The Sunday Oregonian. (Portland, Ore.) 1881-current, October 11, 1914, SECTION THREE, Page 6, Image 40

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The civilized world has been
thrilled again by one ol those mo
mentous events which, happening to
day, will take high rank in history
and be talked about in the j human
family through the centuries to come.
Just how important the fall of Ant
werp will prove in its relation to a
final settlement of the great European
war, time alone will tell. But that It
will mark , the beginning: of a new
phase In the Western conflict cannot
be doubted. Not only does the tak
ing of Antwerp serve to unmask
northern France with its scores of
rich cities, but it takes the Germans
into easier striking distance of their
mortal enemies, the Britons, and thus
the city may eventually become an
important base for operations .against
Great Britain.
The most significant fact that pre
sents itself immediately is the inability
of the second strongest fortified posi
tion in northern and western Europe
to withstand a siege. Fortresses of
the first class have been reduced in
little more than a week. A staunch
little army has been shot and
bayoneted out of its trenches and
either isolated or put to rout. The
world has prepared' to hear of the
fall of Antwerp, but not at this time.
The fall of Antwerp revears what
might easily become the fate of Paris
should the French armies be unsuc
cessful: Paris, it is true, has a more
elaborate system of fortresses. But
Paris has no forts more powerful than
some of those which have -been re
duced by the new German 42-centimeter
guns. Against them steel and
concrete walls fail to stand. These
giant pieces of German artillery, re
quiring thirty-six draft horses for
each, have sounded the doom of the
modern fortress. They are the sur
prise of the war, for the French gun
ners had thought that the twenty-one
centimeter gun was the last word in
heavy artillery.
Paris may or may not become the
immediate objective of the German
armies. The fall of Antwerp releases
-00,000 men, who become available
for service outside of Belgium. It is
probable that a portion of this force
will bo moved into the German right
wing, which has borne the brunt of
the French aggressive movements.
Perhaps the whole force will be
launched there in an effort to take
the offensive against the daring
French left and force it back to the
Marne. At the same time the Ger
mans may renew the offensive all
along the line to Verdun in an effort
to throw the allies back to their third
defensive position before Paris. With
Antwerp brushed aside renewed vigor
in the battle of the Aisne would seem
to be assured. The Germans will
feel Impelled to advance with new
spirit and new force, while the resist
ance will become all the more des
perate in view of the fact that the
allies will have to hold fast, advance,
or facet serious defeat a defeat which
might lead direct to the fall of Paris.
As to the significance of Antwerp's
capture as bearing on Great Britain
there will be nothing to fear im
mediately unless the Germans pro
pose a series of Zeppelin raids. Ant
werp is only 180 miles from London
and barely 100 miles from the Eng
lish coast line. Zeppelins could do
much damage in England, but, of
course, could lend nothing toward re
ducing the British if unsupported by
naval operations.
As a naval base Antwerp has no
value. Lying on the navigable Scheldt
River, It is nevertheless impossible to
reach the open sea without traversing
Dutch territory, and it is improbable
that Germany will care to violate
Holland's neutrality and have another
hornets' nest to put down.
But from Antwerp northern France
is laid bare, together with the channel
ports. We may hear shortly of Ger
man forces moving on these channel
ports, which are not heavily held.
They would be "of great value to the
Germans should their fleet once
break the British blockade of the
North Sea. Their occupation by the
Germans would also make the feed
ing in of British military reinforce
ments a more difficult task. Antwerp
opens up a. new field of striking- op
portunities of which the Germans may
be counted -upon to take the largest
measure of advantage. The first
fruits of the German, siege may be
reaped on the Aisne.
One bad result of the present
happy-go-lucky method of river and
harbor appropriation was pointed out
recently by Senator Burton. Although
about $7,000.00 was appropriated for
these 'improvements by the sundry
civil bill in July and although the
river and harbor bill reported to the
Senate appropriated J53.000.000, there
were unexpended balances in he
river and harbor fund on June 30 ag
gregating about $45,000000. It has
not been possible to expend the money
on some improvements as fast as it
was appropriated, while work on
others has been stopped for lack of
If a lump sum were appro
priated yearly to be expended by
a commission this anomalous sit
uation would be - avoided. The
commission would apply funds where
they were needed and where they
could be expended to advantage.
If some unforeseen contingency arose
which required suspension of work on
one improvement the funds appor
tioned to that work could be applied
to some other project on which opera,
tions could be pushed. There would
be continued operation at all points
where this was possible and no funds
would lie idle" unnecessarily.
