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About The Sunday Oregonian. (Portland, Ore.) 1881-current | View Entire Issue (Oct. 11, 1914)
6 THE SU3TDAY OREGOMAX, PORTLAND, OCTOBER 11, 1914. PORTLAND, OBEGOK. Entered at Portland. Oregon. Poatofflce as Second-class matter. Subscription Kates Invariably Advanea. (By Mail.) Daily. Sunday included, one year ...... '? Daily, Sunday Included, six moatlu Daily, Sunday Included, taree moouu - - - - ' Jlly. Sunday included, ons montn ------ Daily, without Sunday, one year ........ Daily,, without Sunday, six months ------ -r Daily, without Sunday, three months Daily, without Sunday, on month ------ Weekly one year Sunaay, one year Sunday and Weekly, one year uv tBy Carrier.) Daily, Sunday Included, one year 9"?? Daily, Sunday Included, one month 'e Hew to Remit Send Poetozfice money or der, express order or personal check on your local bank. Stamps, coin or currency are at sender's risk. Give postofflcs address in f UU. including county and state. Postage Kates 12 to 18 pases. 1 cent; 18 to 2 pases. 2 cents; 34 to 48 pases. 3 cents; GO to tiu pases, 4 cents; 62 to 76 paced, o cents; 78 to ii:i pasae, 6 cents. Foreign post age, double rates. Eastern Business Offices Vsrree Jc Conk lin, Hex York. Brunswick building. Cul caso, Stenger building. Man Francisco Office B- J. Bldwell Co.. 742 Market street. statement of tne ownership, manaa-ement, ir-iiil ioa. etc.. of Sunday oregonian, p-nblisned each Sunday at Portland. Ore-- . s:fn. required by the Act of August 24, llt: Publisher. H. L. Pittock, Portland, Or. Editor. EdKar B. Piper, Portland. Or. Busi ness manager. C. A- Morden. Portland, Or. Owners. H. L Pittock, Portland, Or.; Margaret N. Scott. Portland. Or. Known bondholders, mortgagees and other security holders holding; 1 per cent or more of total amount of bonds, mortgages or uther securities. None. Average number of copies of each issue of this publication sold or distributed, through the mails or otherwise, to paid sub scribers during the six months preceding the date of this statement, 73.2tl. H. I PITTOCK, Publisher. Sworn and subscribed before me this 30th flay of September, li14- (SEALI W. E. HARTMTJS. Notary Public -iMy commission expires May "a, 1U15.) PORTLAND, SUNDAY, OCTOBER 11, 1914. ANTWERP'S FALL. . The civilized world has been thrilled again by one ol those mo mentous events which, happening to day, will take high rank in history and be talked about in the j human family through the centuries to come. Just how important the fall of Ant werp will prove in its relation to a final settlement of the great European war, time alone will tell. But that It will mark , the beginning: of a new phase In the Western conflict cannot be doubted. Not only does the tak ing of Antwerp serve to unmask northern France with its scores of rich cities, but it takes the Germans into easier striking distance of their mortal enemies, the Britons, and thus the city may eventually become an important base for operations .against Great Britain. The most significant fact that pre sents itself immediately is the inability of the second strongest fortified posi tion in northern and western Europe to withstand a siege. Fortresses of the first class have been reduced in little more than a week. A staunch little army has been shot and bayoneted out of its trenches and either isolated or put to rout. The world has prepared' to hear of the fall of Antwerp, but not at this time. The fall of Antwerp revears what might easily become the fate of Paris should the French armies be unsuc cessful: Paris, it is true, has a more elaborate system of fortresses. But Paris has no forts more powerful than some of those which have -been re duced by the new German 42-centimeter guns. Against them steel and concrete walls fail to stand. These giant pieces of German artillery, re quiring thirty-six draft horses for each, have sounded the doom of the modern fortress. They are the sur prise of the war, for the French gun ners had thought that the twenty-one centimeter gun was the last word in heavy artillery. Paris may or may not become the immediate objective of the German armies. The fall of Antwerp releases -00,000 men, who become available for service outside of Belgium. It is probable that a portion of this force will bo moved into the German right wing, which has borne the brunt of the French aggressive movements. Perhaps the whole force will be launched there in an effort to take the offensive against the daring French left and force it back to the Marne. At the same time the Ger mans may renew the offensive all along the line to Verdun in an effort to throw the allies back to their third defensive position before Paris. With Antwerp brushed aside renewed vigor in the battle of the Aisne would seem to be assured. The Germans will feel Impelled to advance with new spirit and new force, while the resist ance will become all the more des perate in view of the fact that the allies will have to hold fast, advance, or facet serious defeat a defeat which might lead direct to the fall of Paris. As to the significance of Antwerp's capture as bearing on Great Britain there will be nothing to fear im mediately unless the Germans pro pose a series of Zeppelin raids. Ant werp is only 180 miles from London and barely 100 miles from the Eng lish coast line. Zeppelins could do much damage in