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About Morning Oregonian. (Portland, Or.) 1861-1937 | View Entire Issue (July 7, 1902)
THE MORNING OfcEGONIAN, MONDAY. JULY 7, 1902. -President Jackson and PERVERSIONS OF HISTORY BY JULIAN HAWTHORNE AND OTHERS CORRECTED FROM THE RECORDS. The amount of falsehood that Is be ing published In books and papers, and ijlven to tho reading public as historical fact, has- become so ETeat that It de- serves exposure and condemnation through . thp press of -the country. -Whole volumes are sent but from publishing-houses- pre tending to state facts in tho history of our country, "which can bo shown from public records and state papers to bo ut terly false. These histories carry on their pages the evidence that when their au thors, make reference to political questions tbey rely for authority on statements made In partisan newspapers during tho heat of political contests. Kowhere do they refer to public documents for the truth of their statements, for tho good reason that none such can be found. There Is evidence also, that when they lack testimony from partisan sources they draw on their own Imaginations to round out the story. One at the most notable Instances of this is found in Julian Haw thorne's "History of tho United States," as the following extracts will show: Julian Hawthorne's Misstatements. Vol. Ill, page 701. The Twenty-seventh Congress which met in December, 1831, was full of. men of the first ability, and had an exciting career. Benton was the chief defender of the exocutlve: there were Web ster and Clay, Rufus Cboate and Everett, Thpxnas Corwin. of Ohio, and many others of prowess. Clay was chosen to lead the struggle against Jackson. Jackson assumed a composed and peaceful demeanor In his meflsage, waiting for the other side to at tack; which, under Clay, they were not clow in doing. The opposition was divided among Itself, but united against President Jackson. Clay was, himself. In nomination for the presidency, and was now a stronger candidate than Calhoun. Acting on Clay's advice, the first question brought up was that of the recharter of the Bank. Jackson would perhaps have pre ferred to have that matter go over until after the next election; but this was more the reason for Clay to preea it now; he hoped to destroy the executive by a deadly alternative. There was a number of Demo crats who favored the recharter; It was most likely that Congress, in both branches, would vote for It, and then It would lie with Jack son either to veto or accept the measure. If he vetoed it, he would divide his party, and be subjected to dangerous criticism, even If the bill did not. pass over his veto; and if he signed it, he would appear as timorous and weak. In either case he would imperil his election. "Webster, though siding with Jacksoh against Calhoun, was with Clay on this Question, and McLane. the new Secretary of the Treasury, had already declared the bank to be indispensable. Moreover, the bank was apparently in a most prosperous position, and firmly rooted in the echeme of things. Nicho las BIddle did not believe he could be beaten. The outlook for the bank was certainly good, on the surface. Its weak points -were, first, that Nicholas BIddle was a rascal, and secretly guilty of all manner of dishonesty, and that tho bank Itself, consequently, which was practically under his exclusive control, was rotten to the core; and, secondly, that Jackson was a fighter, that he hated and dis trusted the bank, and would stick at nothing to destroy It. And neither Clay nor BIddle had any adequate conception of Jackson's strength with the country, or the trust It placed in his statements and acts. The battle was long and savagely fought on both sides, but the upshot was never really in doubt. BIddle bribed right and left, conceafed all sinister facts either by direct lying or by cov ering up traces; and Clay and his followers, many of whom sincerely believed that the bank was as honest and valuable as BIddle declared It to be, deployed their eloquence in Congress. Benton and the rest of the Jackson men met them with a vast array of charges, some of which were guesswork, but none of which surpassed the facts when the latter came to be known; they hammeredVvery thing in sight indiscriminately, and spared nothing and no one; and. though they did not prevent the recharter from passing the Senate and House, the conviction aroused in the public mind was that so much smoke must portend eomc fire. "When, therefore, Jackson, upon receiving the amended bill, sent it back with his veto, the country tas prepared for it; and Congress failed to pass it over the veto by the necessary two-thirds vote. The sym pathy, after this first round of the fight, was with Jackson, and against the financial octo pus -nhlch he affirmed and believed to be squeezing the Independence and virtue out of the community. Jackson believed this because be wanted to believe It; because he hated BId dle and had been offended by the bank's defi ance. It was his good luck that the facts happened to Justify his suspicions; but it cart hardly be doubted that he would have hated the bank and its manager Just as much, had they been as pure as driven snow. To same extent he was fighting In the dark, and might. ' for aught he knew, have been trying to kill an angel of light instead of a demon of dark ness. The time for the present charter of the bank to expire was still five years off, and the war was far from being decided yet; but Jackson had the best of it so far. Page 709: Congress being now scattered (tha Bummer of 1833). Jackson had a free hand; and it presently became known that he meant to withdraw from the bank the Government deposits, amounting to more than half of the whole; and. what was quite as serious for the bank, he would accompany this act' by giving his reasons for It, which were. In brief, that he did not consider the money safe there, he believed it was uned to corrupt the country and Congress, and he would not be a party to nourishing the parasite which was absorbing the vital forces of the Nation. Of course, if j tnis were credited, the bank would be discred ited in proportion, and would be obliged to wind up its affairs forthwith. Jackson took but few into his confidence, but