THE MORNING OfcEGONIAN, MONDAY. JULY 7, 1902.
-President Jackson and
PERVERSIONS OF HISTORY BY JULIAN HAWTHORNE
AND OTHERS CORRECTED FROM THE RECORDS.
The amount of falsehood that Is be
ing published In books and papers, and
ijlven to tho reading public as historical
fact, has- become so ETeat that It de-
serves exposure and condemnation through .
thp press of -the country. -Whole volumes
are sent but from publishing-houses- pre
tending to state facts in tho history of
our country, "which can bo shown from
public records and state papers to bo ut
terly false. These histories carry on their
pages the evidence that when their au
thors, make reference to political questions
tbey rely for authority on statements
made In partisan newspapers during tho
heat of political contests. Kowhere do
they refer to public documents for the
truth of their statements, for tho good
reason that none such can be found. There
Is evidence also, that when they lack
testimony from partisan sources they
draw on their own Imaginations to round
out the story. One at the most notable
Instances of this is found in Julian Haw
thorne's "History of tho United States,"
as the following extracts will show:
Julian Hawthorne's Misstatements.
Vol. Ill, page 701. The Twenty-seventh
Congress which met in December, 1831, was
full of. men of the first ability, and had
an exciting career. Benton was the chief
defender of the exocutlve: there were Web
ster and Clay, Rufus Cboate and Everett,
Thpxnas Corwin. of Ohio, and many others
of prowess. Clay was chosen to lead the
struggle against Jackson. Jackson assumed
a composed and peaceful demeanor In his
meflsage, waiting for the other side to at
tack; which, under Clay, they were not clow
in doing. The opposition was divided among
Itself, but united against President Jackson.
Clay was, himself. In nomination for the
presidency, and was now a stronger candidate
than Calhoun.
Acting on Clay's advice, the first question
brought up was that of the recharter of the
Bank. Jackson would perhaps have pre
ferred to have that matter go over until
after the next election; but this was more
the reason for Clay to preea it now; he
hoped to destroy the executive by a deadly
alternative. There was a number of Demo
crats who favored the recharter; It was most
likely that Congress, in both branches, would
vote for It, and then It would lie with Jack
son either to veto or accept the measure.
If he vetoed it, he would divide his party,
and be subjected to dangerous criticism, even
If the bill did not. pass over his veto; and
if he signed it, he would appear as timorous
and weak. In either case he would imperil
his election. "Webster, though siding with
Jacksoh against Calhoun, was with Clay on
this Question, and McLane. the new Secretary
of the Treasury, had already declared the bank
to be indispensable. Moreover, the bank was
apparently in a most prosperous position, and
firmly rooted in the echeme of things. Nicho
las BIddle did not believe he could be beaten.
The outlook for the bank was certainly
good, on the surface. Its weak points -were,
first, that Nicholas BIddle was a rascal, and
secretly guilty of all manner of dishonesty,
and that tho bank Itself, consequently, which
was practically under his exclusive control,
was rotten to the core; and, secondly, that
Jackson was a fighter, that he hated and dis
trusted the bank, and would stick at nothing
to destroy It. And neither Clay nor BIddle had
any adequate conception of Jackson's strength
with the country, or the trust It placed in his
statements and acts. The battle was long and
savagely fought on both sides, but the upshot
was never really in doubt.
BIddle bribed right and left, conceafed all
sinister facts either by direct lying or by cov
ering up traces; and Clay and his followers,
many of whom sincerely believed that the
bank was as honest and valuable as BIddle
declared It to be, deployed their eloquence in
Congress. Benton and the rest of the Jackson
men met them with a vast array of charges,
some of which were guesswork, but none of
which surpassed the facts when the latter
came to be known; they hammeredVvery thing
in sight indiscriminately, and spared nothing
and no one; and. though they did not prevent
the recharter from passing the Senate and
House, the conviction aroused in the public
mind was that so much smoke must portend
eomc fire. "When, therefore, Jackson, upon
receiving the amended bill, sent it back with
his veto, the country tas prepared for it;
and Congress failed to pass it over the veto
by the necessary two-thirds vote. The sym
pathy, after this first round of the fight, was
with Jackson, and against the financial octo
pus -nhlch he affirmed and believed to be
squeezing the Independence and virtue out of
the community. Jackson believed this because
be wanted to believe It; because he hated BId
dle and had been offended by the bank's defi
ance. It was his good luck that the facts
happened to Justify his suspicions; but it cart
hardly be doubted that he would have hated
the bank and its manager Just as much, had
they been as pure as driven snow. To same
extent he was fighting In the dark, and might. '
for aught he knew, have been trying to kill
an angel of light instead of a demon of dark
ness. The time for the present charter of the bank
to expire was still five years off, and the war
was far from being decided yet; but Jackson
had the best of it so far.
Page 709: Congress being now scattered (tha
Bummer of 1833). Jackson had a free hand;
and it presently became known that he meant
to withdraw from the bank the Government
deposits, amounting to more than half of the
whole; and. what was quite as serious for the
bank, he would accompany this act' by giving
his reasons for It, which were. In brief, that
he did not consider the money safe there, he
believed it was uned to corrupt the country
and Congress, and he would not be a party to
nourishing the parasite which was absorbing
the vital forces of the Nation. Of course, if j
tnis were credited, the bank would be discred
ited in proportion, and would be obliged to
wind up its affairs forthwith.
Jackson took but few into his confidence, but
one of these had to be Duane, because 'only
the Secretary of the Treasury had the legal
right to withdraw the deposits. After much
hesitation Duane declined to do it, and Jack
son thereupon dismissed him, and put in his
place a gentleman by the name of Taney,
who was a thoroughgoing advocate of anti
bank principles. Taney did his duty, not
actually drawing out the whole fO.000,000 in
one lump, but providing for Its removal at a
rate altogether too rapidly to be comfortable
for Mr. BIddle. BIddle. however, had had
some warning, which he had utilized to the
utmost of his power by contracting his loans,
and this of course had an effect on the coun
try. Money became dear and wages low. The
distress was more in the anticipation of evil
than In the actuality of It, for the money
taken out of the bank was deposited in state
banks throughout the land, and only time
seemed needed to reassure business.
