r
PAGE C
HERALD AND NEWS, Klamath Falls, Oregon
Monday, August U, 1961
EPSON IN WASHINGTON . . .
Immunity Sought
From Sneak Attacks
'The Bomb?"
I
-T
)
,1
"No, the S.E.C.!"
IV
A
cj In this day when urban renewal projects
'are replacing miles and miles of blighted
downtown buildings and superhighways are
lancing in all directions through farm and
suburb, the real estate appraiser has come
into his own.
But the problems connected with high
way right-of-way pale in comparison to the
task faced by appraisers working for the In
dian Claims Commission.
jg- For instance, one job recently completed
Sfas finding the fair market value of 8,086,653
jifcres of land as of August 9, 1814 almost
:J50 years ago.
The land was part of 25 million acres in
what is now southern Georgia and most of
Alabama. It was taken from the Creek na
tion by Gen. Andrew Jackson as punishment
:because some of the Creeks had sided with the
;'British in the War of 1812.
Descendants of the Creeks filed a claim
.Under the 1946 act which created the Indian
:Claims Commission. The commission held
X (Newark Evening News)
: Sen. Javits of New York and Sen. Morse
"of Oregon, whose liberalism is beyond ques
tion, have expressed opposition to compul
sory arbitration of the railroad work rules dis
pute. But both warn conditions may compel
libem, however reluctantly, to vote for it.
! Sen. Javits said while compulsory arbi
tration jeopardizes freedom, the attitude of
-the unions is driving Congress, including him
'': self, toward such a solution. Sen. Morse, who
' is against both nationalization o the railroads
and compulsory arbitration, says they may be
necessary "to protect the public interest."
Secretary of Labor Wirtz, who isn't anti
union, either, blames both sides for failing to
settle the issue through collective bargaining,
but he, too, warns that in the absence of a
negotiated settlement one will be imposed.
, Mr. Wirtz's impartiality was doubtless a
diplomatic gesture, for the record shows that
while the railroads accepted solutions pro
posed by two presidential panels, the brother
hoods refused to discuss any changes that
Macmillan
. By GREGORY JENSEN
'. United Press International
There Is a golfer named Arnold
Palmer who makes a career of
trailing the pack until all hope
seems gone, then staging an
amazing comeback to win. There
i a part-time golfer here who
does the same thing.
lie Is the Rt. Hon. Harold Mau
rice Macmillan, P.C., F.R.S.. M.P.
Sunday duffer, leader of the Con
servative party, first lord of the
treasury and prime minister of
Great Britain.
Less than two months ago, Mac
millan trailed back from a holi
day spent playing golf, an appar
ently beaten man.
War Minister John Profumo, his
personal friend and close cabinet
associate, had admitted he lied
to the sacred House of Commons
about his affair with a flashy
young trollop named Christine
-Keelcr. The sex-and-security scan
dal which followed shook Britain
like an earthquake.
Public and political opinion was
lrtually unanimous that Macmil
lan was finished. Few thought he
could stand while the shock waves
of scandal upon scandal jolted his
foundation of power.
Yet today, Macmillan Is talking
and acting like a man who in
tends to be prime minister for
ever. Much of the press again
depicts him as a leader In con
fident command.
Revolt Talk Melts
j'.Talk of Conservative party re
Holts has melted lika the leads
of Palmer's opponents. The out
cry over security aspects of the
'jYofumo affair has stilled, partly
"because Lord Denning's Judical In
quiry Into these aspects continues,
partly because of increased Indi
cation that any security risks were
potential rather than real.
As July ended Macmillan came
into fresh trouble over tlie defec
tion to Russia of former Intel
ligence agent H.A.R. (Kim) Phil
by. But his opponents were con
.oentrating attack on his handling
Jnf this one case. Six weeks ago
the attacks were on tlie whole
Cheap Price
Friendly Warning
would reduce the number of workers whose
services the railroads insist are not needed.
The railroads are ready to accept arbitra
tion because, based on their experience with
the presidential panels, they are confident
another impartial survey would again sustain
their position. On the other hand, besides
being opposed in principle to arbitration, the
brotherhoods have reason to doubt they can
make a convincing case. ,
In defense of their determination to carry
the issue to a strike, it is argued that it is
not realistic to expect union leaders to bar
gain away the jobs of their members. But in
this age of automation and rapid technological
change, many other unions are confronting
the same problems and are reaching agree
ments with employers without resort to
strikes.