one of these had to be Duane, because 'only the Secretary of the Treasury had the legal right to withdraw the deposits. After much hesitation Duane declined to do it, and Jack son thereupon dismissed him, and put in his place a gentleman by the name of Taney, who was a thoroughgoing advocate of anti bank principles. Taney did his duty, not actually drawing out the whole fO.000,000 in one lump, but providing for Its removal at a rate altogether too rapidly to be comfortable for Mr. BIddle. BIddle. however, had had some warning, which he had utilized to the utmost of his power by contracting his loans, and this of course had an effect on the coun try. Money became dear and wages low. The distress was more in the anticipation of evil than In the actuality of It, for the money taken out of the bank was deposited in state banks throughout the land, and only time seemed needed to reassure business. Page 811: The corrupt collapse of BIddle's United States Bank, which was now accom plishing, showed that Jackson and Van Buren were right in the stand they had taken against it, and was a practical reply to the eloquence of the orators on the other side. Page 817: Van Buren took his defeat with his usual steadiness, and his next message was the best and boldest he eve'r wrole. - - . He reviewed the arguments against the National bank; and, as if to ac cent his words, that sinister institution, with BIddle at its head, found in its lowest deep a Jower deep to fall into; its final collapse, followed by the revelation of more than Its worst enemies had charged of rascality and rottenness, took place in 1841. BIddle lingered three years longer, and then died of mortifica tion, rather than shame, for he was too cal lous in iniquity to feel the latter. Contains But One Truth. In all that purports to be history, per haps so much falsehood cannot be found compressed In tho same space as is in the foregoing. It contains one truth, how ever "JackEon would stick at nothing to destroy the Bank" and that truth was the pivot on which our country turned from an era of growing prosperity to such bankruptcy and financial ruin as it has .. never witnessed in any other period since .it became a union of states. In view of what is said In the extracts quoted, and of the erroneous accounts given from year to year of Jackson's acts and opinions, both before and after his elevation to the Presidency, the writer proposes to give a bit of history of a different complexion, compiled from Gov ernment records and printed documents. Intermixed with comments of his own. In no one of his messages did President Jackson deny tho constitutionality of a the ILS Bank United States Bank. He first makes al lusion to the question in his message of 1S29. In that he says: The charter of tho Bank of the United States expires in 183G, and its stockholders will most probably apply for a renewal of their privi leges. In order to avoid the evils resulting from a precipitancy in a measure involving such important principles and such deep pecu niary interests, I feel that I cannot, in Justice to tho parties interested, too soon present it to the deliberate consideration of the legisla ture and the people. The charter had then upwards of six years to run. Two years after this invi tation, the Bank made an application for a renewal of its charter. It was at once declared that the application was pre mature, and the bank was denounced for accepting the invitation which the Presi dent had formally given. Further on the message continues: If such an institution is deemed essential to the fiscal operations of the Government, I sub mit to the wisdom of the legislature, whether a National one, founded upon the credit of tho Government, might not be devised. So far from expressing an explicit opin ion against all National Banks, President Jackson. here makes a hypothetical ad mission of the utility of a bank, and dis tinctly Intimates the practicability of de vising one on the basis of tho credit and resources of the Government. What Jackson Said. In his next message, 1830, speaking of the bank, Jackson says: Nothing has occurred to lessen in any degree the dangers which many of our citizens ap prehend fronAhat institution as at present or ganized. In the spirit of improvement and compromise which distinguish our country and Us institutions, it becomes us to inquire whether it be not possible to' secure the ad vantages afforded by the present bank through the agency of a bank of the United States so modified in its principles and structure as to obviate constitutional and other objections. Here President Jackson admits "the ad vantages afforded by the bank," and sug gests the Inquiry whether it be possible to secure them by a bank differently con structed. Towards the conclusion of that part of his message, his language fully Justifies the implication that it was not to the bank itself, but to certain specific features in its charter, that he objected, its permitting the holding of stock by for eigners bolng one of them. In his message of 1831 President Jack son said less about tho bank than in former messages, but the following sen tence occurs: Entertaining tho opinions heretofore expressed in relation to the Bank of the United -States, as at present organized, I felt It my dutx, in my former messages frankly to disclose them. These quotations show that Jackson's "opinion" as to the constitutionality of a National bank was very unlike that which at the present day it is generally understood he held. From all he had ut tered. It was the natural conclusion that If amendments 'could be made to the charter satisfactory to the President, he would approve a bill for Its renewal. Ac cordingly, In compliance with the Invita tion he had extended to Congress two years previously, a bill for rechnrterlng the bank was prepared, with such amend ments as was supposed would be accepta ble to him, and passed by the two houses. This was in July, 1832. Jackson vetoed the bllL In his message returning it without his signature he said: A Bank of the United States is, in many re spects, convenient to the Government and use ful to the pcopln. Entertaining this opinion and deeply Impressed with the belief that some of the powers and privileges possessed by the