This is one more evidence of the
waste and inefficiency whieh inevi
tably follow the pork barrel method,
or any method whereby Congress at
tempts to legislate in too great detaS
as to the expenditures of public funds.
By trying- to do too much of the work
Congress does it badly.
President Wilson is a party leader.
He believes in party. He supports
party uniformly and unhesitatingly.
He talks in his public addresses about
"constructive party action." He en
courages party organization in Con
gress and appeals to party loyalty and
party policy to secure favorable action
on all party measures. Majority rule
is not with " him a mere political
phrase; it is a practicable rule of
President Wilson calls upon the
country to return Democrats to Con
gress that the' party programme may
be carried out. He is not afraid to
make a partisan appeal; he is not
ashamed of his party.
Yet there is a candidate for United
States Senator in Oregon who seeks to
disguise the fact that he is a Demo
crat and desires to put his party and
his own partisanship in the dim back
ground. He is supported by other par
tisans who are similarly timid about
their party. They seek, however, to
make themselves supreme in their
own party, and to procure party suc
cess by dividing and demoralizing the
opposition party with appeals to the
spirit of non-partisanship.
It would seem that the Republican
party, having nominated its candidates
at a fair primary, is entitled to the
call upon all its members to support
its candidates chosen through the
Oregon system.
Governor West desires the public to
understand that he was misquoted by
The Oregonian and by the Eugene
papers, which reported him as declar
ing, in a speech, that he was "willing
to admit that Mr. Booth got his tim
ber honestly." The Governor's in
terpretation of his remarks now runs
in this picturesque fashion:
"I said: "Mr. Booth's a millionaire.
There's nothing wrong in that. 1 said: 'Mr.
Booth made his money out of timber and
there's no harm in that. I said the only
question is how he got that timber. I said
I didn't want to go into that question, but
I said I knew all about how he got it. and
I said for the sake of argument I'm willing
to admit that he got his timber honestly."
Let it go at that. He admitted it,
he says, "for the sake of argument."
If he admitted it for the sake of
truth, it was an inadvertence. That,
of course, is not the Governor's habit.
The Oregonian and the Eugene pa
pers are to be censured for not know
ing better.
But now again the Governor'darkly
hints that he will, if provoked by The
Oregonian through its further vicious
assaults on Senator Chamberlain, tell
all he knows about Senator Booth
and his timber holdings. He insinu
ates that t,he disclosures will be most
damaging, and the friends of Mr.
Booth would therefore do well to take
The West method of saying he
knows something or other most harm
ful about Mr. Booth is the nasty way
of the gossiping sneak. He stabs in
the dark. He sets out poison. He
excites suspicion, distrust, alarm. He
knows .nothing and he pretends to
know everything. He is a thief who
takes away a man's good name a,nd
seeks to make a virtue of his deed
by hinting that he could take far
more if he would.
If Governor West fancies that he
knows anything about Mr. Booth, it
would be better for him to relieve
himself of the burden. One more
malignant and scandalous libel will
not make a great difference in the
total West score for the present cam
The present war proves the utter
worthlessness of treaties as a guaranty
of the safety and rights of nations,
unless there is behind them a force
greater than that of any nation which
may desire to violate them. The trea
ties guaranteeing the neutrality of
Belgium and Luxemburg and the
Hague peace treaties have proved of
no effect because there was no such
force. When a treaty, unsupported by
superior force, stands in the. way of a
nation's accomplishing its aim and
when that nation considers that im
perative military necessity outweighs
the stigma attaching to violation of
the treaty, that treaty is, as the Ger
man Chancellor said, merely "a scrap
of paper."-
Had the armed forces of the civil
ized world been .placed by interna
tional agreement at the disposal of the
Hague court and had that court been
an active power endowed with author
ity to take the initiative for the pres
ervation of peace, this war might
never have begun. Had Austria known
that such an authority existed, she
would probably never have sent the
ultimatum to Servia. Had she sent
it, the Hague court might have warned
her that it was not for her to execute
sentence on Servia and that, if she
undertook to do so, she would have to
confront not the Servian army alone
but the combined armies of the na
tions. Then Austria would in all prob
ability have held back, Russia would
have nad no excuse to mobilize against
her and Germany would have had no
excuse to declare war on Russia.
So with regard to Belgium. Had
Germany known that invasion of Bel
glum would bring down upon her not
only the forces of Russia, France and
Great Britain but the combitTed might
of all other civilized nations, she would
have hesitated to make the move. She
would have counseled Austria to mod
erate her demands on Servia, for she
would have known that before her
armies could break through the French
fortified line on the Alsace-Lorraine
frontier, Russia would be upon her in
full strength. There is reason to sus
pect that, had Germany known that
invasion of Belgium would surely ar
ray Great Britain against her, she
might have held back and might have
held Austria back. Sir Edward Grey's
ceaseless efforts for peace and his re
fusal to pledge British aid beforehand
to Russia and France may have stif
fened the purpose of Germany and
Austria to bring matters to an issue.