They have compromised for job reduc
tion by attrition rather than dismissal; for
severance pay, supplementary unemployment
benefits, early retirement and retraining aid.
Only in the transportation industry have un
ions refused to accept the inevitable.
Survives Critics
question of his capacity to govern.
Probably never before has "Un
flappable Mac" showed his un
flappabillty more than in this
summer of 1963.
What happened'! How did Mac
millan survive?
The answers seem to lie in a
series of threes.
Three men, political observers
arc agreed, could have toppled
Macmillan In the sordid wake of
the Profumo scandal Vice Pre
mier R. A Butler, Chancellor of
the Exchequer Reginald Maudling
and mlnistcr-of-all-work Viscount
Hailsham.
Had any of these three mount
ed an open challenge to Macmil
lan's leadership, rallying the dis
affected elements in their own
Conservative party, few experts
doubt that Macmillan would have
fallen.
Three Reasons Cited
Rut there were three accepted
reasons why these Uiree men did
not act their loyalty to Macmil
lan and their party: tlie fact that
an election must be held within
IS months; and their uncertainty
of success in uniting the party
and the nation behind any of
them.
Macmillan himself held Uiree
powerful weapons in his come-from-bohind
struggle. According
In all indications, he used all
three with telling effect.
One was a threat to dissolve
parliament and call a new elec
tion Immediately. He is legally
empowered to give tlie queen ad
vice to this effect, which she is
nominally bound to follow. And
with tlie Labor party leading in
every public opinion poll and
trouncing all comers In every by
election, the thought ol an imme
diate general poll gave Tories
cold shudders.
Tlie second was the circum
stances under which Macmillan,
If he went, would have been
forced out. Ills argument that no
government should be topped by
so unsavory a mess was a pow
erful one.
that Jackson was not justified in expropriat
ing the land of the loyal Creeks, and ruled
that the government must pay for 8.9 million
acres improperly acquired.
Appraisers reaching that far back into
history must literally re-create in their minds
the nation and the economy as it was then.
They must consider population sizes and lo
cations, types and extent of transportation,
prevailing prices and wages, the uses to which
land was put in those days, the value of pro
ducts produced by the land balanced against
the cost of bringing them to eastern ports
and manufacturing centers. Not a simple
job.
Since 1946 there have been 45 Indian
claims cases in which old land values have
been determined by the commission. More
than 189 million acres have been found to
have an aggregate value of $138.54 million.
That's less than $1 an acre. Little enough
to pay to put right a few wrongs that have
stained American history.
The third was a Macmillan
weapon in the international field
the prospect of a successful nu
clear test ban treaty. Macmillan
already was corresponding with
Soviet Premier Nikita S. Khrush
chev and President Kennedy
about the possibility of negotia
tions. He argued that this was
too valuable an applecart to up
set. But these three tactical advan
tages only satisfied one of Mac
millan's three needs. They, and
his three potential rivals' failure
to act, gave him time.
Needed Triumph
Besides time, Macmillan needed
a diversion and a triumph. The
diversion had to take the heat off
Macmillan himself and his polit
ically shaky position long enough
for his defensive weapons to be
useful.
Ironically, the diversion was
provided by the very thing which
threatened him in the first place
-the Profumo scandal. The trem
ors which spread from the first
shock to Dr. Stephen Ward and
his playmates were so sensa
tional Macmillan found himself
virtually ignored.
Tlie triumph came in Moscow,
witli the initialling of the test
ban treaty. In a country where
nuclear disarmament is so vocal
and vital an Issue as England, the
treaty was a triumph indeed.
Macmillan exploited it as such.
Thus Macmillan, with a
"Palmer rush," again leads tlie
field. Public opinion polls show
his own, and even his party's,
stock Improving.
But tlie game is not over yet.
A considerable body of opinion
believes Macmillan is still on the
way out. He himself has indicated
he wants to lead his party
through tlie next election. But
Macmillan will be 70 In Febru
ary, and many observers are con
vinced Britain will have new
prime minister by then.
Macmillan, as of now, has
ended his political tournament in
a tie. And even Arnold Palmer
has been known to lose a playoff.