Page 811: The corrupt collapse of BIddle's
United States Bank, which was now accom
plishing, showed that Jackson and Van Buren
were right in the stand they had taken against
it, and was a practical reply to the eloquence
of the orators on the other side.
Page 817: Van Buren took his defeat with
his usual steadiness, and his next message
was the best and boldest he eve'r wrole.
- - . He reviewed the arguments
against the National bank; and, as if to ac
cent his words, that sinister institution, with
BIddle at its head, found in its lowest deep
a Jower deep to fall into; its final collapse,
followed by the revelation of more than Its
worst enemies had charged of rascality and
rottenness, took place in 1841. BIddle lingered
three years longer, and then died of mortifica
tion, rather than shame, for he was too cal
lous in iniquity to feel the latter.
Contains But One Truth.
In all that purports to be history, per
haps so much falsehood cannot be found
compressed In tho same space as is in the
foregoing. It contains one truth, how
ever "JackEon would stick at nothing to
destroy the Bank" and that truth was
the pivot on which our country turned
from an era of growing prosperity to such
bankruptcy and financial ruin as it has
.. never witnessed in any other period since
.it became a union of states.
In view of what is said In the extracts
quoted, and of the erroneous accounts
given from year to year of Jackson's acts
and opinions, both before and after his
elevation to the Presidency, the writer
proposes to give a bit of history of a
different complexion, compiled from Gov
ernment records and printed documents.
Intermixed with comments of his own.
In no one of his messages did President
Jackson deny tho constitutionality of a
the ILS Bank
United States Bank. He first makes al
lusion to the question in his message of
1S29. In that he says:
The charter of tho Bank of the United States
expires in 183G, and its stockholders will most
probably apply for a renewal of their privi
leges. In order to avoid the evils resulting
from a precipitancy in a measure involving
such important principles and such deep pecu
niary interests, I feel that I cannot, in Justice
to tho parties interested, too soon present it
to the deliberate consideration of the legisla
ture and the people.
The charter had then upwards of six
years to run. Two years after this invi
tation, the Bank made an application for
a renewal of its charter. It was at once
declared that the application was pre
mature, and the bank was denounced for
accepting the invitation which the Presi
dent had formally given. Further on the
message continues:
If such an institution is deemed essential to
the fiscal operations of the Government, I sub
mit to the wisdom of the legislature, whether
a National one, founded upon the credit of tho
Government, might not be devised.
So far from expressing an explicit opin
ion against all National Banks, President
Jackson. here makes a hypothetical ad
mission of the utility of a bank, and dis
tinctly Intimates the practicability of de
vising one on the basis of tho credit and
resources of the Government.
What Jackson Said.
In his next message, 1830, speaking of
the bank, Jackson says:
Nothing has occurred to lessen in any degree
the dangers which many of our citizens ap
prehend fronAhat institution as at present or
ganized. In the spirit of improvement and
compromise which distinguish our country
and Us institutions, it becomes us to inquire
whether it be not possible to' secure the ad
vantages afforded by the present bank through
the agency of a bank of the United States so
modified in its principles and structure as to
obviate constitutional and other objections.
Here President Jackson admits "the ad
vantages afforded by the bank," and sug
gests the Inquiry whether it be possible
to secure them by a bank differently con
structed. Towards the conclusion of that
part of his message, his language fully
Justifies the implication that it was not
to the bank itself, but to certain specific
features in its charter, that he objected,
its permitting the holding of stock by for
eigners bolng one of them.
In his message of 1831 President Jack
son said less about tho bank than in
former messages, but the following sen
tence occurs:
Entertaining tho opinions heretofore expressed
in relation to the Bank of the United -States,
as at present organized, I felt It my dutx, in
my former messages frankly to disclose them.
These quotations show that Jackson's
"opinion" as to the constitutionality of
a National bank was very unlike that
which at the present day it is generally
understood he held. From all he had ut
tered. It was the natural conclusion that
If amendments 'could be made to the
charter satisfactory to the President, he
would approve a bill for Its renewal. Ac
cordingly, In compliance with the Invita
tion he had extended to Congress two
years previously, a bill for rechnrterlng
the bank was prepared, with such amend
ments as was supposed would be accepta
ble to him, and passed by the two houses.
This was in July, 1832. Jackson vetoed
the bllL In his message returning it
without his signature he said:
A Bank of the United States is, in many re
spects, convenient to the Government and use
ful to the pcopln. Entertaining this opinion
and deeply Impressed with the belief that some
of the powers and privileges possessed by the
existing bank are unauthorized by the Consti
tution, etc, I felt it my duty, at an early pe
riod of my administration, to call the atten
tion of Congress to the practicability of organ
izing an institution 'combining all its advan
tages and obviating those objections. I sin
cerely Tcgret that in Ahe oct before me I can
perceive none of those modifications. ...
That a Bank of the United States, competent
to all the duties which may be required by the
Government, might be so organized as not to
infringe on our own delegated powers, or the
reserved rights of tho states. I do not entertain
a doubt. Had the Executive been called on to
furnish the project of such an institution, the
duty would have been cheerfully performed.
Nowhere In this veto message did Presi
dent Jackson array himself In opposition
to any Bank of the "United States. He
did not oppose himself to the then exist
ing bank under every organisation of
which it was susceptible. On the con
trary, "he declared he did not entertain a
doubt that a bank might be constitution
ally organized. He even rebuked Con
gress for not calling on him to furnish a
project of a bank, which he would have
cheerfully supplied, and he closed by ad
journing the question for a "general dis
cussion" before the people, that it might
be acted upon by a new Congress."
