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About Herald and news. (Klamath Falls, Or.) 1942-current | View Entire Issue (Aug. 12, 1963)
r PAGE C HERALD AND NEWS, Klamath Falls, Oregon Monday, August U, 1961 EPSON IN WASHINGTON . . . Immunity Sought From Sneak Attacks 'The Bomb?" I -T ) ,1 "No, the S.E.C.!" IV A cj In this day when urban renewal projects 'are replacing miles and miles of blighted downtown buildings and superhighways are lancing in all directions through farm and suburb, the real estate appraiser has come into his own. But the problems connected with high way right-of-way pale in comparison to the task faced by appraisers working for the In dian Claims Commission. jg- For instance, one job recently completed Sfas finding the fair market value of 8,086,653 jifcres of land as of August 9, 1814 almost :J50 years ago. The land was part of 25 million acres in what is now southern Georgia and most of Alabama. It was taken from the Creek na tion by Gen. Andrew Jackson as punishment :because some of the Creeks had sided with the ;'British in the War of 1812. Descendants of the Creeks filed a claim .Under the 1946 act which created the Indian :Claims Commission. The commission held X (Newark Evening News) : Sen. Javits of New York and Sen. Morse "of Oregon, whose liberalism is beyond ques tion, have expressed opposition to compul sory arbitration of the railroad work rules dis pute. But both warn conditions may compel libem, however reluctantly, to vote for it. ! Sen. Javits said while compulsory arbi tration jeopardizes freedom, the attitude of -the unions is driving Congress, including him '': self, toward such a solution. Sen. Morse, who ' is against both nationalization o the railroads and compulsory arbitration, says they may be necessary "to protect the public interest." Secretary of Labor Wirtz, who isn't anti union, either, blames both sides for failing to settle the issue through collective bargaining, but he, too, warns that in the absence of a negotiated settlement one will be imposed. , Mr. Wirtz's impartiality was doubtless a diplomatic gesture, for the record shows that while the railroads accepted solutions pro posed by two presidential panels, the brother hoods refused to discuss any changes that Macmillan . By GREGORY JENSEN '. United Press International There Is a golfer named Arnold Palmer who makes a career of trailing the pack until all hope seems gone, then staging an amazing comeback to win. There i a part-time golfer here who does the same thing. lie Is the Rt. Hon. Harold Mau rice Macmillan, P.C., F.R.S.. M.P. Sunday duffer, leader of the Con servative party, first lord of the treasury and prime minister of Great Britain. Less than two months ago, Mac millan trailed back from a holi day spent playing golf, an appar ently beaten man. War Minister John Profumo, his personal friend and close cabinet associate, had admitted he lied to the sacred House of Commons about his affair with a flashy young trollop named Christine -Keelcr. The sex-and-security scan dal which followed shook Britain like an earthquake. Public and political opinion was lrtually unanimous that Macmil lan was finished. Few thought he could stand while the shock waves of scandal upon scandal jolted his foundation of power. Yet today, Macmillan Is talking and acting like a man who in tends to be prime minister for ever. Much of the press again depicts him as a leader In con fident command. Revolt Talk Melts j'.Talk of Conservative party re Holts has melted lika the leads of Palmer's opponents. The out cry over security aspects of the 'jYofumo affair has stilled, partly "because Lord Denning's Judical In quiry Into these aspects continues, partly because of increased Indi cation that any security risks were potential rather than real. As July ended Macmillan came into fresh trouble over tlie defec tion to Russia of former Intel ligence agent H.A.R. (Kim) Phil by. But his opponents were con .oentrating attack on his handling Jnf this one case. Six weeks ago the attacks were on tlie whole Cheap Price Friendly Warning would reduce the number of workers whose services the railroads insist are not needed. The railroads are ready to accept arbitra tion because, based on their experience with the presidential panels, they are confident another impartial survey would again sustain their position. On the other hand, besides being opposed in principle to arbitration, the brotherhoods have reason to doubt they can make a convincing case. , In defense of their determination to carry the issue to a strike, it is argued that it is not realistic to expect union leaders to bar gain away the jobs of their members. But in this age