England, but, of course, could lend nothing toward re ducing the British if unsupported by naval operations. As a naval base Antwerp has no value. Lying on the navigable Scheldt River, It is nevertheless impossible to reach the open sea without traversing Dutch territory, and it is improbable that Germany will care to violate Holland's neutrality and have another hornets' nest to put down. But from Antwerp northern France is laid bare, together with the channel ports. We may hear shortly of Ger man forces moving on these channel ports, which are not heavily held. They would be "of great value to the Germans should their fleet once break the British blockade of the North Sea. Their occupation by the Germans would also make the feed ing in of British military reinforce ments a more difficult task. Antwerp opens up a. new field of striking- op portunities of which the Germans may be counted -upon to take the largest measure of advantage. The first fruits of the German, siege may be reaped on the Aisne. IDLE PCNDS CANNOT BE USED. One bad result of the present happy-go-lucky method of river and harbor appropriation was pointed out recently by Senator Burton. Although about $7,000.00 was appropriated for these 'improvements by the sundry civil bill in July and although the river and harbor bill reported to the Senate appropriated J53.000.000, there were unexpended balances in he river and harbor fund on June 30 ag gregating about $45,000000. It has not been possible to expend the money on some improvements as fast as it was appropriated, while work on others has been stopped for lack of funds. If a lump sum were appro priated yearly to be expended by a commission this anomalous sit uation would be - avoided. The commission would apply funds where they were needed and where they could be expended to advantage. If some unforeseen contingency arose which required suspension of work on one improvement the funds appor tioned to that work could be applied to some other project on which opera, tions could be pushed. There would be continued operation at all points where this was possible and no funds would lie idle" unnecessarily. This is one more evidence of the waste and inefficiency whieh inevi tably follow the pork barrel method, or any method whereby Congress at tempts to legislate in too great detaS as to the expenditures of public funds. By trying- to do too much of the work Congress does it badly. THE WILSON RULE. President Wilson is a party leader. He believes in party. He supports party uniformly and unhesitatingly. He talks in his public addresses about "constructive party action." He en courages party organization in Con gress and appeals to party loyalty and party policy to secure favorable action on all party measures. Majority rule is not with " him a mere political phrase; it is a practicable rule of action. President Wilson calls upon the country to return Democrats to Con gress that the' party programme may be carried out. He is not afraid to make a partisan appeal; he is not ashamed of his party. Yet there is a candidate for United States Senator in Oregon who seeks to disguise the fact that he is a Demo crat and desires to put his party and his own partisanship in the dim back ground. He is supported by other par tisans who are similarly timid about their party. They seek, however, to make themselves supreme in their own party, and to procure party suc cess by dividing and demoralizing the opposition party with appeals to the spirit of non-partisanship. It would seem that the Republican party, having nominated its candidates at a fair primary, is entitled to the call upon all its members to support its candidates chosen through the Oregon system. GOVERNOK WEST'S WAY. Governor West desires the public to understand that he was misquoted by The Oregonian and by the Eugene papers, which reported him as declar ing, in a speech, that he was "willing to admit that Mr. Booth got his tim ber honestly." The Governor's in terpretation of his remarks now runs in this picturesque fashion: "I said: "Mr. Booth's a millionaire. There's nothing wrong in that. 1 said: 'Mr. Booth made his money out of timber and there's no harm in that. I said the only question is how he got that timber. I said I didn't want to go into that question, but I said I knew all about how he got it. and I said for the sake of argument I'm willing to admit that he got his timber honestly." Let it go at that. He admitted it, he says, "for the sake of argument." If he admitted it for the sake of truth, it was an inadvertence. That, of course, is not the Governor's habit. The Oregonian and the Eugene pa pers are to be censured for not know ing better. But now again the Governor'darkly hints that he will, if provoked by The Oregonian through its further vicious assaults on Senator Chamberlain, tell all he knows about Senator Booth and his timber holdings. He insinu ates that t,he disclosures will be most damaging, and the friends of Mr. Booth would therefore do well to take warning. The West method of saying he knows something or other most harm ful about Mr. Booth is the nasty way of the gossiping sneak. He stabs in the dark. He sets out poison. He excites suspicion, distrust, alarm. He knows .nothing and he pretends to know everything. He is a thief who takes away a man's good name a,nd seeks to make a virtue of his deed by hinting that he could take