existing bank are unauthorized by the Consti tution, etc, I felt it my duty, at an early pe riod of my administration, to call the atten tion of Congress to the practicability of organ izing an institution 'combining all its advan tages and obviating those objections. I sin cerely Tcgret that in Ahe oct before me I can perceive none of those modifications. ... That a Bank of the United States, competent to all the duties which may be required by the Government, might be so organized as not to infringe on our own delegated powers, or the reserved rights of tho states. I do not entertain a doubt. Had the Executive been called on to furnish the project of such an institution, the duty would have been cheerfully performed. Nowhere In this veto message did Presi dent Jackson array himself In opposition to any Bank of the "United States. He did not oppose himself to the then exist ing bank under every organisation of which it was susceptible. On the con trary, "he declared he did not entertain a doubt that a bank might be constitution ally organized. He even rebuked Con gress for not calling on him to furnish a project of a bank, which he would have cheerfully supplied, and he closed by ad journing the question for a "general dis cussion" before the people, that it might be acted upon by a new Congress." Jackson's Bank Campaign. After all that Jackson had declared. It could not have been anticipated by' the people that. In his re-election, they were deciding against a bank. It was main tained, wherever those in favor of a Na tional bank were In the majority, that his re-election would be followed by a recharter of the bank, with proper amend ments. So said Henry Clay, in a speech delivered in the United States Senate, and we may fairly credit him with know ing what he was talking about. It is not claimed by the writer, however, that if Jackson had boldly declared himself as opposed to any and all banks, he could have been defeated. His personal popu larity was so great that be could have been elected on any side of any question. No cry during the campaign of 1832 was so loud and so frequently heard as the words, "Hurrah for' Jackson, bank or no bank!" The leaders of the Jackson party fought for the spoils, and nothing else, and the masses who voted for him did not care what he believed. The fact that he commanded the militia that defeated the British regulars at New Orleans, coupled with the widespread, though er roneous, belief that he was defeated In 1824 by means of a corrupt bargain be tween Clay and Adams, was enough to ensure his triumph. It was the founda tion of his success, first and last. No one of our Presidents was ever elected so ex clusively on the strength of his personal ity, without reference to opinions or qualifications, as was Andrew Jackson. He seemed to have inspired his followers with the strongest characteristic of his strong nature the fighting element and. as Hawthorne has truthfully said of their chief, they "stuck at nothing" In fighting for success. TVe come now to the removal of the Government' money by ordec of Jackson from the United States Bank and placing it in the custody of state bmks and here It Is proper to say that no "attack" was made upon President Jackson by Whigs during the session commencing December. 1S31, unless the bill recharter lrig the bank could be called an attack. Mr. Hawthorne Is sadly 'off his base, both In facts and figures, when he so represents. Up to the date of the re moval of the deposits, many eminent members of the opposition, Clay, Webster, Ewlng and J. Q. Adams, being among them, supported the administration in more than one time of trial. With them, tho man Jackson was nothing the pros perity and honor of the country was everything; and when, as chief executive, ho stood for a united country and for measures conducive to the country's well fare, he found In these men his strong est backer. They dropped, party and supported principles. a First Attack in Congress. It was not until after Jackson had il legally caused the public moneyv to be re moved from the bank in October, 1833, that anything occurred in Congress that could bo construed as an. attack upon him. On December 26 or that year, two full years after the date set by Mr. Hawthorne for an attack. Mr. Clay of fered the following resolution In the Senate: 1. Resolved. That, by dismissing the late Secretary of tho Treasury because he would not, contrary to the 'sense of his own duty, remove the money of the United States on deposit with the Bank of the United States and its branches, in conformity with the Pres ident's opinion; and by appointing his succes sor to effect such removal, which has been done, tbe President has assumed the exercise of a power over the Treasury of the United States not cranted to him by the Constitution and laws, and dangerous to the liberties of the people. 2. Resolved, That the reasons assigned by tho Secretary of tho Treasury for the removal of the money of the United States, deposited in the Bank of tho United States and Its branches, communicated to Congress on the 3d day of December, 1833, are unsatisfactory and Insufficient. A prolonged and heated discussion fol lowed the introduction of these resolu tions. They were supported by Calhoun and other Democrats In the Senate, as well as by Clay, Webster, Southard, Ewlng and others of the Whigs, and were finally adopted by a non-partisan vote. No one unprejudiced could read the argu ments made by these Senators, especially that of Calhoun, and not be convinced that tho declarations set forth in the reso lutions were true to the letter. The samo may be said of arguments made in the House In favor of resolutions of the came tenor as those offered by Clay In the Senate! Wise, of Virginia; McDuffle, of South Carolina, and other prominent Democrats, all opposed to recharterlng the bank, made able speeches condemna tory of Jackson's "unlawful seizure of tho Nation's treasure," their arguments covering the same ground as those made In the Senate. Four Conclusions. Studying the discussion of these resolu tions, pro and con, In connection with public documents, and avowals made by Jackson and his supporters of that day, the student of history is forced to the following conclusions: First That Jackson did