Thus Sir Edward's efforts for peace
may have hastened war.
The horror which the-war has natu
rally aroused has moved many Ameri
cans to reason that National prepared,
ness for war is an incitement to war
rather than security for ' peace and
hence to oppose further measures of
National defense. Such men would
haye us remain practically unarmed
and would rely on arbitration and
Bryan peace treaties for just dealing
on the part of other nations. Colonel
RooseVelt shows the fallacy of this
argument by pointing to the experi
ence of China. Huge but helpless, that
country is now for the third time with
in twenty years the theater of war, the
last two of which have been between
other nations quarreling over parts of
her territory. Were this country to
remain practically unarmed, it might
sink into China's position. There is
no reason to believe that a democ
racy such ts ours would, if adequately
armed, abandon its peaceful ideals and
fall under the sway of a military caste.
It would rather advance .those ideals
toward realization by placing its Army
and Navy at the disposal of the Hague
court as the nucleus of an interna
tional police force for the execution
of the court's decrees and "for the
maintenance of the sanctity of treaties.
If this Nation took that step, other
nations having like ideals would rally
to it until the cause of international
justice would be backed by such irre
sistible force that the great nations
would be the perpetual shield of small
nations against wrong and a perpetual
restraint upon wrongdoers among na
tions, as is a municipal police force
upon wrongdoers among men.
Of the Gilbert and Sullivan operas
which are to be produced here this
week "Trial by Jury" and "Iojanthe"
are new to Portland. The former was
the first extensive piece prepared by
Gilbert and Sullivan jointly, though
they had co-operated fitfully before.
It originated casually, as works of
genius so often do. D'Oyley Carte was
at that time managing the Royalty
Theater In London. In want of a bright
and witty short piece he asked Gilbert
to write something for him. The poet
thought the matter over for a few mo
ments and tffen told Carte that he had
an idea. It was to put upon the stage
the machinery of a British trial with
all its pomp and solemnity caricatured.
The judge was to be a sentimantal
lover, the lawyers poetic creatures.,of
comedy, the criminal a victim of mock
misfortunes. The British, like the
Americans, are so deeply reverential
of their legal institutions at heart that
they can take mockery of them as a
joke. In lands where law was less
loved such a play as "Trial by Jury"
would fail to be understood or liked
because' its satire would have no psy
chological basis.
It was for similar reasons that the
British relished all of the Gilbert and
Sullivan satires. The operas threw
jocular missiles at their most sacred
idols. Not only the law and its pre
tentious machinery but the navy, the
police, the army, and even the aris
tocracy, most revered of all. had to
take their turns. The court itself did
not escape. "In "Utopia," a court
drawing-room was staged and ridi
culed. The public enjoyed the carica
ture but royalty was offended. No
connection, of the British court ever
witnessed "Utopia" a second time.
They were of the opinion that satire
had gone a step too far when it
touched the hallowed skirts of the
sovereign. "Trial by Jury" was pro
duced in London in March, 1875, and
it has held its own ever since. The
audience received it with roars of
mirth. Gilbert ' and Sullivan satire
was something new then but its nov
elty hardly detracted from its charm.
Of course, the public- taste for any
thing so utterly unheard of had to be
cultivated, but the plant was of ex
tremely rapid growth.
A melancholy interest attaches to
the first performances of "Trial by
Jury." The part of the Judge was
taken by Fred Sullivan, the great
composer's, brother. Nobody has ever
given a "more finished and humorous
portrait of the love-smitten judge,"
but his artistic triumphs were cut
short by an untimely death. Sir
Arthur Sullivan wrote his heart-breaking
song, "Thou Art Passing Hence,
My Brother," by the deathbed of this
fine actor so prematurely taken from
life. Gilbert and Sullivan were well
on in their extraordinary career when
"Iolanthe" appeared. The first per
formance of this opera was in Novem
ber, 18 82. "Pinafore," "The Pirates
of Penzance" and "Patience" had al
ready been produced and everybody in
London was interested to see what
would come next from those magic
geniuses. What revered British idol
would take its turn to be Jeered and
flouted? It was the aristocracy this
time. London was taught in moving
satire that "high rank involves no
shame" and that "hearts just as pure
and fair may beat in Belgrave Square
as -in the lowly air of Seven Dials."