Jackson's Bank Campaign.
After all that Jackson had declared. It
could not have been anticipated by' the
people that. In his re-election, they were
deciding against a bank. It was main
tained, wherever those in favor of a Na
tional bank were In the majority, that
his re-election would be followed by a
recharter of the bank, with proper amend
ments. So said Henry Clay, in a speech
delivered in the United States Senate,
and we may fairly credit him with know
ing what he was talking about. It is
not claimed by the writer, however, that
if Jackson had boldly declared himself as
opposed to any and all banks, he could
have been defeated. His personal popu
larity was so great that be could have
been elected on any side of any question.
No cry during the campaign of 1832 was
so loud and so frequently heard as the
words, "Hurrah for' Jackson, bank or no
bank!" The leaders of the Jackson party
fought for the spoils, and nothing else,
and the masses who voted for him did
not care what he believed. The fact that
he commanded the militia that defeated
the British regulars at New Orleans,
coupled with the widespread, though er
roneous, belief that he was defeated In
1824 by means of a corrupt bargain be
tween Clay and Adams, was enough to
ensure his triumph. It was the founda
tion of his success, first and last. No one
of our Presidents was ever elected so ex
clusively on the strength of his personal
ity, without reference to opinions or
qualifications, as was Andrew Jackson.
He seemed to have inspired his followers
with the strongest characteristic of his
strong nature the fighting element and.
as Hawthorne has truthfully said of their
chief, they "stuck at nothing" In fighting
for success.
TVe come now to the removal of the
Government' money by ordec of Jackson
from the United States Bank and placing
it in the custody of state bmks and
here It Is proper to say that no "attack"
was made upon President Jackson by
Whigs during the session commencing
December. 1S31, unless the bill recharter
lrig the bank could be called an attack.
Mr. Hawthorne Is sadly 'off his base,
both In facts and figures, when he so
represents. Up to the date of the re
moval of the deposits, many eminent
members of the opposition, Clay, Webster,
Ewlng and J. Q. Adams, being among
them, supported the administration in
more than one time of trial. With them,
tho man Jackson was nothing the pros
perity and honor of the country was
everything; and when, as chief executive,
ho stood for a united country and for
measures conducive to the country's well
fare, he found In these men his strong
est backer. They dropped, party and
supported principles. a
First Attack in Congress.
It was not until after Jackson had il
legally caused the public moneyv to be re
moved from the bank in October, 1833,
that anything occurred in Congress that
could bo construed as an. attack upon
him. On December 26 or that year, two
full years after the date set by Mr.
Hawthorne for an attack. Mr. Clay of
fered the following resolution In the
Senate:
1. Resolved. That, by dismissing the late
Secretary of tho Treasury because he would
not, contrary to the 'sense of his own duty,
remove the money of the United States on
deposit with the Bank of the United States
and its branches, in conformity with the Pres
ident's opinion; and by appointing his succes
sor to effect such removal, which has been
done, tbe President has assumed the exercise
of a power over the Treasury of the United
States not cranted to him by the Constitution
and laws, and dangerous to the liberties of the
people.
2. Resolved, That the reasons assigned by
tho Secretary of tho Treasury for the removal
of the money of the United States, deposited
in the Bank of tho United States and Its
branches, communicated to Congress on the 3d
day of December, 1833, are unsatisfactory and
Insufficient.
A prolonged and heated discussion fol
lowed the introduction of these resolu
tions. They were supported by Calhoun
and other Democrats In the Senate, as
well as by Clay, Webster, Southard,
Ewlng and others of the Whigs, and were
finally adopted by a non-partisan vote.
No one unprejudiced could read the argu
ments made by these Senators, especially
that of Calhoun, and not be convinced
that tho declarations set forth in the reso
lutions were true to the letter. The samo
may be said of arguments made in the
House In favor of resolutions of the came
tenor as those offered by Clay In the
Senate! Wise, of Virginia; McDuffle, of
South Carolina, and other prominent
Democrats, all opposed to recharterlng
the bank, made able speeches condemna
tory of Jackson's "unlawful seizure of
tho Nation's treasure," their arguments
covering the same ground as those made
In the Senate.
Four Conclusions.
Studying the discussion of these resolu
tions, pro and con, In connection with
public documents, and avowals made by
Jackson and his supporters of that day,
the student of history is forced to the
following conclusions:
First That Jackson did not express
any clearly defined opposition to a United
States Bank prior to his election to the
Prculdoncy, nor In any of his messages
to Congress prior to the passage of the
bill recharterlng the bank.
Second That he favored the chartering
of a bank by the Government, provided
ho could dictate the terms of Its charter.
Third That he went before the people
In his campaign for re-election as a bank
man.
Fourth That the kind of bank he
favored was one, as was subsequently
developed, that would unite both tho
purse and the sword in the hands of the
executive.
In his message of December 4, 1832,
President Jackson recommended to Con
gress to provide for selling out the stock
of T7.000.000 held by the Government In
the Bank of the United States. He also
recommended an inquiry Into the trans
actions of the bank, suggesting that It
was "no longer a safe depository of the
monej- of the people." These subjects
of the message were referred by the
House of Representatives to the commit
tee of ways and means. An Investigation
took place. An agent, appointed by tho
then secretary, Louis McLane, reported
that the deposits were safe, and this
report was communicated to the House.
On tho 13th of February, 1S33. a bill
for the sale of the bank stock, recom
mended by the President, was rejected by
the House. The House committee went
to Philadelphia, examined witnesses, di
rectors and others, on oath. They made
a report to the House, and in accord
ance with that report the House "Re
solved, That the Government deposits
may, In the opinion of this Housei be
safely continued In the Bank of the
United States." Ayes, 109; noes, 46.