not express any clearly defined opposition to a United States Bank prior to his election to the Prculdoncy, nor In any of his messages to Congress prior to the passage of the bill recharterlng the bank. Second That he favored the chartering of a bank by the Government, provided ho could dictate the terms of Its charter. Third That he went before the people In his campaign for re-election as a bank man. Fourth That the kind of bank he favored was one, as was subsequently developed, that would unite both tho purse and the sword in the hands of the executive. In his message of December 4, 1832, President Jackson recommended to Con gress to provide for selling out the stock of T7.000.000 held by the Government In the Bank of the United States. He also recommended an inquiry Into the trans actions of the bank, suggesting that It was "no longer a safe depository of the monej- of the people." These subjects of the message were referred by the House of Representatives to the commit tee of ways and means. An Investigation took place. An agent, appointed by tho then secretary, Louis McLane, reported that the deposits were safe, and this report was communicated to the House. On tho 13th of February, 1S33. a bill for the sale of the bank stock, recom mended by the President, was rejected by the House. The House committee went to Philadelphia, examined witnesses, di rectors and others, on oath. They made a report to the House, and in accord ance with that report the House "Re solved, That the Government deposits may, In the opinion of this Housei be safely continued In the Bank of the United States." Ayes, 109; noes, 46. Congress would not sell the 57.000.000 of stock nor repeal the lew which declared that the notes of the bank Bhould be re ceivable in all payments of revenue. The Gcvernraent received Its proportion of the semi-annual dividends upon Its capital stock. Therefore Congress would not make war upon the capital of J7.O00.O0O nor upon the dividends. The President, not content with the ex amination made by Secretary McLane, nor with the examination made'by the House of Representatives and tha vote of the House, got on foot an Inquiry of his own by secret informers, decided on the re moval of tho deposits, appointed nn agent (Amos Kendall) to make contracts with State Banks for receiving the money, ap pointed the time for the removal to take effect, removed Mr. Duane for refusing to betray the trust confided to the Secre tary by law, and appointed Mr. Taney to consummate his scheme. September 26. 1833, " three days after bis- appointment, Taney hastened to obey the mandate or his chief. The deposits being so changed, loans of $2,200,000 were made by four Treasury checks on the-Bank of the United States of SXW.000 each, and three others of $100,000 each, in favor of the cashiers of certain of those selected State Banks, "to be used upon certain contingencies"; in other words, to enable those banks to settle the balances against them and to guard them against bankruptcy. These loans were not drawn for any financial purpose of the Government, but for the private purposes of State Banks, and were not authorized by any appropriation by law. Unlarrful Removal of Funds. The removal of the deposits from the Bank of .the United States was unlawful, and the contracts made with the State Banks to receive the deposits was also unlawful. Neither of these measures was authorized by the 16th or any other section of the bank charter. The Secretary could withhold the Government's funds or re frain from depositing them in the bank, and give his reasons therefor to Congress; but once placed In the bank, he had no legal control whatever over the deposits, except according to the provisions of the Constitution and the general laws, which forbid that any money should be drawn from the treasury unless In consequence of appropriations made by law, and spe cifically to be applied. The law also speci fies that the money shall be drawn by the Treasurer, an officer whose duties are specified by Congress, and not by the Sec retary of the Treasury. The eighth section of the act to estab lish the Treasury Department provides lhat "no person appointed to any office Instituted by this act shall directly or In directly be concerned, or Interested In car rying on the business of trade or com merce ... or take or apply to -his own use any emolument or gain for negotiat ing or transacting any business in the said department other than shall be allowed by law." Both the spirit and letter of this law was violated by Secretary Taney when he transferred a portion of the pub lic funds from the Bank of the United States to the Union Bank of Baltimore, he himself being a stockholder therein. In the words of J. Q. Adams, "he trans ferred the use of the public funds from the Bank of the United States, where they were profitable to the people, to the Union Bank of Baltimore, where they were pro fitable to himself." v Jackson gave to Secretary Duane. as a reason for removing the deposits only CO days before the meeting of Congress, In stead of waiting and laying the matter be fore that body, as Duane had suggested, that "if the last Congress had remained In cession but one week longer the bank would have corrupted two-thirds of the members of both houses and purchased a charter beyond the reach of a veto." Such was the standard by which he meas ured members of his own party. Not one of his satellites in either house dare peep f or mutter against the base calumny, while Adams and Corwin In the House, and Ewlng and others In the Senate, expressed their belief In strong terms that the Democratic members not agreeing with the President were too honorable to be guilty of bribetaking. It may have been that Jackson better understood the char acter of the men who had been swept into Congress on the tidal wave of De mocracy; but the writer prefers to be lieve, as did Adams and Corwin, that men can be Democrats and be too hlgh- , . . I minaeu ana nonorauie to De oDnoxtous to the charge of taking bribes. To think otherwise would be Jacksonlsm pure and simple. Bank Shares "Went Down. When Jackson declared war against the Bank of the United States the people L owned 70,000 shares In that Institution. Every oneof those shares was worth $130. Immediately