Everybody went to see "Iolanthe"
and kept on going. The opera ran
interminably. Its success in New York
was scarcely less marked than in Lon
don. Americans enjoyed the feeling
that by laughing at the British aris
tocracy they, after a fashion, assimi
lated themselves to it. Laughter in
that case was a species of adoration
which New York democrats thorough
ly delighted in. In both countries the
procession of peers which traverses the
stage in ducal splendor was particu
larly 'pleasing. Like all the Gilbert
and Sullivan plays "Iolanth" . depicts
a topsy-turvy world. "Where is this
topsyturvydom, this dramatic turning
of ideas inside out, to end?" cried one
exasperated critic who did not like the
satirical songs and music of "Iolan
the." It goes without saying that part'
of the marvelous popularity of the
Gilbert and Sullivan .plays depended
on their sheer merit. The poetry in
them Is at least never trashy. Some
times it is wonderfully beautiful. Al
ways it is pregnant with wit and social
Both Gilbert and Sullivan had made
names for themselves before they be
gan to co-operate for the comic stage.
Gilbert had written the mirthful "Bab
Ballads," which set all London laugh
ing by their1" absurdities and pointed
hits. One of these ballads, "The Man
telplece." furnished the plot for "Pin
afore" later on. Sullivan had won re
nown by his music for Shakespeare's
"Tempest," which is still estimated as
his best work by some critics. Seldom
have two geniuses so adapted to one
another been lucky enough to work
together. Sullivan's melodies and ac
companiments are just what Gilbert's
racy, witty and irreverent verses need
to make them tell. Every hit in the
poetry is set off by a clear and pointed
passage in the music. Together they
accomplished what Wagner said ought
always to be sought in opera, the union
of fin poetry with richly , Interpreta
tive music. As for their topsyturvydom,
it is something to which the British
mind has long been accustomed and
which it always seems to relish. Dean
Swift was perhaps the first great artist
in that kind. He depicted a topsy
turvy world in "Gulliver's Travels."
Lewis Carroll invented another in his
Alice books, ostensibly for children,
really for everybody. Gilbert K. Ches
terton and Bernard Shaw are today
producing the same species of topsy
turvy work, in different field, and
it is just as much enjoyed by intellec
tual England and America as the Gil
bert and Sullivan operas Were. Our
Anglo-Saxon nature is so closely
wedded to law and long established
order that we are immensely tickled
by the picture of a world where habit
ual customs and ideas are Inverted.
In accordance with its usual cus
tom The Oregonian presents today its
recommendations on the initiative
measures submitted to the electorate.
In most instances The Oregonian
recommends a "no" vote on so-called
repeaters" that Is, measures that
have heretofore been before the peo
ple and rejected. . There are several
in the list, some of which have been
rejected twice. Direct legislation is
expensive and when the will of the
people has been plainly expressed
within a recent period, and there is
no reason- to believe that public
sentiment has changed, or any other
conceivable excuse, re-submission is
an abuse of privilege that should be
emphatically rebuked.
Nor is the initiative a proper
vehicle for the gratification of a per
sonal grievance. There are several
bills that have that inspiration. The
recommendation, of course, is "No."
The Oregonian believes that all the
tax measures should be defeated.
The two presented by the Legislature
have merit, but they have bean re
jected at two preceding elections, and
inasmuch as they appear on tire
same ballot with the vicious single
tax, sur-tax, inheritance tax and other
tax measures, they tend to confuse
the mind of the voter. They should
now await the opportune time when
they can have a clear field for con
sideration. In the list of twenty-nine measures
only five will be found that have re
ceived a favorable recommendation.
The Oregonian has been unable to
discern disadvantages in their enact
ment and sees possible good in their
approval. But even so, not one of
the five is of vital importance or pro
poses legislation that the state can
not get along without.
The serious duty Of the voter, in
The Oregonian's opinion, therefore,
concerns the measures on which, a
"no" vote is recommended. Among
them are several that are the out
growth of fevered. Imagination or
careless thinking. They aim to put
into force some theoretical cure-all
for ills that are either fancied or,
if real, are the outgrowth of the
frailties of human jiature.
Particularly in this category are
the measures known as the vicious
seven. With the single purpose of ac
complishing some visionary method of
revolutionizing a phase of govern
ment or an isolated condition, their
proponents witr. reckless abandon
threaten "wreck and chaos in other
quarters. The damage they would do
would far outweigh any possible good
they would accomplish.