far more if he would. If Governor West fancies that he knows anything about Mr. Booth, it would be better for him to relieve himself of the burden. One more malignant and scandalous libel will not make a great difference in the total West score for the present cam paign. FORCE NEEDED BEHIND TREATIES. The present war proves the utter worthlessness of treaties as a guaranty of the safety and rights of nations, unless there is behind them a force greater than that of any nation which may desire to violate them. The trea ties guaranteeing the neutrality of Belgium and Luxemburg and the Hague peace treaties have proved of no effect because there was no such force. When a treaty, unsupported by superior force, stands in the. way of a nation's accomplishing its aim and when that nation considers that im perative military necessity outweighs the stigma attaching to violation of the treaty, that treaty is, as the Ger man Chancellor said, merely "a scrap of paper."- Had the armed forces of the civil ized world been .placed by interna tional agreement at the disposal of the Hague court and had that court been an active power endowed with author ity to take the initiative for the pres ervation of peace, this war might never have begun. Had Austria known that such an authority existed, she would probably never have sent the ultimatum to Servia. Had she sent it, the Hague court might have warned her that it was not for her to execute sentence on Servia and that, if she undertook to do so, she would have to confront not the Servian army alone but the combined armies of the na tions. Then Austria would in all prob ability have held back, Russia would have nad no excuse to mobilize against her and Germany would have had no excuse to declare war on Russia. So with regard to Belgium. Had Germany known that invasion of Bel glum would bring down upon her not only the forces of Russia, France and Great Britain but the combitTed might of all other civilized nations, she would have hesitated to make the move. She would have counseled Austria to mod erate her demands on Servia, for she would have known that before her armies could break through the French fortified line on the Alsace-Lorraine frontier, Russia would be upon her in full strength. There is reason to sus pect that, had Germany known that invasion of Belgium would surely ar ray Great Britain against her, she might have held back and might have held Austria back. Sir Edward Grey's ceaseless efforts for peace and his re fusal to pledge British aid beforehand to Russia and France may have stif fened the purpose of Germany and Austria to bring matters to an issue. Thus Sir Edward's efforts for peace may have hastened war. The horror which the-war has natu rally aroused has moved many Ameri cans to reason that National prepared, ness for war is an incitement to war rather than security for ' peace and hence to oppose further measures of National defense. Such men would haye us remain practically unarmed and would rely on arbitration and Bryan peace treaties for just dealing on the part of other nations. Colonel RooseVelt shows the fallacy of this argument by pointing to the experi ence of China. Huge but helpless, that country is now for the third time with in twenty years the theater of war, the last two of which have been between other nations quarreling over parts of her territory. Were this country to remain practically unarmed, it might sink into China's position. There is no reason to believe that a democ racy such ts ours would, if adequately armed, abandon its peaceful ideals and fall under the sway of a military caste. It would rather advance .those ideals toward realization by placing its Army and Navy at the disposal of the Hague court as the nucleus of an interna tional police force for the execution of the court's decrees and "for the maintenance of the sanctity of treaties. If this Nation took that step, other nations having like ideals would rally to it until the cause of international justice would be backed by such irre sistible force that the great nations would be the perpetual shield of small nations against wrong and a perpetual restraint upon wrongdoers among na tions, as is a municipal police force upon wrongdoers among men. GILBERT AND hi I. I.I VAN. Of the Gilbert and Sullivan operas which are to be produced here this week "Trial by Jury" and "Iojanthe" are new to Portland. The former was the first extensive piece prepared by Gilbert and Sullivan jointly, though they had co-operated fitfully before. It originated casually, as works of genius so often do. D'Oyley Carte was at that time managing the Royalty Theater In London. In want of a bright and witty short piece he asked Gilbert to write something for him. The poet thought the matter over for a few mo ments and tffen told Carte that he had an idea. It was to put upon the stage the machinery of a British trial with all its pomp and solemnity caricatured. The judge was to be a sentimantal lover, the lawyers poetic creatures.,of comedy, the criminal a victim of mock misfortunes. The British, like the Americans, are so deeply reverential of their legal institutions at heart that they can take mockery of them as a joke. In lands where law was less loved such a play as "Trial by Jury" would fail to be understood or liked because' its satire would have no psy chological basis. It was for similar