WASHINGTON
Surveyor
By LYLE C. WILSON
United Press International
Politicians will want to know
more about Thomas L. Poindex
ter, co-chairman of the Greater
Detroit (Mich.) Homeowners'
Council (250,000 members
strong).
This was the billing under
which Poindexter appeared last
week as a civil rights witness be
fore the Senate Commerce Com
mittee. He testified that northern
white resentment was swelling
against extremes of Negro agita
tion for civil rights. Poindexter
said he doubted that any candi
date of either party who was
supported by Negroes could carry
Michigan next year.
What politicians will want to
know about Poindexter is whether
he was speaking for any substan
By SYDNEY J. HARRIS
Among tlie tens of thousands
of business failures in the U.S.
each year, the great majority
are small retail establishments.
They fail, in my opinion, largely
because the owners are more
concerned with commodities than
with customers.
It is in making face-to-face con
tact with Uie customer that the
average merchant is short-sighted
to Uie point of rear-blindness.
While he is involved in problems
of inventory and quality and
pricing, he pays little attention
(if any) to tlie mood and at
mosphere of his shop.
Yet it is these intangible psy
chological factors that, more than
any other, determine whether a
customer will return or not. If a
restaurant hostess is obtuse and
surly, if a cashier is unpleasant
or unresponsive, the quality of
the food or tlie price will not
encourage a customer to come
back.
Today's consumer is a good
deal more sophisticated than in
Uie past. He knows that stores
charging about the same prices
offer about tlie same grade of
merchandise. And his decision to
patronize one rather than anoth
er rests mostly upon his feelings
as a human being, not upon has
calculations as an economic
unit.
A good hostess in a restaurant,
for instance, is worth two or
Uiree times what she customar
ily makes and if she isn't good,
even Uie smallest salary is too
large. Likewise, a sloppy wait
ress, a sullen salesclerk, can in a
few minutes negate whatever
glowing "policy" tlie proprietor
lias evolved over the years.
Actually, a retail establishment
itself Is, in psychological terms,
the basic "commodity" the mer
chant is selling. It is the total
atmosphere of a shop that the
customer "buys." more than tlie
items in the inventor)'.
There is a shop in my neigh
borhood that a number of house
wives, quite independently of
each other, decided not to patro
nize some time ago. Each wom
an gave much Uie same reason:
the "atUtude" of the owner was
displeasing to Uicm. It had noth
ing to do with his prices or the
quality of his merchandise; yet
to his dying day, I will never
understand what in his "policy"
WINDOW
Discovers
tial number of citizens or merely
for himself. If he was speaking
merely for himsef, Poindexter
would not be the first congress
ional witness to get some atten
tion as the spokesman for an or
ganization with a big sounding
name but no office, no members
and no telephone number.
Evidence Of Impatience
There is some evidence, how
ever, of northern white im
patience with Negro methods and
demands. There is evidence, for
example, of strong norUiern voter
sentiment for enforced civil rights
in the SouUi but against the same
in their own northern home towns.
There is white resentment
against Negro demands for a
quota system of hiring Negroes
on construction jobs, notably those
financed witli federal, state or
STRICTLY
PERSONAL
prompted them to go elsewhere.
It is hard for a personality to
detect its own bad breath.
The greed, the inflexibility, the
total lack of imaginativeness
among the smaller shopkeepers,
make it something of a minor
miracle that so many of them
do manage to survive. The pub
lic is slow to anger and slow to
change but once its loyalty is
alienated, it can never be won
back by any means.
A friend of mine who heads a
large industrial concern has esti
mated to me that as high as 70
per cent of the retailers who
sell his merchandise have no
business being in business.
"They may know a lot about
products," he said, "but most of
them know absolutely nothing
about people and don't care to
learn."
It is probably some kind of
cockeyed tribute to tlie essential
viability of the capitalistic sys
tem that it continues to do so
well even with tlie ineptness ol
so many of its entrepreneurs.
"Togetbtr, now one . ,
tSOVCH
BERRY'S WORLD
Fraud
municipal funds. On this one the
Negroes may find themselves in
a didn't know-it-was-loaded predic
ament. For example; On a given con
struction job employing 400 per
sons, there would be at this mo
ment mighty few Negroes be
cause of the prevailing and unfair
refusal of organized labor to give
the Negroes an even break. If
the Negroes were able to impose
their demand that they be alloled
25 per cent of the jobs available
it is evident that nearly 100 white
workers would have to discharged
to make way for the quota of
Negroes. This would mean Uou
ble, bad trouble.