after the removal of the de posits they were worth at the utmost $103 a share. Every share of the bank dock owned by the people lost 523 of Its value to them aggregating 51.730.000, the sum which Jackson levied upon the people by his electioneering against the bank and for himself. In the 17 years between the date of the bank's charter and the removal of the deposits from Its keeping It never failed In any one of Its engagements with the Gov ernment. In that period, in the collection and disbursement of the public revenue, amounting to 5450,000,000, not a single dol lar was lost in the operation of disbursing and collecting. And no creditor-of the Government hnd to wait one moment for his dues, so far as the bank was con cerned; and, moreover, when ho got his money it was money coin or bills, at his option, which bills were at par with specie in ever clvlllied country of the globe facts unparalleled in the history of any other fiscal Agent. Not one of the charges made by Jack son and his Secretary of malfeasance on the part of the bank was backed up by a particle of proof. The bank wound up its affairs at the expiration of its charter in 1836, and search the records as wo may, it cannot be found that during the 2d years of Its existence the Government, the bank's stockholders or any one holding any of Its notes ever lost so much as a penny by any one of Its transactions. From first to last its record was without a blot. The nearest approach It made to a loss was where, in Its magnanimity, it loaned a portion of its funds to one of Jackson's pet banks to make safe the public money deposited therein. In view of all this, what shall we say of Nicholas BIddle. the bank's president? Mr. Hawthorne, in his history, calls him a rascal, and says the final collapse of the bank in 1S41 revealed more of rascality and rottenness thnn its enemies had charged against it. The bank, let the reader note, ceased to be a National Institution In 1836, five years prior to the date Hawthorne gives. His ignorance of dates might be overlooked If he had given one grain of proof in substantiation of his charges. Instead of proof, gathered from elenn witnesses, he has gathered up from the filthy rccentaclcs where they were firot deposited the moldy scum and sweep- ings of Jacksonlsm and given them a fresh airing in the guise of history." J. Q. Adams' Statement. But let us have the testimony of a wiser man than Julian Hawthorne one whose word on a question of fact cannot bo doubted. Said John Q. Adams, In a speech prepared for delivery In the House of Rep resentatives, but which, by a trick con certed between the Speaker and a member from Virginia, he was prevented from reading: When dishonest and corrupt conduct is charged upon the Bank of tho United States the reproach nominally cast upon It really falls upon living men upon the president and stock directors of the bank. And who are the pres ident and stock directors of the bank? The president Is a citizen of Philadelphia, whom any man in this hall may be Justly proud to call his friend ; a man of eminent ability, of a highly cultured mind, and In every relation of life of Integrity irreproachable and unre proached; a man, too. Independent In his cir cumstances, and to whom the loss of his office could scarcely be felt to bo a misfortune. That ofilce he holds by tne choice, annually renewed, of the stockholders. From the time when he was first chosen president, for a succession of 10 years, until and including the year 1S32, he had Ixcn nominated by the President and con firmed by the Senate of the United States as one of the Government directors of the bank. And even now, after all these charges and de nunciations against him, he has twice received the honorable testimonial of his' fellow-citizens by being unanimously elected president of the trustees of Glrord College. The directors of' the bank are chiefly merchants, -with one or two lawyers of Philadelphia; men of good es tate and good name; Interested, as stockhold ers, in the bank; serving gratuitously; and never eligible more than three years in suc cession. That such persons should be charged with dishonesty and corruption by bankrupts and swindlers, by men of scarified characters and dog's-eared reputations, or by politicians, who, like the wind of a "West India hurricane, can chop round from north to south and from east to west in the twinkling of an eye, and blow with equal fury cither way. Is not at all surprising'! but men of honest fame, and such I should believe the Secretary to be, should not slander one another. Horace Btnney, a member of the House, and who as a lawyer stood at the head of tho Pennsylvania bar, gave like testi mony touching the personal honesty and high standing of the" officers of 'the bank. He and Adams were on the scene of ac tion, were Acquainted with the men they were eulogizing, and knew what they .were saying, while Hawthorne, if born into the world at that period, was in his swaddling clothes. Shall we take their testimony or that of a mere penny-a-llner,who writes fiction for the money there is In It? The reader of history who believes that the bank, in the person of Its managers, was corrupt, believes it, as Hawthorne says of Jackson, because he wants to believe It. The same reason may be truly given for the belief among Democrats and Pop ulists that Jackson and his party were opposed to State Banks and the banking system generally. The assertion made in Hearst's Chicago American of November 13, 1900, that "in Jackson's time the Demo cratic party made a winning fight against 'wild cat bank money," may be taken as a specimen of the general belief of the present day Democracy. The truth rests In the very reverse of the asser tion quoted. From a table before the writer, compiled In 1834, It can be shown that between the years 1S32 and 1S34, 542.fi00.000 of banking capital was incor porated In 16- of the states, the legislatures of nearly every one of which states was Democratic'. The chartering of the banks holding this capital was encouraged by Jackson, and ho told them to "Issue freely" to supply the place of United States bank notes withdrawn from cir culation. The wildcat bank3 were the spurious offspring of Jackson's policy. He had declared to Secretary