reasons that the British relished all of the Gilbert and Sullivan satires. The operas threw jocular missiles at their most sacred idols. Not only the law and its pre tentious machinery but the navy, the police, the army, and even the aris tocracy, most revered of all. had to take their turns. The court itself did not escape. "In "Utopia," a court drawing-room was staged and ridi culed. The public enjoyed the carica ture but royalty was offended. No connection, of the British court ever witnessed "Utopia" a second time. They were of the opinion that satire had gone a step too far when it touched the hallowed skirts of the sovereign. "Trial by Jury" was pro duced in London in March, 1875, and it has held its own ever since. The audience received it with roars of mirth. Gilbert ' and Sullivan satire was something new then but its nov elty hardly detracted from its charm. Of course, the public- taste for any thing so utterly unheard of had to be cultivated, but the plant was of ex tremely rapid growth. A melancholy interest attaches to the first performances of "Trial by Jury." The part of the Judge was taken by Fred Sullivan, the great composer's, brother. Nobody has ever given a "more finished and humorous portrait of the love-smitten judge," but his artistic triumphs were cut short by an untimely death. Sir Arthur Sullivan wrote his heart-breaking song, "Thou Art Passing Hence, My Brother," by the deathbed of this fine actor so prematurely taken from life. Gilbert and Sullivan were well on in their extraordinary career when "Iolanthe" appeared. The first per formance of this opera was in Novem ber, 18 82. "Pinafore," "The Pirates of Penzance" and "Patience" had al ready been produced and everybody in London was interested to see what would come next from those magic geniuses. What revered British idol would take its turn to be Jeered and flouted? It was the aristocracy this time. London was taught in moving satire that "high rank involves no shame" and that "hearts just as pure and fair may beat in Belgrave Square as -in the lowly air of Seven Dials." Everybody went to see "Iolanthe" and kept on going. The opera ran interminably. Its success in New York was scarcely less marked than in Lon don. Americans enjoyed the feeling that by laughing at the British aris tocracy they, after a fashion, assimi lated themselves to it. Laughter in that case was a species of adoration which New York democrats thorough ly delighted in. In both countries the procession of peers which traverses the stage in ducal splendor was particu larly 'pleasing. Like all the Gilbert and Sullivan plays "Iolanth" . depicts a topsy-turvy world. "Where is this topsyturvydom, this dramatic turning of ideas inside out, to end?" cried one exasperated critic who did not like the satirical songs and music of "Iolan the." It goes without saying that part' of the marvelous popularity of the Gilbert and Sullivan .plays depended on their sheer merit. The poetry in them Is at least never trashy. Some times it is wonderfully beautiful. Al ways it is pregnant with wit and social wisdom. Both Gilbert and Sullivan had made names for themselves before they be gan to co-operate for the comic stage. Gilbert had written the mirthful "Bab Ballads," which set all London laugh ing by their1" absurdities and pointed hits. One of these ballads, "The Man telplece." furnished the plot for "Pin afore" later on. Sullivan had won re nown by his music for Shakespeare's "Tempest," which is still estimated as his best work by some critics. Seldom have two geniuses so adapted to one another been lucky enough to work together. Sullivan's melodies and ac companiments are just what Gilbert's racy, witty and irreverent verses need to make them tell. Every hit in the poetry is set off by a clear and pointed passage in the music. Together they accomplished what Wagner said ought always to be sought in opera, the union of fin poetry with richly , Interpreta tive music. As for their topsyturvydom, it is something to which the British mind has long been accustomed and which it always seems to relish. Dean Swift was perhaps the first great artist in that kind. He depicted a topsy turvy world in "Gulliver's Travels." Lewis Carroll invented another in his Alice books, ostensibly for children, really for everybody. Gilbert K. Ches terton and Bernard Shaw are today producing the same species of topsy turvy work, in different field, and it is just as much enjoyed by intellec tual England and America as the Gil bert and Sullivan operas Were. Our Anglo-Saxon nature is so closely wedded to law and long established order that we are immensely tickled by the picture of a world where habit ual customs and ideas are Inverted. SAT "NO!" In accordance with its usual cus tom The Oregonian presents today its recommendations on the initiative measures submitted to the electorate. In most instances The Oregonian recommends a "no" vote on so-called repeaters" that Is, measures that have heretofore been before the peo ple and rejected. . There are several in the list, some of which have been rejected twice. Direct legislation is expensive and when the will of the people has been plainly expressed within a recent period, and there is no reason- to believe that public sentiment has changed, or any other conceivable excuse, re-submission is an abuse of privilege that should be emphatically rebuked. Nor