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Flight o' Time
Medford and Jackson County
History from the files of The
Mail Tribune 10. 20. 30 and
10 years ago.
10 YEARS AGO
Aug. 13. 1946
(It was Tuesday)
Inability to obtain materials
has delayed construction work
on three Jackson county bridges.
From Arthur Perry's Ye
Smudge Pot column: There is
now a shortage of care railroad
and motor.
20 YEARS AGO
Aug. 13. 1936
(It was Thursday)
Tengwald agency announces
today the sale of a modern five
room dwelling at 402 Park ave.
to William A. Schulz.
United States ' civil service
commission today announces a
competitive examination for
coppersmith to fill existing and
future vacancies in the Puget
Sound navy yard.
30 YEARS AGO
Aug. 13. 1926
(It was Friday)
Plans for holding American
Legion's ninth annual conven
tion in Pans, France, in Sep
tember, 1927, are going forward
without interruption.
J. W. Judy and P. B. McDon
ald, of Medford, are appointed
distributors for Calpet gasoline,
it is announced today.
40 YEARS AGO
Aug. 13. 1916
(It was Sunday)
Charles Evans Hughes. Re
publican nominee for president,
will arrive in Medford at 4 p.m.,
Thursday, Aug. 17.
From Local and Personal col
umn. C. D. Colby returned to
Medford Monday morning, aft
er having spent six weeks in
Merlin, Ore.
What's the Answer?
Can You Get 4 of the 77
Copr. 1955. Editorial Research
Report
1. Which of these states has
the most votes at the Democratic
convention: Illinois, California,
Texas, Pennsylvanio, Ohio?
2. General Motors made con
siderably more or less than half
of all cars produced in the first
half of this year, or about half?
3. The Hambletonian trotting
race is run in Kentucky, New
- York state. Ohio, Maryland, or
Connecticut?
4. The present Bull market in
stocks has lasted longer than
any other in history; right or
wrong?
5. A substantial part of all
shares in the Suez canal is own
ed by the U.S. government;
right or wrong?
6. The 10 stales of the "Solid
South" have a little over (a) 5,
(b) 20, (c) 35 or (d) 50 per cent
of the votes in the Electoral
college?
7. An au gratin dish is one
cooked with cheese, sherry,
onions, garlic, capers, sour
cream or mushrooms?
....1. Pennsylvania. 2. Consider
ably more than half. 3. New
York (southeastern). 4. Right. S.
Wrong. 6. Little over 20 per
cent. 7. Cheese.
McCANN ON VACATION
Charles M. McCann is on
vacation. His weekly news out
look and daily foreign news
commentary columns will be
resumed upon his return.
MAIL TRIBUNE
Young Offenders
The time has arrived for a full-scale reexamina
tion of society's rules and attitudes toward its young
er members particularly those who get into trouble.
We would like to see the next session of the Ore
gon legislature, which meets next January, set up an
interim committee that handy and often helpful re
search device it uses so much to conduct a two-year
study of laws pertaining to
The study should cover
law governing the handling
administration of juvenile departments and courts
and their relationship to the regular courts, the lim
its of jurisdiction of each, the opportunities for rehab
ilitation, the penalties and
ailable, the need for and
homes, and the relative responsibility of parents, po
lice, prosecuting officials, courts, and the youngsters.
XE ARE not alone in our nagging sense of unease
T about the difficulty inherent in handling young
lawbreakers. Trained juvenile officers, who have de
voted their lives to the subject, would be among the
first to admit that the pattern is not perfect, nor fool
proof, nor always effective.
Oregon law, generally,
phy that a youthful lawbreaker is not, m truth, a mm
inal. But the law is not consistent. Depending on how
the case is handled, one teen ager could end up in the
penitentiary for committing the same offense which
would result in another youth being warned and re
manded to his parents' custody.
This is only an example of what can happen.
Perhaps the present laws are the best that can be
devised, but we doubt it. Serious study and considera
tion is needed, for the juvenile offender of today can
well become the criminal of tomorrow. Anything to
prevent this is all to the good.
TXE DON'T know just why the problem has become
" more serious, and there are .probably as many
different answers as there are people who have given
thought to the subject. But we do know that difficult
ies involving teen-agers have increased.
Teachers, police authorities and other informed
observers have noted the rapid rise in "juvenile delin
quency," particularly in big cities; health officers
testify to frightening increases in the venereal disease
rate in minors ; the National Education association has
issued a survey of its teachers-which reveals that im
pertinence and discourtesy, failure to do homework,
drinking, stealing, sex offenses, cheating, fighting
and other symptoms have shown signs of increasing
in the past 20 years.