Duane that "such a state bank agency must be put In operation as would show that (be United States bank was not necessary." He was the father of wildcat banking. The destruction wrought by his brood of kittens has never been more than half told. Men bom since that day have no conception of It. And those' who attempt to make it appear otherwise than the result of Jacksonlan Democracy are very Ignorant or very knavish. President Assumed Responsibility. Enough has been said, but It may not be out of place to touch upon one more point in the bank controversy. In his manifesto, read to his Cabinet on the 18th of September, 1833, the President says he "assumes the responsibility of removing the deposits, after the,most ma ture deliberation and reflection, 'as neces sary to preserve the morals of the peo ple, the freedom of the press, and the purity of the elective franchise." This manifesto, given to the country through Jackson's organ, the Globe, bore on its face the evidence of being an elec tioneering missive, and nothing else. It came from an Executive who had violated his most solemn ante-election pledges by fastening on the body politic the spoils system a loathsome ulcer, which has worked corruption In the vitals of the Government from that day to the present; who deceived the people in regard to his views of a National Bank; who made a war of spite and revenge upon that bank because he could not corrupt It into a machine for his own political advance ment; who, by an illegal assumption of power, made the Government a violator of Its pledged faith to It3 own people, and brought It Into disgrace before the eyes of all civilized countries; who put down nul lification in South Carolina from no high er motive than that he hated Calhoun; who backed up nullification in Georgia, and refused to executp the law as de clared by Chief Justice Marshall, .because of his hatred of boh the Chief Justice and the Georgia Indians: who had sub sidized one press, and tried to break down another by causing Government printing to be withdrawn from It; who required of every office-holder that he should be an active political partisan: and who, to crown all, had no fixed political principles, but was led wholly by Impulse and pas sion. With all this standing to bis account. President Jackson presented himself to the people as a preserver of their morals, the freedom of the press, and the purity of the elective franchise. There Is a mythical story that the Prince of Darkness, after doing his ut most to break and destroy the only tie that binds society together the falth keeplng principle that rests in the hearts of men made the plea before the high court of heaven that he did It to preserve man In his pristine purity and qualify him for an abode with the houris in para dise. Let the reader Judge how nearly the Mohammedan myth Illustrates the Jacksonlan reality. BBENEZER WARNER. Oregon City, Or. HENPECKED CHINAMEN. Influence of Wives in the Flowery Kingdom. New York Tribune. "Chinese, humorous literature abounds with references to henpecked husbands," said Professor Herbert Allen Giles, of the University of Cambridge, in thaclos ing lecture of his course at Columbia. Then he went on to tell a sample story culled from this branch of Chinese litera ture. "Ten henpecked husbands resolved to form a society to resist the Impositions of their wives," he eald. "The 10 wives heard of the plan, and while the meeting for or ganization was inprogress entered in a body. Nine of the rebellious husbands Incontinently bolted, but the 10th one re tained his place, quite unmoved by the frightful apparition. The 10 ladles, mere ly smiling contemptuously on the one man left behind, returned to their homes, satisfied with the success of their raid. The nine husbands thereupon returned and resolved to make the heroic 10th the president of the society. When they went, however, to Inform him of the honor it was found that he had died of fright. "Women have a few privileges that men have not," continued Professor Giles. "They arc exempt from the bamboo pun ishment; no woman can be bambooed. And a woman Is a source of anxiety and misgiving to magistrate and counsel In any case In which she may bo a party, for no Chinaman will enter Into an argu ment with a woman not from any feeling of chivalry, at all, but from a rooted conviction that he will get the worst of It." Professor Giles continued to reveal mas culine secrets by describing something which he said really took place at a din ner at which a number of high-class na tives and foreigners were present. The host, addressing himself to tho latter. In quired: "Bo you fear the Inner ones?" Upon inquiry ho explained that he meant their wives, and added, with un conscious pathos, that many Chinamen stood in constant fear of their wives. "Now, for example, he does," said the host, naively, pointing at a solemn and rotund magistrate, who had Impressed everyone as filled with a sense of his own Importance. At this all the Europeans present burst Into uncontrollable laughter, which rather surprised the Chinamen, who had been seeking to acquire Information on what they thought were very serious matters. Professor Giles attacked a good many hoary traditions which have wrapped Chinese women In a cloud of gloom. He declared that while Infanticide did exist it was no more prevalent than in England and some other Christian Western coun tries. The presence of the ghastly tablets on Chinese river banks, announcing to the public that "Female children must not be drowned here," he explained in the fol lowing way: All rich Chinamen are ex pected to do something for the elevation of the people, either in the way of char ity, education or the like. If they do not. society looks at them askance. Some. of them have printed and circulated great numbers of tracts, warning the people against Immoral practices opium-eating and others. It is men of this class who have erected these tablets on the river banks and lake shores, without the least regard as to whether any girl baby ever has been drowned there or not. As. to the "baby towers," of which.MIss Gordon-Cummlng gives Buch a horrible description in her book, he declared they were for the benefit of parents too poor to buy graves for their children. He quoted