Some Negro leaders advocate a
system of special compensation
for Negroes who have been de
prived of some part of their
civil rights. Whitney M. Young
Jr. is executive director of tlie
National Urban League, which was
in annual convention last monUi
m Los Angeles. Young said Ne
groes must be compensated for
past injustices; that Uiey should
receive favored treatment in com
parison with whites.
Better Facilities
"The Negroes," Young said,
"should have better schools, bet
ter teachers, better social work
ers, better health facilities."
When asked better than whose,
Young replied, "better than, say,
students in (white) suburban
schools." The National Urban
League has been among Uie least
demonstrative of Negro organiza
tions, similar in that respect to
the National Association for the
Advancement of Colored People
(NAACP).
It is significant in terms of 1964
politics that the league and the
NAACP are becoming belligerent
ly aggressive, possibly in unavoid
able competition with tlie street
demonstrating Negro organiza
tions. What Poindexter actually was
saying to Uie Senate committee
was that Negro support would be
a handicap to any northern can
didate in 1964. That would be the
biggest political story of tlie year,
if true. Next year's presidential
election will prove Poindexter
right or wrong. Meantime, how
about a poll?
. two
Ibrte
HOT
TOR VA'.1"
By PETER EDSO.N
Washington Correspondent
Newspaper Enterprise Assn.
WASHINGTON (NEAt - The
second step toward disarmament
may be in the direction of re
ducing tlie danger from surprise
attack.
Russia's Chairman Nikita
Khrushchev is reported to have
expressed most interest in this
subject to U.S. Undersecretary of
State Averell Harriman and Bri
tain's Lord Hailsham during Mos
cow negotiations on the test ban
treaty.
The idea of reducing the dan
gers of surprise attack first ap
peared in the Soviet bloc disarm
ament plan of September 1959.
As a kind of postscript, it was
stated that if tlie western powers
were not ready to discuss "general
and complete disarmament," the
Soviet Union would be prepared
to consider certain partial meas
ures. These partial measures include
"an agreement on the preven
tion of surprise attack by one
state upon another."
The United Nations 10-power
Disarmament Committee's five
western countries America, Bri
tain, Canada, France and Italy
seized on this idea and devel
oped it in their March 1960 pro
posals. In the first stage of their three
stage disarmament plan, it was
proposed that a joint study be
made on measures to protect
against surprise attack.
For the second stage, a propos
al was offered to cover aerial in
spection President Eisenhow
er's "open skies" plan. This pro
posal called for ground observ
ers, overlapping radar, prior no
tification of aircraft flights and
appropriate communications (or
reporting to the United Nations.
This was further revised by the
United States in June 1960 as a
three-part plan to be put in com
plete effect during the first stage
of disarmament. But the 10-na-t
i o n Disarmament Committee
failed to agree on anything. So
that effort was lost.
In the summer of 1961 the Unit
ed States and Russia held a scries
of bilateral talks m disarmament.
WASHINGTON
Powell
Process
By FULTON LEWIS JR.
"He can run but he can't hide."
What Joe Louis once said
about Billy Conn seems applicable
to Adam Clayton Powell, dap
per Congressman-Minister from
New Yol k's Harlem.
Process-servers are stationed
at Powell's favorite Gotham
haunts waiting to slap him with
a subpoena ordering his appear
ance in New York Criminal Court
Aug. 21.
If Powell manages to evade
them another subpoena will be
issued. And another and anoth
er until he is nabbed.
Once caught, Powell must show
cause why he should not be prose
cuted for fraud under Section 1170
of the New York Penal Code.
The story begins in 1960, when
Powell took the House floor to
charge New York cops with ra
cism. The police, he cried, vio
lated the Civil Rights of Negro
criminals, cracking down on their
illegal activities while white
crooks who paid off New York's
finest ran wild.
Powell implicated a handful of
Negroes in the "lily white" po
lice scandal. One of those he
menUoned was Mrs. Esther Matil
da James, a 66-year-old widow,
whom he called a graft collector
for crooked cops.
When Powell made the charge
on New York television, without
benefit of Congressional immunity,
Mrs. James sued for libel and
won a judgment of $211,500 in
New York Supreme Court.
Powell promptly disappeared
and showed no interest in com
municating with his constituent.