We are not saying the "younger generation is
going to the dogs." That's an old saw which is not true.
By far the greatest majority of young people is com
posed of good, honest, decent kids. But it is. equally
tine that the minority of trouble-makers is increasing,
and likely becoming worse.
TTHIS minority of kids in trouble and making
trouble is too important to shrug off. It represents
a potentially valuable resource gone wrong, and a
potential threat to society which is dangerous.
If a change in society's rules and regulations and
procedures can help, the change should be made. If
the laws are wrong, they should be righted. If they
are good they should be enforced and if possible
made better.
But laws, however good, are not the entire answer.
As we see it, the family the unit on which our entire
concept of social organization is based is the key
factor. Anything which can be done to strengthen, to
solidify, to make more wholesome, family relation
ships would be to the lasting benefit of us all.
Parents have a heavy responsibility and a serious
duty in the raising of their children. Too often they do
not realize this fact.
MEWSPAPERS, at' least those in Oregon, are not
' blind to their own curious responsibility. One of
the problems involved is whether or not to publish
the names of youngsters who break the law.
The Corvallis Gazette-Times recently, after long
study and soul-searching, announced a new policy
in this regard, which declared that the names of
juveniles aged 14 or over who commit felonies or of
fenses against the person would be published, and
that the names of habitual minor violators in the same
age group would be published upon recommendation
of police authorities.
This is a reversal of an almost-universal custom
among Oregon papers not to publish the names of of
fenders less than 18 years old.
THE Mail Tribune, which has long followed the gen
eral policy, also has given much thought to making
some similar change, and has decided against it, for
the time being at least.
We queried judges with jurisdiction over young
offenders, prosecuting officials, juvenile officers, and
police authorities. Some believe the ends of justice
and crime prevention would be better served by the
publication of names; others disagreed on the basis
that publicity would hinder the chances for rehabili
tation and leave a black mark on his record.
No policy is automatically good forever without
reexamination, and we shall continue to ponder the
equities and the rights and wrongs of such a move.
IT IS unhappily true that there are a few young peo
pie that no one can help to achieve a decent, law
abiding, creative life not parents, not police, not
judges, not the legislature,
It is equally true that
start CAN and MUST be helped to the right path.
It is up to all of us, individually, and collectively
as "society," to do whatever needs to be done to
achieve this. At the moment, what this is, is not al
ways clear and may never be. But we must keep try
ing to find it. E.A.
Monday. August 13, 19S8
juvenile cases.
the provisions of Oregon
of juvenile offenders, the
correctional methods ay-
administration of detention
leans toward the philoso
not the penologists.
many who get off to a bad
Republicans Outscore
1956 Support of Ike's
Washington (CQ) Repub
licans in Congress outscored
Democrats by 24 per cent in
their legislative support of Pres
ident Eisenhower in 1956.
This was the key finding of
Congressional Quarterly's an
nual analysis of Presidential sup
port. Basis for the study was
a tabulation of 99 roll-call votes
in 1956 on which the President's
position at the time the vote was
taken, pro or con, was a matter
of record.
The study showed that Repub
lican Senators and Representa
tives, as a group, scored 72 per
cent, up from 4he 63 per cent
registered in 1955. By contrast.
Democrats as a group scored 48
per cent, down from 54 per
cent in 1955.
Conversely, GOP members
voted against the President only
half as often as Democrats in
1956. Opposition scores, based
solely on votes cast against the
President's position: Republicans
19 per cent, down from 25 per
cent in 1955; Democrats 40 per
cent, up from 36 per cent in
1955. Support and opposition
scores add to less than 100 per
cent because of failures to vote.
Back GOP Claim
In sum, the figures back up
the Republican claim that Re
publicans in Congress would
act more favorably on Presi
dent Eisenhower's program. In
1954, Democrats argued that, on
the contrary, they would sup
port the President more than
members of his own party. This
year, however. Democrats are
out to put their own man in the
White House, and might well
choose to make a campaign vir
tue of their opposition to much
of the Eisenhower program.
What goes for the parties,
however, doesn't necessarily go
for individual Senators and Rep
resentatives, whose scores varied
widely on both sides of the
aisle. For example, of the 16
Republican Senators seeking re
election in November, eight
supported the President 80 per
cent or more of the time, while
four did so less than 50 per
cent of the time.