Mrs. Isabella Bird Bishop's state ment that 11 Bible women had confessed to her that they had destroyed not fewer than five girl Infants each. He was not at all surprised at this, he said. It would be Just like thein to say so, although he did not believe a word of It. The Chinese seemed to think that the only way to ex cite the respect of foreigners was by ex aggeration. "If girl children are destroyed," Pro fessor Giles continued, "there must be an altogether disproportionate number of fe male Infants born in China. Every China man has a sacred duty to perform when he reaches the age of IS to rnarry. Ev ery adult Chinaman has a wife. Some of the wealthier mandarins have several. The Emperor has 72. It would seem that this would absorb a fairly proportionate number of women." All Chinese girls of good family, he said, were taught to read, and there was a great quantity of educational literature for girls. A mass of poetry existed, written by women, and one of the dynastic his tories was written by a woman. Women went out unveiled, veils having been abol ished In the seventh century. In that cen tury, also, women were admitted to offi cial life in China, and some of them rose to the highest positions. But by the close of the eighth century men had rigorously excluded them from public life. Women took no part In social life, excepting In company of their own sex. They knew no mon excepting those of their own fam ily. Boys ard girls were separated at the age of 7, when the boys went to school. A Chinaman never referred to his wife. It was not good form to even ask after her health. Her existence was Ignored, al though the Chinese father often spoke of his children. Footblndlng, he confessed, was a "hor rible custom." The real obstacle to its abolishment was the rigid rule of fashion which makes It so difficult to marry a girl with unbound feet. The "Natural Foot Society," composed of both foreign ers and liberal natives, though Including many Influential people, had been unable to make much Impression on the nation al custom. A Tartar Emperor, back In tho early centuries, Issued a decree against foot-blndlng. But he was obliged toresclnd it. Although the Tartars could conquer the country they could not con quer this custom. Within a, few months, he said, another decree to the same effect had been issued.- Need of .Laughter Chicago Journal. Laughter Is a good, healthy, ' muscle making, lung-developing exercise, and it Is as good for girls as for boys. And humor can be cultivated In a girl's mind without am abatement of the dignity and modesty and charm of her womanhood not the unpleasant and constant frivolity evidenced in "smart" speech or quickness of repartee, nut the humor that looks at the world with a twinkle in the eye and sees its absurdities, Its smallnesses and Its fun. It should be part of every woman's men tal' equipment, for women arc called upon tQ bear so many of life's small worries a& well as Its greater ones. The bringing .up of children, the care of servants and the many social duties that become a bur denall are made easy and possible to put up with" by the woman with the unfailing sense of the bright side of life. It Is a sense that lasts through life, through its many ills. Its disillusions, its tribulations, oven its tragedies. FEWER FRIENDS. . Shrinkage in 3Icrabershlp Shorn at Philadelphia Meeting. Philadelphia Enquirer. The Friends, In the closing sessions of their yearly meeting, presented statistics showing the membership as follows: In 1SS1, 13,594; 1S9S. 11.63S; 1SS0. 11.528; 1900. 11.586; 1001. 11.4S2; 1902. 11.270. Of the pres ent membership there are: Males, 521S; females, C052; over 21 years of age, 9309; under 21 years, 176L They have 72 First Day schools, 597 teachers, 465U pupils, 21, 659 books In libraries; 31 day schools, with 167 teachers, 2157 pupils, of whom 475 are Friends, 22U having one parent a Friend, and the remainder, or two-thirds of their pupils are not Friends at all. Some meetings were wholly or partially discontinued last year, and only one new meeting that at Lansdowne, where a 52000 lot Is secured for a 55000 building, has been established. Orders were given for more specific statistics about causes or gains, and losses, movements of members, and changes In meetings. Joseph B. Han cock caused merriment. He said: "In the meeting I used to attend their principal business was disowning members. I say let the young men marry whom they please If they are good characters. 1 married an orthodox wife. None of our women would have me. We considered it beforehand. I said if my branch, dis owned me. I would Join the other," and she said if her branch disowned her she would Join -mine. Result they dldnt turn either of us out." Pope Praises American Newspapers. London Telegraph. It Is seldom that Romans take much real Interest In events out of their own immediate circle of vision, but the case of little Margaret Taylor, of Cincinnati, who was kidnaped by her aunt four years ago and was found in Bordighcra tho other day, has touched th,e motherly hearts of the Roman matrons. People In high places have also Interested themselves In tho case, and even the pontiff, through his archbishop In Genoa, was Informed how the matter went. When he heard that a" paper In Cincinnati, the home of the par ents of little-Margaret, had provided the funds to enable Mr. Taylor to como to Italy, claim his daughter and take her home, he said: "That paper understands the true mission of the press, viz., hu manitarian help to those who cannot help themselves. The English and American papers deserve their power." Pears' "Beauty is but skin deep " was probably meant to disparage beauty. In stead it tells how easy that beauty is to attain. "There is no beauty like the beauty of health" was also meant to dis parage. Instead it encour ages beauty. . Fears' Soap is-the means of-health to" the skin, arid so to both these -sorts of beauty. Sold all over tBe -world. Postmaster Palmer of So. Glen Fajls, N. Y., des cribes a condition which thous ands of men and find with women identical theirs. Read what he says,' and note the similarity of your own case. Writeto him, enclosing stamped ad dressed envel ope for reply, L. D. Palmer. and get a per sonal corroboration of what is herte given. He says regarding Dr. Miles' Heart Cure: '1 suffered agonizing; pain in the left breast and between my shoulders from heart trouble. My heart would palpi tate, flutter, then skip beats, until I could no longer He in bed. Night a'f ter night I walked the floor, for to Re down would have meant sudden death. My condition seemed almost hopeless when I began taking Dr. Miles' Heart Cure, but it helped me from the first. Later I took Dr. Miles' Nervine with the Heart Cure and the effect was aston ishing. I earnestly implore similar suf ferers to give these remedies a trial." Sold hy &U Druggists on guarantee. Dr. Miles Modloa! Co., Elkhart, Ind. "ALL WRIGHT-F0R MORE THAN HALF A CENTURY" Cart ItradMB., CuutlpaUoa, CkQU aad JVrar, aad all JUI. lata CaapUlaU. ill Drurj lata. Frita 2i ctali a Bax. WRIGHT'S INDIAN VEGETABLE PILL CO., New York Dr. Talcott & Co. J . 