Congress would not sell the 57.000.000 of
stock nor repeal the lew which declared
that the notes of the bank Bhould be re
ceivable in all payments of revenue. The
Gcvernraent received Its proportion of the
semi-annual dividends upon Its capital
stock. Therefore Congress would not
make war upon the capital of J7.O00.O0O nor
upon the dividends.
The President, not content with the ex
amination made by Secretary McLane, nor
with the examination made'by the House
of Representatives and tha vote of the
House, got on foot an Inquiry of his own
by secret informers, decided on the re
moval of tho deposits, appointed nn agent
(Amos Kendall) to make contracts with
State Banks for receiving the money, ap
pointed the time for the removal to take
effect, removed Mr. Duane for refusing
to betray the trust confided to the Secre
tary by law, and appointed Mr. Taney to
consummate his scheme. September 26.
1833, " three days after bis- appointment,
Taney hastened to obey the mandate or
his chief.
The deposits being so changed, loans of
$2,200,000 were made by four Treasury
checks on the-Bank of the United States
of SXW.000 each, and three others of $100,000
each, in favor of the cashiers of certain
of those selected State Banks, "to be
used upon certain contingencies"; in other
words, to enable those banks to settle the
balances against them and to guard them
against bankruptcy. These loans were not
drawn for any financial purpose of the
Government, but for the private purposes
of State Banks, and were not authorized
by any appropriation by law.
Unlarrful Removal of Funds.
The removal of the deposits from the
Bank of .the United States was unlawful,
and the contracts made with the State
Banks to receive the deposits was also
unlawful. Neither of these measures was
authorized by the 16th or any other section
of the bank charter. The Secretary could
withhold the Government's funds or re
frain from depositing them in the bank,
and give his reasons therefor to Congress;
but once placed In the bank, he had no
legal control whatever over the deposits,
except according to the provisions of the
Constitution and the general laws, which
forbid that any money should be drawn
from the treasury unless In consequence
of appropriations made by law, and spe
cifically to be applied. The law also speci
fies that the money shall be drawn by the
Treasurer, an officer whose duties are
specified by Congress, and not by the Sec
retary of the Treasury.
The eighth section of the act to estab
lish the Treasury Department provides
lhat "no person appointed to any office
Instituted by this act shall directly or In
directly be concerned, or Interested In car
rying on the business of trade or com
merce ... or take or apply to -his own
use any emolument or gain for negotiat
ing or transacting any business in the said
department other than shall be allowed by
law." Both the spirit and letter of this
law was violated by Secretary Taney
when he transferred a portion of the pub
lic funds from the Bank of the United
States to the Union Bank of Baltimore,
he himself being a stockholder therein.
In the words of J. Q. Adams, "he trans
ferred the use of the public funds from
the Bank of the United States, where they
were profitable to the people, to the Union
Bank of Baltimore, where they were pro
fitable to himself." v
Jackson gave to Secretary Duane. as a
reason for removing the deposits only CO
days before the meeting of Congress, In
stead of waiting and laying the matter be
fore that body, as Duane had suggested,
that "if the last Congress had remained In
cession but one week longer the bank
would have corrupted two-thirds of the
members of both houses and purchased
a charter beyond the reach of a veto."
Such was the standard by which he meas
ured members of his own party. Not one
of his satellites in either house dare peep
f or mutter against the base calumny, while
Adams and Corwin In the House, and
Ewlng and others In the Senate, expressed
their belief In strong terms that the
Democratic members not agreeing with
the President were too honorable to be
guilty of bribetaking. It may have been
that Jackson better understood the char
acter of the men who had been swept
into Congress on the tidal wave of De
mocracy; but the writer prefers to be
lieve, as did Adams and Corwin, that
men can be Democrats and be too hlgh-
, . . I
minaeu ana nonorauie to De oDnoxtous to
the charge of taking bribes. To think
otherwise would be Jacksonlsm pure and
simple.
Bank Shares "Went Down.
When Jackson declared war against the
Bank of the United States the people L
owned 70,000 shares In that Institution.
Every oneof those shares was worth $130.
Immediately after the removal of the de
posits they were worth at the utmost $103
a share. Every share of the bank dock
owned by the people lost 523 of Its value
to them aggregating 51.730.000, the sum
which Jackson levied upon the people by
his electioneering against the bank and
for himself.
In the 17 years between the date of the
bank's charter and the removal of the
deposits from Its keeping It never failed In
any one of Its engagements with the Gov
ernment. In that period, in the collection
and disbursement of the public revenue,
amounting to 5450,000,000, not a single dol
lar was lost in the operation of disbursing
and collecting. And no creditor-of the
Government hnd to wait one moment for
his dues, so far as the bank was con
cerned; and, moreover, when ho got his
money it was money coin or bills, at his
option, which bills were at par with specie
in ever clvlllied country of the globe
facts unparalleled in the history of any
other fiscal Agent.
Not one of the charges made by Jack
son and his Secretary of malfeasance on
the part of the bank was backed up by a
particle of proof. The bank wound up its
affairs at the expiration of its charter in
1836, and search the records as wo may,
it cannot be found that during the 2d years
of Its existence the Government, the
bank's stockholders or any one holding
any of Its notes ever lost so much as a
penny by any one of Its transactions.
From first to last its record was without
a blot. The nearest approach It made
to a loss was where, in Its magnanimity,
it loaned a portion of its funds to one of
Jackson's pet banks to make safe the
public money deposited therein.
In view of all this, what shall we say
of Nicholas BIddle. the bank's president?
Mr. Hawthorne, in his history, calls him
a rascal, and says the final collapse of the
bank in 1S41 revealed more of rascality and
rottenness thnn its enemies had charged
against it. The bank, let the reader note,
ceased to be a National Institution In 1836,
five years prior to the date Hawthorne
gives. His ignorance of dates might be
overlooked If he had given one grain of
proof in substantiation of his charges.