On the Democratic side, only
two of 14 Senators seeking re
election supported the President
more than half of the time.
Only one Member of Congress,
Rep. William A'. Dawson (R
Utah), scored 100 per cent in
Eisenhower support, voting with
the President on each of 34 test
Neuberger, Morse
Ellsworth Records
On Ike Aid Listed
Washington (CQ) Sen.
Wayne L. Morse (D-Ore.) sup
ported President Eisenhower on
42 per cent of 65 test roll-call
votes in 1956, and opposed him
on 48 per cent. The scores were
tabulated by Congressional
Quarterly as part of its annual
study of Presidential support.
Sen. Richard L. Neuberger
(D-Ore.) scored 52 per cent sup
port and 48 per cent opposition.
On the average, Republican Sen
ators scored 72 per cent support.
18 per cent opposition; Demo
cratic Senators 39 per cent sup
port, 49 per cent opposition.
In the House.- Rep. Harris
Ellsworth (R-Ore.) backed the
President on 82 per cent of 34
test votes in 1956, and opposed
him on 18 per cent. House Re
publicans averaged 72 per cent
support and 19 per cent opposi
tion; House Democrats 52 per
cent support, 37 per cent opposi
tion. Foreign Policy
Twenty-two of the 65 . test
votes in the Senate concerned
foreign policy. On these Senator
Morse backed the President on
77 per cent and opposed him on
14 per cent. Senator Neuberger
scored 95 per cent support on
foreign policy and 5 per cent op
position. Republican Senators
averaged 67 per cent support on
foreign policy and 23 per cent
opposition; Democratic Senators
57 per cent and 31 per cent re-Uy
spectively.
Rep. Ellsworth voted with the
President- on three out of three
test foreign policy roll calls in
the House, and opposed him on
none. GOP Representatives aver
aged 70 per cent support and 23
per cent opposition on these
three votes; Democrats 76 per
cent and 16 per cent respec
tively.
Domestic policy issues were
involved in 43 of the 65 Senate
test votes. On these. Senator
Morse stood with the President
on 23 per cent and opposed him
on 65 per cent. Senator Neu
berger scored 30 per cent sup
port on domestic policy and 70
per cent opposition. Republican
Senators averaged 75 per cent
support on domestic policy and
16 per cent opposition; Demo
crats 29 per cent and 58 per cent
respectively.
In the House, 31 of the 34 test
votes concerned domestic policy.
On these. Rep. Ellsworth scored
80 per cent support on domestic
issues and 19 per cent opposition.
House Republicans averaged 72
per cent support on domestic
policy and 18 per cent opposi
tion; Democrats 50 per cent and
39 per cent respectively.
votes in the House. Highest scor
ing House Democrats were Reps.
Sidney R. Yates (111.) and Harri
son A. Williams Jr. (N.J.), each
with 79 per cent. In the Senate,
the highest Republican score was
made by Sen. Edward Martin
(Pa.) with 95 per cent; the high
est Democrat, Sen. Spessard L.
Holland (Fla.) with 66 per cent.
GOP House Leaders Joseph W.
Martin Jr. (Mass.) and Charles
A. Halleck (Ind.) both scored
85 per cent support. Martin
scored 9 per cent opposition,
Halleck 3 per cent. Democratic
Majority Leader John W. Mc
Cormack (Mass.) and Whip Carl
Albert (Okla.) scored 62 and 59
per cent support, respectively
(35 and 38 per cent opposition.)
In the Senate, Minority Lead
er William F. Knowland (R
Calif.) scored 88 per cent (12
per cent opposition). Whip Lev
erett Saltonstalf (Mass.) 89 per
cent (8 per cent opposition) and
GOP Policy Committee Chair
man Styles Bridges, 62 per cent
(15 per cent opposition). Demo
cratic Majority Leader Lyndon
Adlai Still Best Bet, Writer
Says If You Must Make Bet
By LYLE C. WILSON
United Press Correspondent
Chicago U.R) Adlai E. Ste
venson of Illinois, still is the
best bet for this year's Demo
cratic presi
dential nomi
nation if you
must bet.
Steve nson
has the most
delegates. He is
gen erally ac
ceptable to the
South. He is an
established na
tional figure
with support well distributed in
all parts of the United States.