The voter's attention is therefore
particularly directed to the vicious
seven. They are the product of tink
ering philosophers, shallow thinkers
or confirmed hobby-riders. They are
the following:
Proportional representation. 349
No. '
Abolishment of State Senate. 351
Tax exemption of $1500. 327 No.
Universal eight-hour day amend
ment. 321 No.
Extra-land tax amendment. 337 No.
Taxation for the unemployed. 353
The waterfront grab. 329 No.
Vote them down.
Just now war correspondents are
classed with the vanishing races. If
they are not extinct they might as well
be. 'Military commanders will not let
them come anywhere near the scene
of action. A hermetical censorship
prevents them from sending out an
interesting piece of news, even if by
chance they should happen to find
any. Sad is their lot. Like the Amer
ican Indian and the buffalo, the last
survivors of the disappearing race are
surrounded with a melancholy halo,.
A pathetic interest attaches to them
which F. Lauriston Bullard, of Bos
ton, has exploited in a new book, "Fa
mous War Correspondents." He gives
more or less sketchy accounts of the
men who have won renown by relat
ing what happened on the bloody
fields of many a war, from George
Wilkins Kendall to Sir William How
ard Russell. Kendall was a New
Hampshire man who migrated to New
Orleans and became one of the found
ers of the Picayune. He went to Mex
ico in our war with that countne and
reported the campaign against Santa
Anna for his paper. He was one of
the pioneers among the war corre
spondents, not the first of the tribe.
In the Civil War Edmund Clarence
Stedman, who made a name for him
self in American letters, was a corre
spondent for the New York World.
Henry Villard was correspondent for
the Herald when the war began, but
he changed his newspaper allegiance
afterward. At Bull Run he climbed
a tree like Zachariah, though not for
the same purpose. He wanted an un
obstructed view of the action. While
he was gazing from among the
branches Stedman and two or three
other correspondents took notes on
the ground beneath him. We may
suppose that it was a small tree with
only room for one man in its top.
Probably the most famous of all the
war correspondents was Sir William
Howard Russell, of the London Times,
who also reported the battle of Bull
Run. His newspaper career began as
an ordinary writer for the Times, but
his Irish wit soon made him conspicu
ous and in 1854, when war threatened
with Russia, he was sent out with
some British troops as a correspon
dent for his paper. He did not ex
pect to be gone long and his superiors
promised him an easy and pleasant
trip. But before he had traveled far
the Crimean war broke out. He went
on to the neighborhood of Sevastopol
and did not return for three years.
His letters written in the meantime
from the seat -of war had made Rus
sell himself famous and greatly in
creased the prestige of the Times.
There are no such opportunities for
correspondents now-a-days as Russell
enjoyed.' Military authorities dislike
and suspect them because they are
supposed to disclose campaign plans
prematurely. Modern war has become
so brutally scientific and so bereft of
all romance that the correspondent
with his pathos and eloquent descrip
tions would seem a little out of place
even if he were tolerated. The world
no longer believes in the glory of war,
while, as far as its horrors are con
cerned, we hear quite enough about
them from the reports that leak
through the censorship.
When a college student needs
money he needs it, then and there. A
supply in the far future will not meet
the issue, for in the meantime he must
forego his studies and lose the best
educational years of his life. Those
who contribute to the funds of the
Student Brotherhood at the Young
Men's Christian Association have the
satisfaction of knowing that their
gifts go immediately to help deserving
young men when help will do them
the most good.
The esteemed Condon Times opines
that "a sober and industrious man is
seldom bossed by his wife." This is a
fearful blunder. We daresay the
Times man is a bachelor or he would
not have made it. The sober and in
dustrious, men are always bossed by
their wives. That is what keeps them
straight. It is the other kind who are
not bossed and sad are the conse
quences of their rebellion.
Everybody's mind is fixed upon "the
soldier" just now and will be until the
war is over. The soldier in art, the
soldier in literature, the soldier in so
ciety the soldier everywhere shines
and shimmers. But it is not the com
mon soldier. He does very little shin
ing. His business is to march and die.
For artists and literary men the com
mon soldier is mere 'filling," as he is
for the grave.
Peter the Great founded the first
newspaper in Russia. Nicholas, the
present Czar, spends a great deal of
time suppressing newspapers. Peter
did all he could to encourage "German
culture" in Russia. Now there is
deadly strife between the Teutonic and
Slavic cultures. If Nicholas' policies
are right, what a terrible blunderer
Peter must have been.