Mrs. James then brought suit
in State Supreme Court asking
that Powell be thrown in jail
until he made some effort to pay
her off.
The Congressman sent an affi
davit to Court insisting he could
not be arrested on such a charge
while Congress was in session.
Supreme Court Justice Charles
Marks agreed.
Mrs. James' energetic attor
ney, Raymond Rubm, went on
television a fortnight rgo asking
viewers to supply him with in
formation on Mr. Powell's finan
cial aflairs. He told my associate.
Bill Schulz. of subsequent events.
An anonymous tipster revealed
tlial Powell had an account in
tlie Chase Manhattan Bank. A
restraining order was served on
the bank last week which effec
tively ties up Powell s account.
The Congressman must leave a
minimum balance of $423,000 in
his account until the dispute with
They finally recommended to the
United Nations a joint state
ment with two separate sets of
principles as a guide for future
multilateral negotiations before a
larger group of non-Communist,
Communist and neutral nations.
This was what Russia wanted. It
became the 18-nation conference
which has just reconvened in Ge
neva. Again tlie United States re
fined its proposals under Uie ti
tle of "Protection Against Acci
dent, Miscalculation and Surprise
Attack."
Four recommendations were
made for the first stage of a
three-stage agreement on general
disarmament:
States to give advance notice
of major military maneuvers
which might cause alarm and in
duce countermeasurcs.
Observation posts to be estab
lished at major ports, railway cen
ters, highway intersections and
air bases to report on concen
trations and movements of mili
tary forces.
An international commission to
recommend further measures) to
reduce the risk of nuclear war by
accident, miscalculation or fail
ure of communications.
Additional inspection arrange
ments to be established to reduce
the danger of surprise attack.
These four proposals were then
put in a more comprehensive
"Outline of Basic Provisions For
a Treaty on General and Complete
Disarmament in a Peaceful
World."
This was presented to Uie 18-na-tion
Disarmament Conference in
April 19G2 and is still before it as
pending business.
One of several additional pro
posals on inspection post locations
and expansions calls for an ex
change of military missions to
improve understanding. A reliable
and rapid communications sys
tem is also proposed between
capitals and the U.N. A first step
in this direction has
been approved in the "hot line"
between Washington and Moscow
via London.
These are the proposals in
which Chairman Khrushchev has
expressed interest as a second
step toward disarmament.
REPORT . . .
Dodging
Servers
Mrs. James is settled. If he has
less than Uiat amount stashed
away he can't touch a cent of it.
On July 30, Attorney Rubin got
Criminal Court to issue a sum
mons for service on Powell, di
recting him to show cause in
court Aug. 21 why he should not
be prosecuted for fraud.
Rubin discovered that Powell
is receiving $1,000 from Esquire
Magazine for an upcoming ar
ticle and has directed Uie fee be
paid to his wife. This, says Ru
bin, is a violation of Section 1170
of Uie Penal Code which covers
attempts to defraud a creditor,
namely Mrs. James.
The title of Powell's article, in
cidentally, is "The Duties and
Responsibilities of a Congressman
to the Unitel States."
Waiting for Powell at Manhat
tan's plushest after-dark spots are
Mrs. James' subpoena - servers.
They have tlie aid of the New
York police, as directed by Crim
inal Court, in finding their man.
If Powell does not show up by
Aug. 21, another subpoena will
be issued. And another. Once Con
gress adjourns, a civil subpoena
can be issued to force him to
show reason why he should not
be locked up until he pays.
"Sooner or later, we're going
to get him," says Attorney Rubin.
"And when we do, my client
will get her money."
Al
manac
By United Press International
Today is Monday. Aug. 12, the
224th day of 1963 with 141 to fol
low. The moon is at its last phase.
The morning stars are Jupiter
and Saturn.
The evening stars are Mars
and Saturn.
On this day in history:
In 18U7, President Andrew John
son appointed Gen. Ulysses S.
Grant secretary of war.
In 1877, Thomas Edison com
pleted a crude model of the first
talking machine.
In 1898, a peace treaty ending
the Spanish-American War was
signed.
In 1936, Germany's Nazi gov
ernment announced it would not
intervene in the Spanish Civil
War.
A thought for tlie day Amer
ican essayist Henry Thoreau
said: "Nothing is so much to be
feared as fear."