Instead of proof, gathered from elenn
witnesses, he has gathered up from the
filthy rccentaclcs where they were firot
deposited the moldy scum and sweep-
ings of Jacksonlsm and given them a
fresh airing in the guise of history."
J. Q. Adams' Statement.
But let us have the testimony of a wiser
man than Julian Hawthorne one whose
word on a question of fact cannot bo
doubted. Said John Q. Adams, In a speech
prepared for delivery In the House of Rep
resentatives, but which, by a trick con
certed between the Speaker and a member
from Virginia, he was prevented from
reading:
When dishonest and corrupt conduct is
charged upon the Bank of tho United States
the reproach nominally cast upon It really falls
upon living men upon the president and stock
directors of the bank. And who are the pres
ident and stock directors of the bank? The
president Is a citizen of Philadelphia, whom
any man in this hall may be Justly proud to
call his friend ; a man of eminent ability, of a
highly cultured mind, and In every relation of
life of Integrity irreproachable and unre
proached; a man, too. Independent In his cir
cumstances, and to whom the loss of his office
could scarcely be felt to bo a misfortune. That
ofilce he holds by tne choice, annually renewed,
of the stockholders. From the time when he
was first chosen president, for a succession of
10 years, until and including the year 1S32, he
had Ixcn nominated by the President and con
firmed by the Senate of the United States as
one of the Government directors of the bank.
And even now, after all these charges and de
nunciations against him, he has twice received
the honorable testimonial of his' fellow-citizens
by being unanimously elected president of the
trustees of Glrord College. The directors of'
the bank are chiefly merchants, -with one or
two lawyers of Philadelphia; men of good es
tate and good name; Interested, as stockhold
ers, in the bank; serving gratuitously; and
never eligible more than three years in suc
cession. That such persons should be charged
with dishonesty and corruption by bankrupts
and swindlers, by men of scarified characters
and dog's-eared reputations, or by politicians,
who, like the wind of a "West India hurricane,
can chop round from north to south and from
east to west in the twinkling of an eye, and
blow with equal fury cither way. Is not at all
surprising'! but men of honest fame, and such
I should believe the Secretary to be, should
not slander one another.
Horace Btnney, a member of the House,
and who as a lawyer stood at the head
of tho Pennsylvania bar, gave like testi
mony touching the personal honesty and
high standing of the" officers of 'the bank.
He and Adams were on the scene of ac
tion, were Acquainted with the men they
were eulogizing, and knew what they .were
saying, while Hawthorne, if born into the
world at that period, was in his swaddling
clothes. Shall we take their testimony
or that of a mere penny-a-llner,who writes
fiction for the money there is In It? The
reader of history who believes that the
bank, in the person of Its managers, was
corrupt, believes it, as Hawthorne says
of Jackson, because he wants to believe It.
The same reason may be truly given
for the belief among Democrats and Pop
ulists that Jackson and his party were
opposed to State Banks and the banking
system generally. The assertion made in
Hearst's Chicago American of November
13, 1900, that "in Jackson's time the Demo
cratic party made a winning fight against
'wild cat bank money," may be taken
as a specimen of the general belief of
the present day Democracy. The truth
rests In the very reverse of the asser
tion quoted. From a table before the
writer, compiled In 1834, It can be shown
that between the years 1S32 and 1S34,
542.fi00.000 of banking capital was incor
porated In 16- of the states, the legislatures
of nearly every one of which states was
Democratic'. The chartering of the banks
holding this capital was encouraged by
Jackson, and ho told them to "Issue
freely" to supply the place of United
States bank notes withdrawn from cir
culation. The wildcat bank3 were the
spurious offspring of Jackson's policy.
He had declared to Secretary Duane
that "such a state bank agency must be
put In operation as would show that (be
United States bank was not necessary."
He was the father of wildcat banking.
The destruction wrought by his brood
of kittens has never been more than half
told. Men bom since that day have no
conception of It. And those' who attempt
to make it appear otherwise than the
result of Jacksonlan Democracy are very
Ignorant or very knavish.
President Assumed Responsibility.
Enough has been said, but It may not
be out of place to touch upon one more
point in the bank controversy. In his
manifesto, read to his Cabinet on the
18th of September, 1833, the President
says he "assumes the responsibility of
removing the deposits, after the,most ma
ture deliberation and reflection, 'as neces
sary to preserve the morals of the peo
ple, the freedom of the press, and the
purity of the elective franchise."
This manifesto, given to the country
through Jackson's organ, the Globe, bore
on its face the evidence of being an elec
tioneering missive, and nothing else. It
came from an Executive who had violated
his most solemn ante-election pledges by
fastening on the body politic the spoils
system a loathsome ulcer, which has
worked corruption In the vitals of the
Government from that day to the present;
who deceived the people in regard to his
views of a National Bank; who made a
war of spite and revenge upon that bank
because he could not corrupt It into a
machine for his own political advance
ment; who, by an illegal assumption of
power, made the Government a violator of
Its pledged faith to It3 own people, and
brought It Into disgrace before the eyes of
all civilized countries; who put down nul
lification in South Carolina from no high
er motive than that he hated Calhoun;
who backed up nullification in Georgia,
and refused to executp the law as de
clared by Chief Justice Marshall, .because
of his hatred of boh the Chief Justice
and the Georgia Indians: who had sub
sidized one press, and tried to break down
another by causing Government printing
to be withdrawn from It; who required
of every office-holder that he should be
an active political partisan: and who, to
crown all, had no fixed political principles,
but was led wholly by Impulse and pas
sion. With all this standing to bis account.
President Jackson presented himself to
the people as a preserver of their morals,
the freedom of the press, and the purity
of the elective franchise.
There Is a mythical story that the
Prince of Darkness, after doing his ut
most to break and destroy the only tie
that binds society together the falth
keeplng principle that rests in the hearts
of men made the plea before the high
court of heaven that he did It to preserve
man In his pristine purity and qualify him
for an abode with the houris in para
dise. Let the reader Judge how nearly
the Mohammedan myth Illustrates the
Jacksonlan reality.