of automation and rapid technological change, many other unions are confronting the same problems and are reaching agree ments with employers without resort to strikes. They have compromised for job reduc tion by attrition rather than dismissal; for severance pay, supplementary unemployment benefits, early retirement and retraining aid. Only in the transportation industry have un ions refused to accept the inevitable. Survives Critics question of his capacity to govern. Probably never before has "Un flappable Mac" showed his un flappabillty more than in this summer of 1963. What happened'! How did Mac millan survive? The answers seem to lie in a series of threes. Three men, political observers arc agreed, could have toppled Macmillan In the sordid wake of the Profumo scandal Vice Pre mier R. A Butler, Chancellor of the Exchequer Reginald Maudling and mlnistcr-of-all-work Viscount Hailsham. Had any of these three mount ed an open challenge to Macmil lan's leadership, rallying the dis affected elements in their own Conservative party, few experts doubt that Macmillan would have fallen. Three Reasons Cited Rut there were three accepted reasons why these Uiree men did not act their loyalty to Macmil lan and their party: tlie fact that an election must be held within IS months; and their uncertainty of success in uniting the party and the nation behind any of them. Macmillan himself held Uiree powerful weapons in his come-from-bohind struggle. According In all indications, he used all three with telling effect. One was a threat to dissolve parliament and call a new elec tion Immediately. He is legally empowered to give tlie queen ad vice to this effect, which she is nominally bound to follow. And with tlie Labor party leading in every public opinion poll and trouncing all comers In every by election, the thought ol an imme diate general poll gave Tories cold shudders. Tlie second was the circum stances under which Macmillan, If he went, would have been forced out. Ills argument that no government should be topped by so unsavory a mess was a pow erful one. that Jackson was not justified in expropriat ing the land of the loyal Creeks, and ruled that the government must pay for 8.9 million acres improperly acquired. Appraisers reaching that far back into history must literally re-create in their minds the nation and the economy as it was then. They must consider population sizes and lo cations, types and extent of transportation, prevailing prices and wages, the uses to which land was put in those days, the value of pro ducts produced by the land balanced against the cost of bringing them to eastern ports and manufacturing centers. Not a simple job. Since 1946 there have been 45 Indian claims cases in which old land values have been determined by the commission. More than 189 million acres have been found to have an aggregate value of $138.54 million. That's less than $1 an acre. Little enough to pay to put right a few wrongs that have stained American history. The third was a Macmillan weapon in the international field the prospect of a successful nu clear test ban treaty. Macmillan already was corresponding with Soviet Premier Nikita S. Khrush chev and President Kennedy about the possibility of negotia tions. He argued that this was too valuable an applecart to up set. But these three tactical advan tages only satisfied one of Mac millan's three needs. They, and his three potential rivals' failure to act, gave him time. Needed Triumph Besides time, Macmillan needed a diversion and a triumph. The diversion had to take the heat off Macmillan himself and his polit ically shaky position long enough for his defensive weapons to be useful. Ironically, the diversion was provided by the very thing which threatened him in the first place -the Profumo scandal. The trem ors which spread from the first shock to Dr. Stephen Ward and his playmates were so sensa tional Macmillan found himself virtually ignored. Tlie triumph came in Moscow, witli the initialling of the test ban treaty. In a country where nuclear disarmament is so vocal and vital an Issue as England, the treaty was a triumph indeed. Macmillan exploited it as such. Thus Macmillan, with a "Palmer rush," again leads tlie field. Public opinion polls show his own, and even his party's, stock Improving. But tlie game is not over yet. A considerable body of opinion believes Macmillan is still on the way out. He himself has indicated he wants to lead his party through tlie next election. But Macmillan will be 70 In Febru ary, and many observers are con vinced Britain will have new prime minister by then. Macmillan, as of now, has ended his political tournament in a tie. And even