The tax on chewing gum is one of
those measures in which all good men
will rejoice. Next to a tax on pie we
can think of nothing that would do so
much to enhance health and promote
morals. The gum tax will also do
much to improve women's appearance,
which is perhaps the highest of all
When we remember all the years
that our public school pupils spend
studying geography it seems strange
that the names of French, and Ger
man towns are so difficult for Amer
icans to pronounce. Have our youth
ful lessons been forgotten? Or were
they never learned?
If the quality of the output had
been equal to the time and labor ex
pended in its production, we should
have had no fault to find with this
Congress. As it is, the Inaction of
Congress would be the Nation's best
Though London may be able to de
tect the presence of an airship through
a fog, the airship can locate London
by the presence of a fog. A bomb
dropped at any point through a soup
like fog would be sure to hit London.
In the time of Napoleon's wars Lord
Byron predicted that all the nations
would be republics before long. Now
In similar circumstances we are all
repeating his prophecies. Are we any
nearer the truth than he was?
German newspapers say that war
on England will be waged after Bel
gium is fully crushed. It might be
well to wait also until the British
navy is crushed.
In leading their men in close order
movements German officers are de
scribed as highly skilled. Also highly
Australia is to raise $500,000 for
the Belgians. Enough to pay for the
damage wrought by one German
Japan denies that she will hold the
German islands she is seizing. Merely
taking them for diversion, you know.
Even the wildest imagination can
not see the slightest suggestion of
an early end to the great war.
The Athletics might put up the
plea that they have not yet com
pleted their reconnoissance.
While the Democrats do not tax po
tatoes and gravy, the country can
stand anything on luxuries.
The City Commission has started
pruning the 1915 budget., Go as far
as you like, gentlemen.
The war college is forced to take a
daily recess of several hours while
the game is on.
Portugal may declare war on Ger
many at any moment. That settles it.
By the way, what has become of
the Panama Canal?
King Albert bids fair to be out of
a job very shortly.
But what becomes of the Belgian
Antwerp lasted quick.
Paris can now appreciate what she
Antwerp refused to buy immunity.
Belgium, but not the Belgian spirit,
can be crushed.
There'll be more or less kicking
from now on with- the football season
A new world-peace league Is being
formed. We wish It well.
Secret police are following the cor
respondents in Europe. It .will prove
a busy life for the secret police.
Two French torpedo boats collided
in the Mediterranean. The- allied
craft down that way are so numerous
they haven't maneuvering room.
The San Francisco earthquake was
nothing compared with the siege of
The Germans are planting cannon
in the Dardenelles. Thus barricading
Great Britain's front gate to the East.
Condensed Titles Given With Reasons in Brief for The Oren-oaian Con
clusions as to the Merits or Demerits of the 2 Bills and Amendments on
the November selection lis Hot. ,
The Oregonian presents herewith its
customary list of recommendations on
initiated bills and amendments.
Because of space considerations .the
titles have been condensed, but in each
instance the first few words and the
ballot numbers are given in order that
each measure may be readily identi
fied. They are also compiled in the
order they will appear on the ballot.
The recommendations and the reasons
therefor are commended to the serious
attention of the voters of Oregon.
For an amendment of section 2. arti
cle 3 of the constitution relative to
voting qualifications. 300 yes. 301 no.
Makes final citizenship papers nec
essary to qualify an alien-born resi
dent for the voting franchise. Pre
cautionary measure in anticipation of
large influx of immigration iue to com
pletion, of Panama Canal, aliens now
being able to acquire the right to vote
one year after landing in Oregon ports.
Vote 30O yea.
For constitutional amendment to
create office of Lieutenant-Governor.
302 yes, 303 no.
A simple proposal heretofore rejected
by the people in a manner to leave no
doubt as to their will. It is an un
justified "repeater." t
Vote 303 no.
For an amendment of section 6, arti
cle 15 of the constitution to permit city
and county governments to be consoli
dated upon vote of -the people inter
ested. 304 yes, 305 no.
Simple grant of authority the enact
ment of which can do no harm and may
lead to economy in municipal and coun
ty government.
Vote 804 yea.
For amendment of section 7 of arti
cle 9 of the constitution authorizing
state indebtedness for Irrigation and
power projects. 306 yes, 307 no.
Would release wise restriction on
state indebtedness and encourage bond
ing abuses.
Vote 307 no.
For amendment of section 22. article
1 of the constitution modifying the uni
form rule -of taxation. 308 yes, 309 no.
This is third submission of an amend
raent twice defeated. It is Impossible
for it to receive adequate considera
tion because of organized raids on tax
ation system embodied in numerous
other measures.
Vote 300 no.
For amendment of section 1. article
9 of the constitution, 310 yes, 311 no.
Another proposed modification of
uniform rule of taxation heretofore
twice defeated.