BBENEZER WARNER.
Oregon City, Or.
HENPECKED CHINAMEN.
Influence of Wives in the Flowery
Kingdom.
New York Tribune.
"Chinese, humorous literature abounds
with references to henpecked husbands,"
said Professor Herbert Allen Giles, of
the University of Cambridge, in thaclos
ing lecture of his course at Columbia.
Then he went on to tell a sample story
culled from this branch of Chinese litera
ture. "Ten henpecked husbands resolved to
form a society to resist the Impositions of
their wives," he eald. "The 10 wives heard
of the plan, and while the meeting for or
ganization was inprogress entered in a
body. Nine of the rebellious husbands
Incontinently bolted, but the 10th one re
tained his place, quite unmoved by the
frightful apparition. The 10 ladles, mere
ly smiling contemptuously on the one
man left behind, returned to their homes,
satisfied with the success of their raid.
The nine husbands thereupon returned
and resolved to make the heroic 10th the
president of the society. When they went,
however, to Inform him of the honor it
was found that he had died of fright.
"Women have a few privileges that
men have not," continued Professor Giles.
"They arc exempt from the bamboo pun
ishment; no woman can be bambooed.
And a woman Is a source of anxiety and
misgiving to magistrate and counsel In
any case In which she may bo a party,
for no Chinaman will enter Into an argu
ment with a woman not from any feeling
of chivalry, at all, but from a rooted
conviction that he will get the worst of
It."
Professor Giles continued to reveal mas
culine secrets by describing something
which he said really took place at a din
ner at which a number of high-class na
tives and foreigners were present. The
host, addressing himself to tho latter. In
quired: "Bo you fear the Inner ones?"
Upon inquiry ho explained that he
meant their wives, and added, with un
conscious pathos, that many Chinamen
stood in constant fear of their wives.
"Now, for example, he does," said the
host, naively, pointing at a solemn and
rotund magistrate, who had Impressed
everyone as filled with a sense of his own
Importance.
At this all the Europeans present burst
Into uncontrollable laughter, which rather
surprised the Chinamen, who had been
seeking to acquire Information on what
they thought were very serious matters.
Professor Giles attacked a good many
hoary traditions which have wrapped
Chinese women In a cloud of gloom. He
declared that while Infanticide did exist it
was no more prevalent than in England
and some other Christian Western coun
tries. The presence of the ghastly tablets
on Chinese river banks, announcing to the
public that "Female children must not be
drowned here," he explained in the fol
lowing way: All rich Chinamen are ex
pected to do something for the elevation
of the people, either in the way of char
ity, education or the like. If they do not.
society looks at them askance. Some. of
them have printed and circulated great
numbers of tracts, warning the people
against Immoral practices opium-eating
and others. It is men of this class who
have erected these tablets on the river
banks and lake shores, without the least
regard as to whether any girl baby ever
has been drowned there or not.
As. to the "baby towers," of which.MIss
Gordon-Cummlng gives Buch a horrible
description in her book, he declared they
were for the benefit of parents too poor
to buy graves for their children. He
quoted Mrs. Isabella Bird Bishop's state
ment that 11 Bible women had confessed
to her that they had destroyed not fewer
than five girl Infants each. He was not
at all surprised at this, he said. It would
be Just like thein to say so, although he
did not believe a word of It. The Chinese
seemed to think that the only way to ex
cite the respect of foreigners was by ex
aggeration. "If girl children are destroyed," Pro
fessor Giles continued, "there must be an
altogether disproportionate number of fe
male Infants born in China. Every China
man has a sacred duty to perform when
he reaches the age of IS to rnarry. Ev
ery adult Chinaman has a wife. Some of
the wealthier mandarins have several.
The Emperor has 72. It would seem that
this would absorb a fairly proportionate
number of women."
All Chinese girls of good family, he said,
were taught to read, and there was a
great quantity of educational literature
for girls. A mass of poetry existed, written
by women, and one of the dynastic his
tories was written by a woman. Women
went out unveiled, veils having been abol
ished In the seventh century. In that cen
tury, also, women were admitted to offi
cial life in China, and some of them rose
to the highest positions. But by the close
of the eighth century men had rigorously
excluded them from public life. Women
took no part In social life, excepting In
company of their own sex. They knew
no mon excepting those of their own fam
ily. Boys ard girls were separated at the
age of 7, when the boys went to school.
A Chinaman never referred to his wife. It
was not good form to even ask after her
health. Her existence was Ignored, al
though the Chinese father often spoke of
his children.
Footblndlng, he confessed, was a "hor
rible custom." The real obstacle to its
abolishment was the rigid rule of fashion
which makes It so difficult to marry a
girl with unbound feet. The "Natural
Foot Society," composed of both foreign
ers and liberal natives, though Including
many Influential people, had been unable
to make much Impression on the nation
al custom. A Tartar Emperor, back In
tho early centuries, Issued a decree
against foot-blndlng. But he was obliged
toresclnd it. Although the Tartars could
conquer the country they could not con
quer this custom. Within a, few months,
he said, another decree to the same effect
had been issued.-
Need of .Laughter
Chicago Journal.
Laughter Is a good, healthy, ' muscle
making, lung-developing exercise, and it
Is as good for girls as for boys. And
humor can be cultivated In a girl's mind
without am abatement of the dignity and
modesty and charm of her womanhood
not the unpleasant and constant frivolity
evidenced in "smart" speech or quickness
of repartee, nut the humor that looks at
the world with a twinkle in the eye and
sees its absurdities, Its smallnesses and
Its fun.
