisted on a stiffly worded civil rights program, such as that to which he is committed. Dark Horse Chances Slim Rejection of both Stevenson and Harriman would bring about the nomination of a so called dark horse. He would be a compromise candidate - not likely to drive any Southern state out of the party. His chance of defeating a 1956 Eisenhower-Nixon ticket or an Eisenhower-anybody ticket prob ably would be smaller than a fresh-born giippy, which is al most no chance at all. Whether either Stevenson or Harriman could defeat Presi dent Eisenhower this year is a debatable question. But they are the strongest Democrats in sight right now and Mr. Truman may have maneuvered both of them out of the nomination. Mr. Truman's endorsement of Harriman contained the follow ing sentence: "Today I am hap py to see that this convention has many qualified men to choose from." Many Well Qualified There are many Democrats weU qualified to discharge the duties of president of the United States. But there are mighty few around right now who ap pear to be qualified to win the presidential election. That is the No. 1 -qualification a candidate should have. The only avowed candidate other than Harriman and Ste venson is Gov. A. B. (Happy) Chandler, Kentucky's dark horse. Chandler is very dark, indeed, but of all here he best expressed for the favorite son dark horse hopefuls how they felt about Mr. Truman s move for Harriman. "The haystake is on fire," crowed happy "Happy" Chand ler. "What do you do now, Hap py? Throw on more hay! And that's it. The more con fusion here and the more angry the dispute over civil rights, the better are the chances of the lo cal favorites the men who are ready and willing able or not Local woman Published at a public ten ice in cooperation with The Advertising Council and the Newspaper Advertit t ing Executives Association. News ey Fronk But it must be kept in mind if this proposal is to be carried into effect PublicLaw 587 must be amended rather radically. PUBLIC Law 587, which sets forth the details of termina tion of federal control of the Klamath reservation, assumes that some of the Indians will want their share in cash, to be used 'as they choose, and that others will prefer to stay with the reservation, which is their heritage from their forefathers. In order to make this possible, the law provides the following steps: 1. Determine the number of members entitled by blood lines to share in the liquidation. That has been done. There are 2,003 of them. 2. Appraise the value of the tribal property. That is in the process of being done. 3. Determine by election what members want their money in cash, so that they can get out and go on their own. 4. In order to get the money to pay off those who want their share in cash, the law provides for sale of enough of the assets of the reservation to make up the amount needed. TT is this last provision that provides the problems. The BIG problem is that the timber constitutes nearly all the LIQUID AND IMMEDIATELY SALEABLE property of the res ervation. To get the money, it will have to be sold, as Mr. Mc Kay says, by piecemeal to the highest bidder. That raises another problem. After the timber is sold off, the value of the remaining assets of the reservation will be subject to doubt. Those members of the tribe whose inclination is to stay with the home of their forefath ers will WONDER IF THEY CAN AFFORD TO DO SO. The possible result of that, will be to increase the numbers of those who will elect to take their share in cash. A NYWAY it is looked at, the processes provided by Public Law 587 lead to problems. There is the obvious problem of what will happen if the timber is sold off by piecemeal to the highest bidder. That would be almost cer tain to result in a wild boom while these piecemeal lots of timber were being harvested and an inevitable bust when the tim ber was all cut. Another problem is the inevit able break-up of the traditional way of the Indians. THESE problems, of course, are IMMEDIATELY PRESSING over in the Klamath Basin. But they are large enough to com mand the interest of the entire state of Oregon. The Klamath Indian reservation is 50 miles square or; in its original form, some 2,500 square miles. That is an area sufficient to affect ma terially the economy of the en tire state. Solution of these problems in a satisfactory manner calls for leadership of the highest quality, and I am glad that Mr. McKay has opened them up to the wid est possible discussion. Dead line Sunday Classified la at noon Saturday; 10 a.m Monday for Monday: other days 5:30 previous day. Before Our Day GEO. N. TAYLOR "Wherefore by one man sin entered into the world and death by sin and so death passed upon all men in that all have s i n n e d." Ro mans 5:12 BIBLE. But God yearned for us and He sent Christ; his other self. Christ had no sin even if He did live here and was tempted like as we. Then our sins were put on Him and He died for us. On the 3rd day after His death. He arose from the grave and ascended bak up to glory. Settle it in your heart that Christ died for your sins and God sees your page cleared and He gives you eternal life. Then eat the Bible and pray out the old sin ways, so you become Christ's new creation with cheer, hope and peace for this world and eternal life over there. This sponsored by a Scappoose family. adv. national hero f ill Contributes to national welfare through volun teer election work She won't get a medal. Nor will the thousands of others who are giving their time and energy to the coming election. They should all get a medal every one of them, the registration and election clerks, the precinct workers, and all the ahers your neighbors who are making it so easy for you to protect your rights by voting. But all their work is for nothing unleas you do protect your rights . . . unless you register in time and vote on election day. Be sure you're registered, keep your voice in government, and help make this November the biggest vole producer in history.