That falls short of assuring
Stevenson's renomination by the
Democratic National convention
meeting here today. But it is
more than can be said of any
other avowed Democratic can-
aasaaxfi! JmA
Matter of Fact By Jo and Stewart Alsop
ADLAI AND AVE
Chicago Even if you for
get about the politics, and con
sider only the characters and re
lationships of
the two men,
the contest be
tween Adlai
Stevenson and
Averell Harri
man is an ab
sorbing human
drama.
The two men
have of course
Stewart Aisop never been
close. Harriman was a major
grandee of the wartime Roose
velt administration when Stev
enson was a
very minor fig
ure in the
Navy Depart
ment. Harri
man was a des
perately seri
ous candidate
in 1952 when
the reluctant
Stevenson got
-waco .v.,, the nod that
Harriman hoped for. Harriman's
post 1952 endorsement of Stev
enson for the Democratic nom
ination in 1956 was plainly of
fered without very careful
thought.
None the less, Stevenson was
quite exceptionally embittered
by the subsequent transforma
tion of Harriman from support
er into rival. When Harriman
announced his "active" candi;
dacy on June 9, Stevenson pre
pared what must surely be the
sharpest public statement re
cently penned by a serious Amer
ican politician.
STEVENSON wrote that he was
"not surprised" when Harri
man withdrew his support of the
Stevenson candidacy immediate-
after the President's heart at
tack. But he was surprised, he
added, when Harriman chose to
announce his own active candi
dacy on the same day when the
President underwent a major op
eration, even while the nation
was prayine for the President's
recovery'. This sarcastic attack
on Harriman's motives was for
tunately suppressed by Steven
son's astute campaign manager,
-Tames Finne'an. Yet the episod"
is still significant, as proof of
the immensity of the gulf be
tween Stevenson and Harriman."
The gulf was ordained, one
susnects, iust bv the difference
in their characters; and the in
cidents that produced it were,
quite literally, incidental. Stev
enson is supremely articulate but
often selMoubtine. Harriman's
struggles' to- express himself
verge on the titanic, but he is
never afflicted by self - doubt.
Stevenson detests a rough and
tumble fight. Harriman has an
incomparable zest for battle.
Stevenson wants to be sought,
and still insists that the Presi
dency should seek him. Harri
man's whole life story has been
a succession of choices of new
objectives, which be has sought
EM
Demos in
Program
B. Johnson (Texas) scored 49
per cent (48 per cent opposition)
and Whip Earle C. Clements
(Ky.) 32 per cent (54 per cent
opposition).
Although Republican support
of the President increased in
1956, his position prevailed less
often than in any of the three
preceding years of his Adminis
tration. The President won his
point on 69 of the 99 test votes,
or 70 per cent of the time. A
majority of Republicans, present
and voting, sided with the Presi
dent on 66 of the 69 victories.
On 43 of the 66 votes a majority
of Democrats likewise support
ed the President.
Of the Presidnt's 30 defeats,
23 were the work of Democrats,
a majority of whom voted
against the President's position
while a majority of Republicans
stood with him. Four of the
defeats, however, were inflicted
by bipartisan majorities on votes
concerning social security, for
eign aid and veterans' pensions.
(Copyright. 1956,
Congressional Quarterly)
didate, favorite son or dark
horse.
Stevenson had it in the bag,
or close to, until former Presi
dent Harry S. Truman down
rated him by expressing the
opinion that Gov. Averell Har
riman of New York was the
Democrat best qualified to be
president of the United States.
Mr. Truman's statement slowed
and may have stopped the drift
of favorite son and uncommit
ted delegations to Stevenson. It
gave Harriman a chance to win
the nomination where he'd had
no chance before.
Truman Taking Chance
Mr. Truman has taken a long
chance at the risk of his own
prestige as an elder statesman
and his party's showing next
November. It is a fact that there
was a substantial Southern bolt
against Mr. Truman's presiden-
with remorseless determination
and almost unvarying success.
You might, indeed, almost com
pare the two men in terms bor
rowed from the great and ter
rible seventh scene of the first
act of Macbeth. .
A S Macbeth is accused of doing,
Stevenson tends to "let 'I
dare not' wait upon "I would'
like the poor cat in the adage".
As for Harriman, his motto
might well be Lady Macbeth's
bold and scornful cry, "We fail!
But screw your courage to the
sticking place, and we'll not
-fail!"
From this difference in char
acter, in turn, flows the marked
difference in the political per
formances of the two men. Stev
enson is like a boxer with a bril
liantly polished style, beautiful
foot-work, and fine intelligence
in the ring, whose stylstic excel
lence has won him an immense
following among the ringside ex
perts.