Vote 311 no.
A bill for an act to levy annually a
tax to re-establish the Southern Oregon
Normal School at Ashland. 312 yes, 313
Rejected in principle in 1910. The
question is whether the people desire
to levy a tax to improve the qualifica
tions of teachers in the public schools,
and is a matter that each voter can
readily decide for himself.
A o recommendation.
For amendment of article 9 of the
constitution permitting enactment of
a geenral tax law authorizing adjoin
ing cities to consolidate on vote of
their electors. 314 yes, 315 no.
A needed authority, cities not now
being able to merge when to their ad
vantage. Vote' 314 yea.
A bill for an act to levy annually
a tax to re-establish the State Normal
School at Weston, Umatilla County. 316
yes, 317 no.
Similar to the Southern Oregon meas;
ure. Also rejected in 1910.
No 'recommendation.
For an amendment of section 29, ar
ticle 4 of the constitution raising pay
of legislators. 318 yes. 319 no.
Third submission of a measure twice
rejected. An unjustified "repeater."
Vote 318 no.
Universal constitutional eight-hour
day amendment. 320 yes, 321 no.
Defines legal day's work as nine con
secutive hours with one hour off. Ap
plies to every kind of employment
"Consecutive" principle involved men
aces life of farm and many other indus
tries. Vote 321 no.
.Eight-hour day law for female work
ers. 322 Yes; 323 No.
Includes 10-hour consecutive princi
ple, undertakes to apply rigid regula
tions and. goes over the head of legally
constituted board now in existence
which makes similar orders after due
and careful consideration.
Vote 325 No.
Non-partisan judiciary bilL 324 Yes,
325 No.
This amendment would remove selec
tion of the judiciary from the influ
ence of party politics..
Vote 324 Yes.
$1500 tax exemption amendment. 326
Yes: -87 No.
Reprint of a poem first published more
than "0 years ago. The author was father
of EOmon Milton Royle, the dramatist.) '
Fling; forth our banner in the van.
Upon the battlefield at large.
Now for the conflict, man to man,
Left into line draw f sabers charge!
The words are spoken and the tread
Of iron hoofs now beat the plain.
And quick a harvest of the dead
Is planted where should wave but grain.
How many hearts in all that host.
In that mad charge, once think of God,
How many priceless souls are lost
Between the saddle and the sod?
Accursed war! by demons led
Who haste before with -hideous yell
To greet the swiftly coming dead
And widen out the sates of hell.
Kav! tell me not that we must fight
To bring- to pass God's just decrees.
The Prince of Peace finds no delight
In scenes of carnage such as these.
God "makes the wrath of man to praise
Him." even where that wrath is sin.
But needs no human arm to raise
Its strength for vie' tries He would win.
War Is no theme for idle sport;
It ever comes with pois'nous blight,
Save as the veYy last resort
Of nations battling for the right.
The battling hosts may wade in gore.
Or swim upon its crimson foam.
But waves of darker anguish pour
Upon the spot which men call home.
For every soldier that is slain.
Some household mourns for dreary years.
And thus is multiplied the pain.
And woefuv rivers spring from tears,
And what is glory, tell me. you.
Who touch the harp in loudest strains?
The "Old Guard" fell at Waterloo
A "charge" swept o'er the Crimean plains.
But of them all. I bid you name
A dozen of these heroes brave;
And if thou can'st not, what is fame?
Sleeps It not also in the grave?
Do Justice to thy fellow man.
To all who ask it, mercy give.
Adopt the heavet. -inspired plsn.
Unspotted from the world to live.
And you a betteV fame 'shall find
Come nearer the eternal heart.
And when you leave this earth behind,
I'pon eternal glory start.
Julius Caesar's Hard Lock.
. Julius Caesar's hard luck i so
ancient you shouldn't let it crush such
ambitions as you may have.
Single tax in disKulse. In devious
ways would inflict higher taxes on the
poor on one hand and the rich on the
other, relieving chiefly the moderated -'
well-to-do. Inequitable, unjust. Cruelly
deceptive in that it purports to be a
poor man s measure.
V ote 32T No.
Public docks and waterfront amend
ment. 328 Yes; 329 No
In wording this amendment nuroorts
to void tideland titles rwoinlied and
taxed for 40 years; would lock uo for
future generations unsold tidelands and
prevent aeveiopment of industries
thereon: would deprive interior locali
ties of their interest in assets owned
by entire state: would deprive the state
school fund of revenue.
Vote 329 No.
Municipal wharves and docks bill.
330 Yes;"33 No.
A measure permitting cities to ko
further into debt. A companion cf the
preceding measure.