230 Alder St., f Portland, Or. j0r THE PALATIAL nn Kot a dnrk office in the bulldlnsi absolutely fireproof electric llsht oud artesian water; perfect sanita tion and thorough ventilation. Ele vators run day and night. Booroa. AIXSLIE. DR. GEORGE, Physician 413-41 AN'DERSOX. GUSTAV. Attorney-afLaw...013 ASSOCIATED PRESS; E. L. Powell. Mgr..bOO AUSTETJ, F. C.. Manager for Oreconand Washington Bankers Life Association of Dm Moines, la 502-503 BAKER. G. EVERT. Attorney-at-Law COT BANKERS' LiFE ASSOCIATION". OFDES MOIJs'ES, 1A.; F. C. Austen. Mtfr iu-i-jOJ BENJAMIN. R. VT., DentUt 314 BEkNAKD, G., Cashier Pacltto Mercantile Co 211 B1NSWANUER. OTTO S.. Physician and Surgeon 407-403 BOHN. W. G., Timber Lands....: 315 BROCK. WILBUR F.. Circulator Orego- nlan...... ...BOX BROWN. MYRA. M. D 313-3U BRUERE, DR. G. E.. Physician... 412-413-414. CAMPBELL. WM. M.. Medical Referee Equitable Life 700 CANNING, M. "5 602-UUJ CAItDWELL, DR. J. R.. Dentist 5W CAUK1N. G. E., District Agent Travelers Insurance Company 713 CHURCHILL. MKS. E. J 718-71T COFFET. DH. R. a. Surgeon 405-4W COLUMBIA TELEPHONE COMPANY 004-605-000-607-013-014-613 CORNELIUS. C W.. Phyu. and Surgeon... 200 COLLIER. P. F., Publisher: S. P. McGulre. Manager 41S COX, RALSTON, Manager American Guar anty Co., of Chicago 503 CROW, a P.. Timber and Mines 513 DAY, J. G. & I. N 3ia DICKSON. DR. J. F.. Physician 713-714. EDITORIAL ROOMS ..Erghth Floor EVENING TELEGRAM .325 Alder Street EQUITABLE LIFE ASSURANCE SOCI ETY; L. Samuel. Manager; 6. S. Smith. Cashier 306 FENTON, J. D., Physician and Surgeon.. 500-10 FENTON. DR. HICKS C. Eye and Ear 511 FENTON. MATTHEW F.. Dentist BOU QALVANI, W. H., Engineer and Draughts man COO GEARY, DR. E. P., Phys. and Surgeon.... 400 GIESY, A. J., Physician and Surgeon.. 700-710 GILBERT. DR. J. ALLEN. Physician.. 401-402 GOLDMAN, WILLIAM. Manager Manhat tan Life Ins. Co., of New York 209-210 GRANT, FRANK S., Attorney-at-Law....fllZ GRISWOLD & PHEGLEST, Tailors 131 Sixth Street HAMMAM BATHS. Turkish, and Russian.. 300-301-303 HAMMOND. A. B 310 HOLLISTER. DR. O. C. Physician and Surgtoa ............ ................504-503 IDLEMAN; C. M.. Attorny-at-Law..416-17-ia JOHNSON, W. C 315-310-31T KADY. MARK T., Supervisor of Agents. Mutual Raserre Life Ins. Co. ...........603 LITTLEFIELD. H. R., Phya. and Sur 200 MACKAY, DR. A. E., Phys. and Sur... 711-713 MANHATTAN LIFE INSURANCE CO. OF NEW YORK; W. Goldman, Mgr 200-210 MARSH. .DR. R. J., Phys. and Sur.... 404-400 MARTIN, J. L. & CO., Timber Lands 001 McCOY. NEWTON, Attorney-at-Law... ...715 Mcelroy, dr. j. g., Phys. & sur.701-702-703 McFADEN, MISS IDA E.. Stenographer... 213 McGINN. HENRY E., Attorney-at-Law. ail-ia McGUIRE. S. P., Manager P. F. Collier, Publisher 413 McKENZIE. DR. P. L.. Phys. and Sur.. 312-13 METT, HENRY 213 MILLER, DR. HERBERT a. Dentist and Oral Surgeon 603-609 MOBSMAN, DR. E. P.. DenUst 513-5U MUTUAL RESERVE LEFE INS. CO.; Mark T. Kady, Supervisor of Agents.. 604-603 NICHOLAS. HORACE B., Attorney-at-Law.713 NILES, M. L., Cashier Manhattan Life In surance Company of New York..... 203 NUMBERS, JAMES R., Physician and Sur geon 400 OLSEN, J. F., General Manager Pacific Mercantile Co 211-213 OREGON CAMERA CLUB.'... .214-215-216-211 OREGON INFIRMARY OF OSTEOPATHY 409410 OREGONIAN BARBER SHOP, "MarVch & George. Proprietors 120 Sixth OREGONIAN EDUCATIONAL BUREAU; J. F. Strauhal, Manager 200 PACIFIC MERCANTILE CO.; J. F. Olseu. General Manager ..............211-213 PORTLAND EYE AND EAR INFIRMARY Ground Floor. 133 Sixth street QUIMBY, L. P. W., Game and Forestry Warden 713 REAV1S. DR. J. L.. Dentist... 608-000 REED. WALTER, Optician. . .133 Sixth street RICKENBACH. DR. J. F., Eye, Ear. Noso and Throat 701-703 ROSENDALE. O. M.. Metallurgist and Min ing Engineer 510 P.YAN. J. B., Attorney-at-Law 513 SAMUEL. L.. Manager Equitable Life 300 SHERWOOD. J. W.. Deputy Supreme Com mander K. O. T. M. 311 SMITH. DR. L. B.. Osteopath 400-410 SMITH. GEORGE S.. Cashier Equitable Life 300 STUART. DELL. "Attorney-at-Law 017-618 STOLTE. DR. CHAS. E.. DenUst 704-703 STOW. F. H.. General Manager Columbia Telephone Co .' 600 SURGEON OF THE S. P. RY. AND N. P. TERMINAL CO 703 SUPERINTENDENTS OFFICE 201 THE NORTH PACIFIC PUBLISHING SO CIETY ,...403 THRALL. S. A.. President Oregon Camera Club 214 "THREE IN ONE" QUICK ACCOUNT SYSTEM COMPANY, OF OREGON 513 TUCKER. DR. GEO. F Dentist 610-611 U. S. LIGHTHOUSE ENGINEERS. 13TH DIST.; Captain W. C. Laugntt, Corps of Engineers. U. S. A. $03 U S- ENGINEER OFFICE RIVER AND HARBOR IMPROVEMENTS; Captain W. C Langfltt. Corps of Engineers. U. S. A. .810 WILEY. DR. JAMES O C, Phys. & Sur.708-a WILSON. DR. EDWARD N. Physician and Surgeon 304-303 WILSON. DR. GEO. F.. Phys. & Surg.. 70C-707 WILSON. DR. HOLT C. Phys. &. Surg.507-503 WILLAMETTE VALLEY TELE. CO.. ....613 WOOD. DR. VT. L.. Physician.. ..412-413-414 Office may be had by applying to the wuperlntenUent of the bulldinjj, room 201. second floor. MEKf THE MODERN APPLIANCE. A positive way to perfect manhood. The "VACUUM TREATMENT cures you without medicine of all nervous or diseases of the generative or gans, such as lust manhood, exhaustive drains, varicocele, lmpotency, etc Men are quickly re stored to perfect health and strength. Write for circular. Correspondence confidential. THE HEALTH APPLIANCE CO.." room 47-43 Safe Deposit building, Seattle, Wash. FOR "WOMEN s mm WXNE 0 " I : CARDUI F05 WOMF.N I . . wmjimitomwifwwiif&mtf&m