But a minority of those same
ringside experts former Presi
dent Harry Truman, for in
stance think that Stevenson is
all style and no punch, which is
rather a defect in a boxer. Mean
while, Harriman is like a big,
lumbering fighter, totally devoid
of style, heavy in footwork, giv
en to thrashing about, but with
a punch that kills when it lands.
And this killing punch has won
Harriman the support of that
same minority that thinks Stev
enson has nopunch.
The comparison can be carried
too far, of course. Stevenson
showed he could summon up a
real punch in the California pri
mary. Harriman displayed some
pretty fancy footwork when he
got himself elected Governor of
New York.
a
OUT there is enough tfuth in
- this comparison to explain
a lot of things, including the
much - criticized fervor with
which Harriman is seeking the
nomination. He does not believe
that President Eisenhower can
possibly be beaten by stylish
fighting. He is genuinely con
vinced that there is a chance of
beating the President with his
kind of attack. He may be wrong,
but his convictions are deep and
sincere, and it is hard to see why
he should not act on them.
Meanwhile, the differences be
tween the two men are even now
producing practical results. Be
cause Harriman is thought to be
unlikely to make any great ef
fort to carry New York for his
rival, Stevenson has already as
signed Thomas K. Finletter to
organize a New York Citizens
for Stevenson movement. By
the same token, the word is al
ready being proved that if Stev
enson is both nominated and
elected, he will be highly unlike
ly to make any use of Harri
man's undoubted talents Alto
gether, the gulf between Steven
son and Harriman Is bad luck
for the Democrats.
. (C) New York Herald
Tribune Inc.
In The Day's
Speaking to the conservation
and wildlife group of the Veter
ans Luncheon club in PorUand,
Douglas McKay, Republican can
didate for U.S. senator from Ore
gon and a former secretary of
the interior, asserted that in his
opinion the eventual answer to
the problem of disposal of the
Klamath Indian forests (as a part
of the process of termination of
federal control of the Klamath
reservation) probably lies in pur
chase of the reservation, or at
least its timber lands, by the
federal government for sustained
yield operation. He added:
"Otherwise, piecemeal sales to
the highest bidders would be an
ever-present threat, whether sold
by the Indian owners or the fed
eral government. Piecemeal sale
could not, in my opinion, insure
continuous sustained yield prac
tices and this great pine forest
(one of the finest in the west)
should still be producing logs a
thousand years from now."
I THINK he is right and I be
lieve most people who have
given' careful thought to the
problem involved in termination
of federal control of the reserva
tion will agree with him.
tial candidacy in 1948. There
was a substantial Southern bolt
in 1952 against the candidacy
of Stevenson, who was Mr. Tru
man's hand picked nominee.
There is likely to be a sub
stantial Southern bolt this year
if Mr. Truman hand picks an
other candidate, in this instance,
Harriman. The South doesn't
love the governor of the state
of New York. The South doesn't
much love Stevenson, either.
But Stevenson is the best the
South can expect from this con
vention, and, in general, the
South is willing to take him.
So, it adds up like this:
Nomination of Stevenson
would tend to unify the Demo
cratic party after two succes
sive presidential election bolts
among Southern states.
Nomination of Harriman
scarcely could fail to obtain an
other Southern bolt. That would
be especially true if Harriman
insisted on a stiffly worded civil
rights program, such as that to
which he is committed.
Dark Horse Chances Slim
Rejection of both Stevenson
and Harriman would bring
about the nomination of a so
called dark horse. He would be
a compromise candidate - not
likely to drive any Southern
state out of the party. His
chance of defeating a 1956 Eisenhower-Nixon
ticket or an
Eisenhower-anybody ticket prob
ably would be smaller than a
fresh-born giippy, which is al
most no chance at all.
Whether either Stevenson or
Harriman could defeat Presi
dent Eisenhower this year is a
debatable question. But they
are the strongest Democrats in
sight right now and Mr. Truman
may have maneuvered both of
them out of the nomination.
Mr. Truman's endorsement of
Harriman contained the follow
ing sentence: "Today I am hap
py to see that this convention
has many qualified men to
choose from."
Many Well Qualified
There are many Democrats
weU qualified to discharge the
duties of president of the United
States. But there are mighty
few around right now who ap
pear to be qualified to win the
presidential election. That is the
No. 1 -qualification a candidate
should have.