It should be part of every woman's men
tal' equipment, for women arc called upon
tQ bear so many of life's small worries
a& well as Its greater ones. The bringing
.up of children, the care of servants and
the many social duties that become a bur
denall are made easy and possible to put
up with" by the woman with the unfailing
sense of the bright side of life. It Is a
sense that lasts through life, through its
many ills. Its disillusions, its tribulations,
oven its tragedies.
FEWER FRIENDS. .
Shrinkage in 3Icrabershlp Shorn at
Philadelphia Meeting.
Philadelphia Enquirer.
The Friends, In the closing sessions of
their yearly meeting, presented statistics
showing the membership as follows:
In 1SS1, 13,594; 1S9S. 11.63S; 1SS0. 11.528; 1900.
11.586; 1001. 11.4S2; 1902. 11.270. Of the pres
ent membership there are: Males, 521S;
females, C052; over 21 years of age, 9309;
under 21 years, 176L They have 72 First
Day schools, 597 teachers, 465U pupils, 21,
659 books In libraries; 31 day schools, with
167 teachers, 2157 pupils, of whom 475 are
Friends, 22U having one parent a Friend,
and the remainder, or two-thirds of their
pupils are not Friends at all.
Some meetings were wholly or partially
discontinued last year, and only one new
meeting that at Lansdowne, where a
52000 lot Is secured for a 55000 building, has
been established. Orders were given for
more specific statistics about causes or
gains, and losses, movements of members,
and changes In meetings. Joseph B. Han
cock caused merriment. He said: "In the
meeting I used to attend their principal
business was disowning members. I say
let the young men marry whom they
please If they are good characters. 1
married an orthodox wife. None of our
women would have me. We considered
it beforehand. I said if my branch, dis
owned me. I would Join the other," and
she said if her branch disowned her she
would Join -mine. Result they dldnt
turn either of us out."
Pope Praises American Newspapers.
London Telegraph.
It Is seldom that Romans take much
real Interest In events out of their own
immediate circle of vision, but the case of
little Margaret Taylor, of Cincinnati, who
was kidnaped by her aunt four years ago
and was found in Bordighcra tho other
day, has touched th,e motherly hearts of
the Roman matrons. People In high places
have also Interested themselves In tho
case, and even the pontiff, through his
archbishop In Genoa, was Informed how
the matter went. When he heard that a"
paper In Cincinnati, the home of the par
ents of little-Margaret, had provided the
funds to enable Mr. Taylor to como to
Italy, claim his daughter and take her
home, he said: "That paper understands
the true mission of the press, viz., hu
manitarian help to those who cannot help
themselves. The English and American
papers deserve their power."
Pears'
"Beauty is but skin
deep " was probably meant
to disparage beauty. In
stead it tells how easy
that beauty is to attain.
"There is no beauty
like the beauty of health"
was also meant to dis
parage. Instead it encour
ages beauty.
. Fears' Soap is-the means
of-health to" the skin, arid
so to both these -sorts of
beauty.
Sold all over tBe -world.
Postmaster
Palmer
of So. Glen Fajls, N. Y., des
cribes a condition which thous
ands of
men
and
find
with
women
identical
theirs.
Read what he
says,' and note
the similarity
of your own
case. Writeto
him, enclosing
stamped ad
dressed envel
ope for reply,
L. D. Palmer.
and get a per
sonal corroboration of what is
herte given. He says regarding
Dr. Miles'
Heart Cure:
'1 suffered agonizing; pain in the left
breast and between my shoulders from
heart trouble. My heart would palpi
tate, flutter, then skip beats, until I
could no longer He in bed. Night a'f ter
night I walked the floor, for to Re down
would have meant sudden death. My
condition seemed almost hopeless when
I began taking Dr. Miles' Heart Cure,
but it helped me from the first. Later
I took Dr. Miles' Nervine with the
Heart Cure and the effect was aston
ishing. I earnestly implore similar suf
ferers to give these remedies a trial."
Sold hy &U Druggists
on guarantee.
Dr. Miles Modloa! Co., Elkhart, Ind.
"ALL WRIGHT-F0R MORE THAN HALF A CENTURY"
Cart ItradMB., CuutlpaUoa, CkQU aad JVrar, aad all JUI.
lata CaapUlaU. ill Drurj lata. Frita 2i ctali a Bax.
WRIGHT'S INDIAN VEGETABLE PILL CO., New York
Dr. Talcott & Co. J
. 230 Alder St., f
Portland, Or. j0r
THE PALATIAL
nn
Kot a dnrk office in the bulldlnsi
absolutely fireproof electric llsht
oud artesian water; perfect sanita
tion and thorough ventilation. Ele
vators run day and night.
Booroa.
AIXSLIE. DR. GEORGE, Physician 413-41
AN'DERSOX. GUSTAV. Attorney-afLaw...013
ASSOCIATED PRESS; E. L. Powell. Mgr..bOO
AUSTETJ, F. C.. Manager for Oreconand
Washington Bankers Life Association of
Dm Moines, la 502-503
BAKER. G. EVERT. Attorney-at-Law COT
BANKERS' LiFE ASSOCIATION". OFDES
MOIJs'ES, 1A.; F. C. Austen. Mtfr iu-i-jOJ
BENJAMIN. R. VT., DentUt 314
BEkNAKD, G., Cashier Pacltto Mercantile
Co 211
B1NSWANUER. OTTO S.. Physician and
Surgeon 407-403
BOHN. W. G., Timber Lands....: 315
BROCK. WILBUR F.. Circulator Orego-
nlan...... ...BOX
BROWN. MYRA. M. D 313-3U
BRUERE, DR. G. E.. Physician... 412-413-414.
CAMPBELL. WM. M.. Medical Referee
Equitable Life 700
CANNING, M. "5 602-UUJ
CAItDWELL, DR. J. R.. Dentist 5W
CAUK1N. G. E., District Agent Travelers
Insurance Company 713
CHURCHILL. MKS. E. J 718-71T
COFFET. DH. R. a. Surgeon 405-4W
COLUMBIA TELEPHONE COMPANY
004-605-000-607-013-014-613
CORNELIUS. C W.. Phyu. and Surgeon... 200
COLLIER. P. F., Publisher: S. P. McGulre.