Vote 331 No.
Prohibition constitutional amend
ment. 332 Yes: 333 No.
Presents a question which each per-
son can decide for himself.
Np recommendatibn.
Constitutional amendment abolish
ing death penalty. 334 Yes; 335 No.
Heretofore rejected by the people by
large majority. An unjustified "re
peater." Vote 335 No.
Specific graduated extra-tax amend
ment. 336 Yes; 337 No.
Confiscatory tax. Opposed to industry
and development of Oregon. Heretofore
defeated by more than two-to-one vote.
Unjustified "repeater.
Vote 337 No.
Consolidating corporation and insur
ance departments. 338 Ties; 335 No.
A personal grievance measure in
spired by a corporation which was de
nied a permit by corporation depart
ment to issue bonds because of inade
quate assets. Initiative blackmail.
Vote 33S No.
Dentistry bill. 340 Yes; 351 No.
A personal grievance bill. Regard
less of merit it is not properly a sub
ject for initiative action but rather for
legislative consideration.
Vote 341 No.
County officers' term amendment. 343
Yes; 343 No.
Would save election costs and pro
mote efficiency in county office. "
Vote 342 Yes.
Tax code commission bill. 344 Yes;
345 No.
Creates a commission and appropri
ates money for work now undertaken
by a paid state board assisted by an
appointed legislative committee. A
Vote 345 No.
Measure abolishing Desert Land
Board and merging certain offices. 346
Yes; 347 No. .
Personal grievance measure Insti
gated by enemies of the State Engineer,
who desire to deprive him of office.
Opposed by leading engineerins
authorities and various commercial
organizations interested in the state's
Vote 347 No.
Proportional representation amend
ment. 348 Yes; 349 No.
Not a true proportional 'representa
tion plan as defined by authorities on
subject. Would abolish district repre
sentation and leave some counties urr
represented. Would give Socialists op
portunity to secure representation out
of all proportion to strength in state.
Vote 349 No.
State Senate constitutional amend
ment abolishing that body. 350 Yes;
351 No.
An amendment antagonistic to the
views of political economists of Na
tional and world-wide reputation.
Would destroy all cheek on hasty legis
lation and. give Legislature greater
power to override Governor's vetoes
and . executive functions. Heretofore
tried by three states in Union and re
jected. Vote 351 No.
Constitutional amendment establish
ing department of industry and publio
works. 352 Yes; 353 No.
Proposes to levy inheritance tax to
stive work to unemployed. Authorizes
legislative appropriations for same
work. thereby encouraging higher
taxes. Would impose on Oregon the
task of caring for the idle of the entire
Nation if all could get here.
Vote 353 No.
Primary , delegate election bill. 35fl
Yes; 355 No. .
A bill that would greatly increase)
election costs and legalize an advisory;
political assembly.
Vote 355 No.
Equal assessment and taxation anJ
$300 exemption amendment, 366 Yes:
357 No. n "
Imposes a restriction on the initl-t
ative in matters-bf taxation.
Vote 857 No.
While passion at its foulest
Controls their ship of state,
They plow their earth with shrapnel
And sow their lands with hate;
And the flower of their genius.
The best the centuries breed.
Are driven to the shambles
To sate the god of greed.
We search our own hearts, Father,
And find that, proud, strong-willed.
The brother we have hated
Already we have killed;
That, bruised for our transgressions,
They take our own sin's scar
Because from thee we've gone astray
They bear the cross of warl
Forgive thine erring children.
Lift scales from blinded eyes
Oh, save our warring brethren
From further sacrifice.
Oh, send those stricken nations.
Soothing war's vain stings.
From out thy throne the dove of peace
With healing in his wings.
Oh, grant thy troubled footstool
To share thine holy calm.
And lead, one flock, one shepherd.
The lion and the lamb. A. T.
Advice as to Good Fishing;.
Small Boy (with a fine string)
Good fishin'? Yessir; ye go down that
private road till ye come to th' sign
"Trespassers Will Be Prosecuted ;"'cross
th' field with th' bull in it an' you'll
see a sign "No Fishin' Allowed" that's
After the flub Meetlnic.
Toledo (Ohio) Blade.
Mrs. Brown I saw Mrs. Jones at the
club meeting yesterday and we had th
loveliest confidential chat together.
Mrs. Smith I thought so. She wouldn't
speak to me this morning.
His Wife's Weddins Ulna.
Atchison Olobe.
An Atchison man had some words
In Latin printed in his bride's wedding
ring, and before they had been n;r
ried three years both had forf;ottn
what the words meant.