is the initiative a proper vehicle for the gratification of a per sonal grievance. There are several bills that have that inspiration. The recommendation, of course, is "No." The Oregonian believes that all the tax measures should be defeated. The two presented by the Legislature have merit, but they have bean re jected at two preceding elections, and inasmuch as they appear on tire same ballot with the vicious single tax, sur-tax, inheritance tax and other tax measures, they tend to confuse the mind of the voter. They should now await the opportune time when they can have a clear field for con sideration. In the list of twenty-nine measures only five will be found that have re ceived a favorable recommendation. The Oregonian has been unable to discern disadvantages in their enact ment and sees possible good in their approval. But even so, not one of the five is of vital importance or pro poses legislation that the state can not get along without. The serious duty Of the voter, in The Oregonian's opinion, therefore, concerns the measures on which, a "no" vote is recommended. Among them are several that are the out growth of fevered. Imagination or careless thinking. They aim to put into force some theoretical cure-all for ills that are either fancied or, if real, are the outgrowth of the frailties of human jiature. Particularly in this category are the measures known as the vicious seven. With the single purpose of ac complishing some visionary method of revolutionizing a phase of govern ment or an isolated condition, their proponents witr. reckless abandon threaten "wreck and chaos in other quarters. The damage they would do would far outweigh any possible good they would accomplish. The voter's attention is therefore particularly directed to the vicious seven. They are the product of tink ering philosophers, shallow thinkers or confirmed hobby-riders. They are the following: Proportional representation. 349 No. ' Abolishment of State Senate. 351 No. Tax exemption of $1500. 327 No. Universal eight-hour day amend ment. 321 No. Extra-land tax amendment. 337 No. Taxation for the unemployed. 353 No. The waterfront grab. 329 No. Vote them down. TrTrKYANISHING WAR CORRESPONDENT Just now war correspondents are classed with the vanishing races. If they are not extinct they might as well be. 'Military commanders will not let them come anywhere near the scene of action. A hermetical censorship prevents them from sending out an interesting piece of news, even if by chance they should happen to find any. Sad is their lot. Like the Amer ican Indian and the buffalo, the last survivors of the disappearing race are surrounded with a melancholy halo,. A pathetic interest attaches to them which F. Lauriston Bullard, of Bos ton, has exploited in a new book, "Fa mous War Correspondents." He gives more or less sketchy accounts of the men who have won renown by relat ing what happened on the bloody fields of many a war, from George Wilkins Kendall to Sir William How ard Russell. Kendall was a New Hampshire man who migrated to New Orleans and became one of the found ers of the Picayune. He went to Mex ico in our war with that countne and reported the campaign against Santa Anna for his paper. He was one of the pioneers among the war corre spondents, not the first of the tribe. In the Civil War Edmund Clarence Stedman, who made a name for him self in American letters, was a corre spondent for the New York World. Henry Villard was correspondent for the Herald when the war began, but he changed his newspaper allegiance afterward. At Bull Run he climbed a tree like Zachariah, though not for the same purpose. He wanted an un obstructed view of the action. While he was gazing from among the branches Stedman and two or three other correspondents took notes on the ground beneath him. We may suppose that it was a small tree with only room for one man in its top. Probably the most famous of all the war correspondents was Sir William Howard Russell, of the London Times, who also reported the battle of Bull Run. His newspaper career began as an ordinary writer for the Times, but his Irish wit soon made him conspicu ous and in 1854, when war threatened with Russia, he was sent out with some British troops as a correspon dent for his paper. He did not ex pect to be gone long and his superiors promised him an easy and pleasant trip. But before he had traveled far the Crimean war broke out. He went on to the neighborhood of Sevastopol and did not return for three years. His letters written in the meantime from the seat -of war had made Rus sell himself famous and greatly in creased the prestige of the Times. There are no such opportunities for correspondents now-a-days as Russell enjoyed.' Military authorities dislike and suspect them because they are supposed to disclose campaign plans prematurely. Modern war has become so brutally scientific and so bereft of all romance that the correspondent with his pathos and eloquent descrip tions would seem a little out of place even if he were tolerated. The world no longer believes in the glory of war, while, as far as its horrors are con cerned, we hear quite enough about them from the reports that leak through the censorship. When a college student needs money he needs it, then and there. A supply in the far future will not meet the issue, for in the meantime he must forego his studies and lose the