Manager 41S
COX, RALSTON, Manager American Guar
anty Co., of Chicago 503
CROW, a P.. Timber and Mines 513
DAY, J. G. & I. N 3ia
DICKSON. DR. J. F.. Physician 713-714.
EDITORIAL ROOMS ..Erghth Floor
EVENING TELEGRAM .325 Alder Street
EQUITABLE LIFE ASSURANCE SOCI
ETY; L. Samuel. Manager; 6. S. Smith.
Cashier 306
FENTON, J. D., Physician and Surgeon.. 500-10
FENTON. DR. HICKS C. Eye and Ear 511
FENTON. MATTHEW F.. Dentist BOU
QALVANI, W. H., Engineer and Draughts
man COO
GEARY, DR. E. P., Phys. and Surgeon.... 400
GIESY, A. J., Physician and Surgeon.. 700-710
GILBERT. DR. J. ALLEN. Physician.. 401-402
GOLDMAN, WILLIAM. Manager Manhat
tan Life Ins. Co., of New York 209-210
GRANT, FRANK S., Attorney-at-Law....fllZ
GRISWOLD & PHEGLEST, Tailors
131 Sixth Street
HAMMAM BATHS. Turkish, and Russian..
300-301-303
HAMMOND. A. B 310
HOLLISTER. DR. O. C. Physician and
Surgtoa ............ ................504-503
IDLEMAN; C. M.. Attorny-at-Law..416-17-ia
JOHNSON, W. C 315-310-31T
KADY. MARK T., Supervisor of Agents.
Mutual Raserre Life Ins. Co. ...........603
LITTLEFIELD. H. R., Phya. and Sur 200
MACKAY, DR. A. E., Phys. and Sur... 711-713
MANHATTAN LIFE INSURANCE CO. OF
NEW YORK; W. Goldman, Mgr 200-210
MARSH. .DR. R. J., Phys. and Sur.... 404-400
MARTIN, J. L. & CO., Timber Lands 001
McCOY. NEWTON, Attorney-at-Law... ...715
Mcelroy, dr. j. g., Phys. & sur.701-702-703
McFADEN, MISS IDA E.. Stenographer... 213
McGINN. HENRY E., Attorney-at-Law. ail-ia
McGUIRE. S. P., Manager P. F. Collier,
Publisher 413
McKENZIE. DR. P. L.. Phys. and Sur.. 312-13
METT, HENRY 213
MILLER, DR. HERBERT a. Dentist and
Oral Surgeon 603-609
MOBSMAN, DR. E. P.. DenUst 513-5U
MUTUAL RESERVE LEFE INS. CO.;
Mark T. Kady, Supervisor of Agents.. 604-603
NICHOLAS. HORACE B., Attorney-at-Law.713
NILES, M. L., Cashier Manhattan Life In
surance Company of New York..... 203
NUMBERS, JAMES R., Physician and Sur
geon 400
OLSEN, J. F., General Manager Pacific
Mercantile Co 211-213
OREGON CAMERA CLUB.'... .214-215-216-211
OREGON INFIRMARY OF OSTEOPATHY
409410
OREGONIAN BARBER SHOP, "MarVch &
George. Proprietors 120 Sixth
OREGONIAN EDUCATIONAL BUREAU;
J. F. Strauhal, Manager 200
PACIFIC MERCANTILE CO.; J. F. Olseu.
General Manager ..............211-213
PORTLAND EYE AND EAR INFIRMARY
Ground Floor. 133 Sixth street
QUIMBY, L. P. W., Game and Forestry
Warden 713
REAV1S. DR. J. L.. Dentist... 608-000
REED. WALTER, Optician. . .133 Sixth street
RICKENBACH. DR. J. F., Eye, Ear. Noso
and Throat 701-703
ROSENDALE. O. M.. Metallurgist and Min
ing Engineer 510
P.YAN. J. B., Attorney-at-Law 513
SAMUEL. L.. Manager Equitable Life 300
SHERWOOD. J. W.. Deputy Supreme Com
mander K. O. T. M. 311
SMITH. DR. L. B.. Osteopath 400-410
SMITH. GEORGE S.. Cashier Equitable
Life 300
STUART. DELL. "Attorney-at-Law 017-618
STOLTE. DR. CHAS. E.. DenUst 704-703
STOW. F. H.. General Manager Columbia
Telephone Co .' 600
SURGEON OF THE S. P. RY. AND N. P.
TERMINAL CO 703
SUPERINTENDENTS OFFICE 201
THE NORTH PACIFIC PUBLISHING SO
CIETY ,...403
THRALL. S. A.. President Oregon Camera
Club 214
"THREE IN ONE" QUICK ACCOUNT
SYSTEM COMPANY, OF OREGON 513
TUCKER. DR. GEO. F Dentist 610-611
U. S. LIGHTHOUSE ENGINEERS. 13TH
DIST.; Captain W. C. Laugntt, Corps of
Engineers. U. S. A. $03
U S- ENGINEER OFFICE RIVER AND
HARBOR IMPROVEMENTS; Captain W.
C Langfltt. Corps of Engineers. U. S. A. .810
WILEY. DR. JAMES O C, Phys. & Sur.708-a
WILSON. DR. EDWARD N. Physician
and Surgeon 304-303
WILSON. DR. GEO. F.. Phys. & Surg.. 70C-707
WILSON. DR. HOLT C. Phys. &. Surg.507-503
WILLAMETTE VALLEY TELE. CO.. ....613
WOOD. DR. VT. L.. Physician.. ..412-413-414
Office may be had by applying to
the wuperlntenUent of the bulldinjj,
room 201. second floor.
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THE HEALTH APPLIANCE CO.." room 47-43
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