Arnold Palmer has been known to lose a playoff. WASHINGTON Surveyor By LYLE C. WILSON United Press International Politicians will want to know more about Thomas L. Poindex ter, co-chairman of the Greater Detroit (Mich.) Homeowners' Council (250,000 members strong). This was the billing under which Poindexter appeared last week as a civil rights witness be fore the Senate Commerce Com mittee. He testified that northern white resentment was swelling against extremes of Negro agita tion for civil rights. Poindexter said he doubted that any candi date of either party who was supported by Negroes could carry Michigan next year. What politicians will want to know about Poindexter is whether he was speaking for any substan By SYDNEY J. HARRIS Among tlie tens of thousands of business failures in the U.S. each year, the great majority are small retail establishments. They fail, in my opinion, largely because the owners are more concerned with commodities than with customers. It is in making face-to-face con tact with Uie customer that the average merchant is short-sighted to Uie point of rear-blindness. While he is involved in problems of inventory and quality and pricing, he pays little attention (if any) to tlie mood and at mosphere of his shop. Yet it is these intangible psy chological factors that, more than any other, determine whether a customer will return or not. If a restaurant hostess is obtuse and surly, if a cashier is unpleasant or unresponsive, the quality of the food or tlie price will not encourage a customer to come back. Today's consumer is a good deal more sophisticated than in Uie past. He knows that stores charging about the same prices offer about tlie same grade of merchandise. And his decision to patronize one rather than anoth er rests mostly upon his feelings as a human being, not upon has calculations as an economic unit. A good hostess in a restaurant, for instance, is worth two or Uiree times what she customar ily makes and if she isn't good, even Uie smallest salary is too large. Likewise, a sloppy wait ress, a sullen salesclerk, can in a few minutes negate whatever glowing "policy" tlie proprietor lias evolved over the years. Actually, a retail establishment itself Is, in psychological terms, the basic "commodity" the mer chant is selling. It is the total atmosphere of a shop that the customer "buys." more than tlie items in the inventor)'. There is a shop in my neigh borhood that a number of house wives, quite independently of each other, decided not to patro nize some time ago. Each wom an gave much Uie same reason: the "atUtude" of the owner was displeasing to Uicm. It had noth ing to do with his prices or the quality of his merchandise; yet to his dying day, I will never understand what in his "policy" WINDOW Discovers tial number of citizens or merely for himself. If he was speaking merely for himsef, Poindexter would not be the first congress ional witness to get some atten tion as the spokesman for an or ganization with a big sounding name but no office, no members and no telephone number. Evidence Of Impatience There is some evidence, how ever, of northern white im patience with Negro methods and demands. There is evidence, for example, of strong norUiern voter sentiment for enforced civil rights in the SouUi but against the same in their own northern home towns. There is white resentment against Negro demands for a quota system of hiring Negroes on construction jobs, notably those financed witli federal, state or STRICTLY PERSONAL prompted them to go elsewhere. It is hard for a personality to detect its own bad breath. The greed, the inflexibility, the total lack of imaginativeness among the smaller shopkeepers, make it something of a minor miracle that so many of them do manage to survive. The pub lic is slow to anger and slow to change but once its loyalty is alienated, it can never be won back by any means. A friend of mine who heads a large industrial concern has esti mated to me that as high as 70 per cent of the retailers who sell his merchandise have no business being in business. "They may know a lot about products," he said, "but most of them know absolutely nothing about people and don't care to learn." It is probably some kind of cockeyed tribute to tlie essential viability of the capitalistic sys tem that it continues to do so well even with tlie ineptness ol so many of its entrepreneurs. "Togetbtr, now one . , tSOVCH BERRY'S WORLD Fraud municipal funds. On this one the Negroes may find themselves in a didn't know-it-was-loaded predic ament. For example; On a given con struction job employing 400 per sons, there would be at this mo ment mighty few Negroes be cause of the