best educational years of his life. Those who contribute to the funds of the Student Brotherhood at the Young Men's Christian Association have the satisfaction of knowing that their gifts go immediately to help deserving young men when help will do them the most good. The esteemed Condon Times opines that "a sober and industrious man is seldom bossed by his wife." This is a fearful blunder. We daresay the Times man is a bachelor or he would not have made it. The sober and in dustrious, men are always bossed by their wives. That is what keeps them straight. It is the other kind who are not bossed and sad are the conse quences of their rebellion. Everybody's mind is fixed upon "the soldier" just now and will be until the war is over. The soldier in art, the soldier in literature, the soldier in so ciety the soldier everywhere shines and shimmers. But it is not the com mon soldier. He does very little shin ing. His business is to march and die. For artists and literary men the com mon soldier is mere 'filling," as he is for the grave. Peter the Great founded the first newspaper in Russia. Nicholas, the present Czar, spends a great deal of time suppressing newspapers. Peter did all he could to encourage "German culture" in Russia. Now there is deadly strife between the Teutonic and Slavic cultures. If Nicholas' policies are right, what a terrible blunderer Peter must have been. The tax on chewing gum is one of those measures in which all good men will rejoice. Next to a tax on pie we can think of nothing that would do so much to enhance health and promote morals. The gum tax will also do much to improve women's appearance, which is perhaps the highest of all considerations. When we remember all the years that our public school pupils spend studying geography it seems strange that the names of French, and Ger man towns are so difficult for Amer icans to pronounce. Have our youth ful lessons been forgotten? Or were they never learned? If the quality of the output had been equal to the time and labor ex pended in its production, we should have had no fault to find with this Congress. As it is, the Inaction of Congress would be the Nation's best safeguard. Though London may be able to de tect the presence of an airship through a fog, the airship can locate London by the presence of a fog. A bomb dropped at any point through a soup like fog would be sure to hit London. In the time of Napoleon's wars Lord Byron predicted that all the nations would be republics before long. Now In similar circumstances we are all repeating his prophecies. Are we any nearer the truth than he was? German newspapers say that war on England will be waged after Bel gium is fully crushed. It might be well to wait also until the British navy is crushed. In leading their men in close order movements German officers are de scribed as highly skilled. Also highly killed. Australia is to raise $500,000 for the Belgians. Enough to pay for the damage wrought by one German shell. Japan denies that she will hold the German islands she is seizing. Merely taking them for diversion, you know. Even the wildest imagination can not see the slightest suggestion of an early end to the great war. The Athletics might put up the plea that they have not yet com pleted their reconnoissance. While the Democrats do not tax po tatoes and gravy, the country can stand anything on luxuries. The City Commission has started pruning the 1915 budget., Go as far as you like, gentlemen. The war college is forced to take a daily recess of several hours while the game is on. Portugal may declare war on Ger many at any moment. That settles it. By the way, what has become of the Panama Canal? King Albert bids fair to be out of a job very shortly. But what becomes of the Belgian army? Antwerp lasted quick. Paris can now appreciate what she escaped. Antwerp refused to buy immunity. Belgium, but not the Belgian spirit, can be crushed. There'll be more or less kicking from now on with- the football season open. A new world-peace league Is being formed. We wish It well. Secret police are following the cor respondents in Europe. It .will prove a busy life for the secret police. Two French torpedo boats collided in the Mediterranean. The- allied craft down that way are so numerous they haven't maneuvering room. The San Francisco earthquake was nothing compared with the siege of Antwerp. The Germans are planting cannon in the Dardenelles. Thus barricading Great Britain's front gate to the East. RECOMMENDATIONS OFFERED ON MEASURES Condensed Titles Given With Reasons in Brief for The Oren-oaian Con clusions as to the Merits or Demerits of the 2 Bills and Amendments on the November selection lis Hot. , The Oregonian presents herewith its customary list of recommendations on initiated bills and amendments. Because of space considerations .the titles have been condensed, but in each instance the first few words and the ballot numbers are given in order that each measure may be readily identi fied. They are also compiled in the order they will appear on the ballot. The recommendations and the reasons therefor are commended to the serious attention of the voters of Oregon. For an amendment of section 2. arti cle 3 of the constitution relative to voting qualifications. 