The only avowed candidate
other than Harriman and Ste
venson is Gov. A. B. (Happy)
Chandler, Kentucky's dark
horse. Chandler is very dark,
indeed, but of all here he best
expressed for the favorite son
dark horse hopefuls how they
felt about Mr. Truman s move
for Harriman.
"The haystake is on fire,"
crowed happy "Happy" Chand
ler. "What do you do now, Hap
py?
Throw on more hay!
And that's it. The more con
fusion here and the more angry
the dispute over civil rights, the
better are the chances of the lo
cal favorites the men who are
ready and willing able or not
Local woman
Published at a public ten
ice in cooperation with The
Advertising Council and
the Newspaper Advertit
t ing Executives Association.
News ey Fronk
But it must be kept in mind if
this proposal is to be carried
into effect PublicLaw 587 must
be amended rather radically.
PUBLIC Law 587, which sets
forth the details of termina
tion of federal control of the
Klamath reservation, assumes
that some of the Indians will
want their share in cash, to be
used 'as they choose, and that
others will prefer to stay with
the reservation, which is their
heritage from their forefathers.
In order to make this possible,
the law provides the following
steps:
1. Determine the number of
members entitled by blood lines
to share in the liquidation. That
has been done. There are 2,003
of them.
2. Appraise the value of the
tribal property. That is in the
process of being done.
3. Determine by election what
members want their money in
cash, so that they can get out and
go on their own.
4. In order to get the money
to pay off those who want their
share in cash, the law provides
for sale of enough of the assets of
the reservation to make up the
amount needed.
TT is this last provision
that
provides the problems.
The BIG problem is that the
timber constitutes nearly all the
LIQUID AND IMMEDIATELY
SALEABLE property of the res
ervation. To get the money, it
will have to be sold, as Mr. Mc
Kay says, by piecemeal to the
highest bidder.
That raises another problem.
After the timber is sold off, the
value of the remaining assets of
the reservation will be subject
to doubt. Those members of the
tribe whose inclination is to stay
with the home of their forefath
ers will WONDER IF THEY
CAN AFFORD TO DO SO.
The possible result of that, will
be to increase the numbers of
those who will elect to take their
share in cash.
A NYWAY it is looked at, the
processes provided by Public
Law 587 lead to problems. There
is the obvious problem of what
will happen if the timber is sold
off by piecemeal to the highest
bidder. That would be almost cer
tain to result in a wild boom
while these piecemeal lots of
timber were being harvested and
an inevitable bust when the tim
ber was all cut.
Another problem is the inevit
able break-up of the traditional
way of the Indians.
THESE problems, of course, are
IMMEDIATELY PRESSING
over in the Klamath Basin. But
they are large enough to com
mand the interest of the entire
state of Oregon. The Klamath
Indian reservation is 50 miles
square or; in its original form,
some 2,500 square miles. That is
an area sufficient to affect ma
terially the economy of the en
tire state.
Solution of these problems in
a satisfactory manner calls for
leadership of the highest quality,
and I am glad that Mr. McKay
has opened them up to the wid
est possible discussion.
Dead line Sunday Classified la at
noon Saturday; 10 a.m Monday for
Monday: other days 5:30 previous day.
Before Our Day
GEO. N. TAYLOR
"Wherefore by one man sin
entered into the world and
death by sin and so death passed
upon all men
in that all have
s i n n e d." Ro
mans 5:12
BIBLE.
But God
yearned for us
and He sent
Christ; his other
self. Christ had
no sin even if
He did live
here and was
tempted like as we. Then our
sins were put on Him and He
died for us. On the 3rd day after
His death. He arose from the
grave and ascended bak up to
glory. Settle it in your heart that
Christ died for your sins and
God sees your page cleared and
He gives you eternal life. Then
eat the Bible and pray out the
old sin ways, so you become
Christ's new creation with cheer,
hope and peace for this world
and eternal life over there.
This sponsored by a Scappoose
family. adv.
national hero
f
ill
Contributes to national
welfare through volun
teer election work
She won't get a medal. Nor will
the thousands of others who are
giving their time and energy to
the coming election. They should
all get a medal every one of
them, the registration and election
clerks, the precinct workers, and
all the ahers your neighbors who
are making it so easy for you to
protect your rights by voting.
But all their work is for nothing
unleas you do protect your rights
. . . unless you register in time and
vote on election day. Be sure
you're registered, keep your voice
in government, and help make
this November the biggest vole
producer in history.