prevailing and unfair refusal of organized labor to give the Negroes an even break. If the Negroes were able to impose their demand that they be alloled 25 per cent of the jobs available it is evident that nearly 100 white workers would have to discharged to make way for the quota of Negroes. This would mean Uou ble, bad trouble. Some Negro leaders advocate a system of special compensation for Negroes who have been de prived of some part of their civil rights. Whitney M. Young Jr. is executive director of tlie National Urban League, which was in annual convention last monUi m Los Angeles. Young said Ne groes must be compensated for past injustices; that Uiey should receive favored treatment in com parison with whites. Better Facilities "The Negroes," Young said, "should have better schools, bet ter teachers, better social work ers, better health facilities." When asked better than whose, Young replied, "better than, say, students in (white) suburban schools." The National Urban League has been among Uie least demonstrative of Negro organiza tions, similar in that respect to the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). It is significant in terms of 1964 politics that the league and the NAACP are becoming belligerent ly aggressive, possibly in unavoid able competition with tlie street demonstrating Negro organiza tions. What Poindexter actually was saying to Uie Senate committee was that Negro support would be a handicap to any northern can didate in 1964. That would be the biggest political story of tlie year, if true. Next year's presidential election will prove Poindexter right or wrong. Meantime, how about a poll? . two Ibrte HOT TOR VA'.1" By PETER EDSO.N Washington Correspondent Newspaper Enterprise Assn. WASHINGTON (NEAt - The second step toward disarmament may be in the direction of re ducing tlie danger from surprise attack. Russia's Chairman Nikita Khrushchev is reported to have expressed most interest in this subject to U.S. Undersecretary of State Averell Harriman and Bri tain's Lord Hailsham during Mos cow negotiations on the test ban treaty. The idea of reducing the dan gers of surprise attack first ap peared in the Soviet bloc disarm ament plan of September 1959. As a kind of postscript, it was stated that if tlie western powers were not ready to discuss "general and complete disarmament," the Soviet Union would be prepared to consider certain partial meas ures. These partial measures include "an agreement on the preven tion of surprise attack by one state upon another." The United Nations 10-power Disarmament Committee's five western countries America, Bri tain, Canada, France and Italy seized on this idea and devel oped it in their March 1960 pro posals. In the first stage of their three stage disarmament plan, it was proposed that a joint study be made on measures to protect against surprise attack. For the second stage, a propos al was offered to cover aerial in spection President Eisenhow er's "open skies" plan. This pro posal called for ground observ ers, overlapping radar, prior no tification of aircraft flights and appropriate communications (or reporting to the United Nations. This was further revised by the United States in June 1960 as a three-part plan to be put in com plete effect during the first stage of disarmament. But the 10-na-t i o n Disarmament Committee failed to agree on anything. So that effort was lost. In the summer of 1961 the Unit ed States and Russia held a scries of bilateral talks m disarmament. WASHINGTON Powell Process By FULTON LEWIS JR. "He can run but he can't hide." What Joe Louis once said about Billy Conn seems applicable to Adam Clayton Powell, dap per Congressman-Minister from New Yol k's Harlem. Process-servers are stationed at Powell's favorite Gotham haunts waiting to slap him with a subpoena ordering his appear ance in New York Criminal Court Aug. 21. If Powell manages to evade them another subpoena will be issued. And another and anoth er until he is nabbed. Once caught, Powell must show cause why he should not be prose cuted for fraud under Section 1170 of the New York Penal Code. The story begins in 1960, when Powell took the House floor to charge New York cops with ra cism. The police, he cried, vio lated the Civil Rights of Negro criminals, cracking down on their illegal activities while white crooks who paid off New York's finest ran wild. Powell implicated a handful of Negroes in the "lily white" po lice scandal. One of those he menUoned was Mrs. Esther Matil da James, a 66-year-old widow, whom he called a graft collector for crooked cops. When Powell made the charge on New York television, without benefit of Congressional immunity, Mrs. James