300 yes. 301 no. Makes final citizenship papers nec essary to qualify an alien-born resi dent for the voting franchise. Pre cautionary measure in anticipation of large influx of immigration iue to com pletion, of Panama Canal, aliens now being able to acquire the right to vote one year after landing in Oregon ports. Vote 30O yea. For constitutional amendment to create office of Lieutenant-Governor. 302 yes, 303 no. A simple proposal heretofore rejected by the people in a manner to leave no doubt as to their will. It is an un justified "repeater." t Vote 303 no. For an amendment of section 6, arti cle 15 of the constitution to permit city and county governments to be consoli dated upon vote of -the people inter ested. 304 yes, 305 no. Simple grant of authority the enact ment of which can do no harm and may lead to economy in municipal and coun ty government. Vote 804 yea. For amendment of section 7 of arti cle 9 of the constitution authorizing state indebtedness for Irrigation and power projects. 306 yes, 307 no. Would release wise restriction on state indebtedness and encourage bond ing abuses. Vote 307 no. For amendment of section 22. article 1 of the constitution modifying the uni form rule -of taxation. 308 yes, 309 no. This is third submission of an amend raent twice defeated. It is Impossible for it to receive adequate considera tion because of organized raids on tax ation system embodied in numerous other measures. Vote 300 no. For amendment of section 1. article 9 of the constitution, 310 yes, 311 no. Another proposed modification of uniform rule of taxation heretofore twice defeated. Vote 311 no. A bill for an act to levy annually a tax to re-establish the Southern Oregon Normal School at Ashland. 312 yes, 313 no. Rejected in principle in 1910. The question is whether the people desire to levy a tax to improve the qualifica tions of teachers in the public schools, and is a matter that each voter can readily decide for himself. A o recommendation. For amendment of article 9 of the constitution permitting enactment of a geenral tax law authorizing adjoin ing cities to consolidate on vote of their electors. 314 yes, 315 no. A needed authority, cities not now being able to merge when to their ad vantage. Vote' 314 yea. A bill for an act to levy annually a tax to re-establish the State Normal School at Weston, Umatilla County. 316 yes, 317 no. Similar to the Southern Oregon meas; ure. Also rejected in 1910. No 'recommendation. For an amendment of section 29, ar ticle 4 of the constitution raising pay of legislators. 318 yes. 319 no. Third submission of a measure twice rejected. An unjustified "repeater." Vote 318 no. Universal constitutional eight-hour day amendment. 320 yes, 321 no. Defines legal day's work as nine con secutive hours with one hour off. Ap plies to every kind of employment "Consecutive" principle involved men aces life of farm and many other indus tries. Vote 321 no. .Eight-hour day law for female work ers. 322 Yes; 323 No. Includes 10-hour consecutive princi ple, undertakes to apply rigid regula tions and. goes over the head of legally constituted board now in existence which makes similar orders after due and careful consideration. Vote 325 No. Non-partisan judiciary bilL 324 Yes, 325 No. This amendment would remove selec tion of the judiciary from the influ ence of party politics.. Vote 324 Yes. $1500 tax exemption amendment. 326 Yes: -87 No. WAR. BY JONATHAN C. ROTLE. Reprint of a poem first published more than "0 years ago. The author was father of EOmon Milton Royle, the dramatist.) ' Fling; forth our banner in the van. Upon the battlefield at large. Now for the conflict, man to man, Left into line draw f sabers charge! The words are spoken and the tread Of iron hoofs now beat the plain. And quick a harvest of the dead Is planted where should wave but grain. How many hearts in all that host. In that mad charge, once think of God, How many priceless souls are lost Between the saddle and the sod? Accursed war! by demons led Who haste before with -hideous yell To greet the swiftly coming dead And widen out the sates of hell. Kav! tell me not that we must fight To bring- to pass God's just decrees. The Prince of Peace finds no delight In scenes of carnage such as these. God "makes the wrath of man to praise Him." even where that wrath is sin. But needs no human arm to raise Its strength for vie' tries He would win. War Is no theme for idle sport; It ever comes with pois'nous blight, Save as the veYy last resort Of nations battling for the right. The battling hosts may wade in gore. Or swim upon its crimson foam. But waves of darker anguish pour Upon the spot which men call home. For every soldier that is slain. Some household mourns for dreary years. And thus is multiplied the pain. And woefuv rivers spring from tears, And what is glory, tell me. you. Who touch the harp in loudest strains? The "Old Guard" fell at Waterloo A "charge" swept o'er the Crimean plains. But of them all. I bid you name A dozen of these heroes brave; And if thou can'st not, what is fame? Sleeps It not also in the grave? Do Justice to thy fellow man. To all who ask it, mercy give. Adopt the heavet. -inspired plsn. Unspotted from the world to live. And you a betteV fame 'shall find Come nearer the eternal heart. And when you leave this earth behind, I'pon eternal glory start. Julius Caesar's Hard Lock. Exchange. . Julius Caesar's hard luck i so ancient you shouldn't let it crush such ambitions as you may have. Single tax in disKulse. In devious ways would inflict higher taxes on the poor on one hand and the rich on the other, relieving chiefly the moderated -' well-to-do. Inequitable, unjust. Cruelly deceptive in that it purports to be a poor man s measure. V ote 32T No. Public docks and waterfront amend ment. 328 Yes; 329 No In wording this amendment nuroorts to void tideland titles rwoinlied and taxed for 40 years; would lock uo for future generations unsold tidelands and prevent aeveiopment of industries thereon: would deprive interior locali ties of their interest in assets owned by entire state: would deprive the state school fund of revenue. Vote 329 No. Municipal wharves and docks bill. 330 Yes;"33 No. A measure permitting cities to ko further into debt. A companion cf the preceding measure. Vote 331 No. Prohibition constitutional amend ment. 332 Yes: 333 No. Presents a question which each per- son can decide for himself. Np recommendatibn. Constitutional amendment abolish ing death penalty. 334 Yes; 335 No. Heretofore rejected by the people by large majority. An unjustified "re peater." Vote 335 No. Specific graduated extra-tax amend ment. 336 Yes; 337 No. Confiscatory tax. Opposed to industry and development of Oregon. Heretofore defeated by more than two-to-one vote. Unjustified "repeater. Vote 337 No. Consolidating corporation and insur ance departments. 338 Ties; 335 No. A personal grievance measure in spired by a corporation which was de nied a permit by corporation depart ment to issue bonds because of inade quate assets. Initiative blackmail. Vote 33S No. Dentistry bill. 340 Yes; 351 No. A personal grievance bill. Regard less of merit it is not properly a sub ject for initiative action but rather for legislative consideration. Vote 341 No. County officers' term amendment. 343 Yes; 343 No. Would save election costs and pro mote efficiency in county office. " Vote 342 Yes. Tax code commission bill. 344 Yes; 345 No. Creates a commission and appropri ates money for work now undertaken by a paid state board assisted by an appointed legislative committee. A duplication. Vote 345 No. Measure abolishing Desert Land Board and merging certain offices. 346 Yes; 347 No. . Personal grievance measure Insti gated by enemies of the State Engineer, who desire to deprive him of office. Opposed by leading engineerins authorities and various commercial organizations interested in the state's development. Vote 347 No. Proportional representation amend ment. 348 Yes; 349 No. Not a true proportional 'representa tion plan as defined by authorities on subject. Would abolish district repre sentation and leave some counties urr represented. Would give Socialists op portunity to secure representation out of all proportion to strength in state. Vote 349 No. State Senate constitutional amend ment abolishing that body. 350 Yes; 351 No. An amendment antagonistic to the views of political economists of Na tional and world-wide reputation. Would destroy all cheek on hasty legis lation and. give Legislature greater power to override Governor's vetoes and . executive functions. Heretofore tried by three states in Union and re jected. Vote 351 No. Constitutional amendment establish ing department of industry and publio works. 352 Yes; 353 No. Proposes to levy inheritance tax to stive work to unemployed. Authorizes legislative appropriations for same work. thereby encouraging higher taxes. Would impose on Oregon the task of caring for the idle of the entire Nation if all could get here. Vote 353 No. Primary , delegate election bill. 35fl Yes; 355 No. . A bill that would greatly increase) election costs and legalize an advisory; political assembly. Vote 355 No. Equal assessment and taxation anJ $300 exemption amendment, 366 Yes: 357 No. n " Imposes a restriction on the initl-t ative in matters-bf taxation. Vote 857 No. . A PEACE PRAYER. While passion at its foulest Controls their ship of state, They plow their earth with shrapnel And sow their lands with hate; And the flower of their genius. The best the centuries breed. Are driven to the shambles To sate the god of greed. We search our own hearts, Father, And find that, proud, strong-willed. The brother we have hated Already we have killed; That, bruised for our transgressions, They take our own sin's scar Because from thee we've gone astray They bear the cross of warl Forgive thine erring children. Lift scales from blinded eyes Oh, save our warring brethren From further sacrifice. Oh, send those stricken nations. Soothing war's vain stings. From out thy throne the dove of peace With healing in his wings. Oh, grant thy troubled footstool To share thine holy calm. And lead, one flock, one shepherd. The lion and the lamb. A. T. Advice as to Good Fishing;. Life. Small Boy (with a fine string) Good fishin'? Yessir; ye go down that private road till ye come to th' sign "Trespassers Will Be Prosecuted ;"'cross th' field with th' bull in it an' you'll see a sign "No Fishin' Allowed" that's After the flub Meetlnic. Toledo (Ohio) Blade. Mrs. Brown I saw Mrs. Jones at the club meeting yesterday and we had th loveliest confidential chat together. Mrs. Smith I thought so. She wouldn't speak to me this morning. His Wife's Weddins Ulna. Atchison Olobe. An Atchison man had some words In Latin printed in his bride's wedding ring, and before they had been n;r ried three years both had forf;ottn what the words meant.