sued for libel and won a judgment of $211,500 in New York Supreme Court. Powell promptly disappeared and showed no interest in com municating with his constituent. Mrs. James then brought suit in State Supreme Court asking that Powell be thrown in jail until he made some effort to pay her off. The Congressman sent an affi davit to Court insisting he could not be arrested on such a charge while Congress was in session. Supreme Court Justice Charles Marks agreed. Mrs. James' energetic attor ney, Raymond Rubm, went on television a fortnight rgo asking viewers to supply him with in formation on Mr. Powell's finan cial aflairs. He told my associate. Bill Schulz. of subsequent events. An anonymous tipster revealed tlial Powell had an account in tlie Chase Manhattan Bank. A restraining order was served on the bank last week which effec tively ties up Powell s account. The Congressman must leave a minimum balance of $423,000 in his account until the dispute with They finally recommended to the United Nations a joint state ment with two separate sets of principles as a guide for future multilateral negotiations before a larger group of non-Communist, Communist and neutral nations. This was what Russia wanted. It became the 18-nation conference which has just reconvened in Ge neva. Again tlie United States re fined its proposals under Uie ti tle of "Protection Against Acci dent, Miscalculation and Surprise Attack." Four recommendations were made for the first stage of a three-stage agreement on general disarmament: States to give advance notice of major military maneuvers which might cause alarm and in duce countermeasurcs. Observation posts to be estab lished at major ports, railway cen ters, highway intersections and air bases to report on concen trations and movements of mili tary forces. An international commission to recommend further measures) to reduce the risk of nuclear war by accident, miscalculation or fail ure of communications. Additional inspection arrange ments to be established to reduce the danger of surprise attack. These four proposals were then put in a more comprehensive "Outline of Basic Provisions For a Treaty on General and Complete Disarmament in a Peaceful World." This was presented to Uie 18-na-tion Disarmament Conference in April 19G2 and is still before it as pending business. One of several additional pro posals on inspection post locations and expansions calls for an ex change of military missions to improve understanding. A reliable and rapid communications sys tem is also proposed between capitals and the U.N. A first step in this direction has been approved in the "hot line" between Washington and Moscow via London. These are the proposals in which Chairman Khrushchev has expressed interest as a second step toward disarmament. REPORT . . . Dodging Servers Mrs. James is settled. If he has less than Uiat amount stashed away he can't touch a cent of it. On July 30, Attorney Rubin got Criminal Court to issue a sum mons for service on Powell, di recting him to show cause in court Aug. 21 why he should not be prosecuted for fraud. Rubin discovered that Powell is receiving $1,000 from Esquire Magazine for an upcoming ar ticle and has directed Uie fee be paid to his wife. This, says Ru bin, is a violation of Section 1170 of Uie Penal Code which covers attempts to defraud a creditor, namely Mrs. James. The title of Powell's article, in cidentally, is "The Duties and Responsibilities of a Congressman to the Unitel States." Waiting for Powell at Manhat tan's plushest after-dark spots are Mrs. James' subpoena - servers. They have tlie aid of the New York police, as directed by Crim inal Court, in finding their man. If Powell does not show up by Aug. 21, another subpoena will be issued. And another. Once Con gress adjourns, a civil subpoena can be issued to force him to show reason why he should not be locked up until he pays. "Sooner or later, we're going to get him," says Attorney Rubin. "And when we do, my client will get her money." Al manac By United Press International Today is Monday. Aug. 12, the 224th day of 1963 with 141 to fol low. The moon is at its last phase. The morning stars are Jupiter and Saturn. The evening stars are Mars and Saturn. On this day in history: In 18U7, President Andrew John son appointed Gen. Ulysses S. Grant secretary of war. In 1877, Thomas Edison com pleted a crude model of the first talking machine. In 1898, a peace treaty ending the Spanish-American War was signed. In 1936, Germany's Nazi gov ernment announced it would not intervene in the Spanish Civil War. A thought for tlie day Amer ican essayist Henry Thoreau said: "Nothing is so much to be feared as fear."
