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About Medford mail tribune. (Medford, Or.) 1909-1989 | View Entire Issue (July 21, 1963)
-1 "Everyoiw in Southern "Oregom Read. Tha MU Tribune" frubliinad DUy except Saturday by 33 North Fir SUJhi-li ROBERT "vTWltt, Editor HERB GREY Adverti.ini ManS GERALD T LATH AMu. Mr ERIC W ALLEN JR. Mn. Editor IaRLH ADAMS City Editor HARRY CH1PMAN. Teleg Editor RICHARD JEWETT, Sports Ed tor OLIVE STARCHEB Women'! EdltM DALE EB1CKSON. ClrculaUon MgT An Independent Newapapel Entered ai aecond elasa nutter Medtord. Oregon, under Act of subscripti6n BATES ma. 11 In A rliran f Daily end Sunday 1 yr 8 "J Daily and Sunday moa. 10.00 Dally and Sunday 3 moa. S00 Sunday Only-One year $5.00 Single Copy (Mailed) S0o By Carnei And Motor "out. Dally and Sunday 1 year Ml -00 rally and Sunday 1 mo. ja . Sunday Only 1 mo. Carrier and Vendora .CapyjOo oTflclal Paper of City of Medforj Official PaperofjMnCjunty United Preia International v.. 11 liiaed Wire O. P. 1. Tclepholo Newirtcturee. A1EMBER OF AUDIT BUKt.AU CIRCULATIONS V CS RofiERTs" iSSOCl. ATES Of'lcaa In New York, Chi cago. Detroit. San Francisco Ar,ie!a. Seattle. Portland. Denver. NIWSPAPil PUIUSHIIf ASSOCIATION NATION A I EDITORIAL In Member California Newspaper PubUahera Aaaoclatlon Flight o' Time Medford nd Jkspn County History from the filet of Th Mail Tribune 10, 20, 30. 40 and 50 years ego. 10 YEARS AGO July 21. 1953 (Tuesday) District attorney plans to present to the grand Jury the results of his Investigation of the death of a 62-year-old Camp White member, who died after spending 41 hours In the city jail without med ical attention. 20 YEARS AGO ii 9i. lfli-i iTumcUy. Plans announced for 26-unit turn utorv. aoartment house nn North Ivy st. to cost S1RS.O00. vmm Arthur Perry's "Ye smudge Pot" column: "Hard liquor continues that way to not hereabouts. The thirsty are spitting cotton, and if the drought keeps up, preaic. they will turn into a cactus. 30 YEARS AGO Juiv 21. 1933 (Thursday) N. R. Walters eleted first commander of local DAV post. Work ready to start on Fourth st. railroad crossing. 40 YEARS AGO July 21. 1923 (Friday) Spark from threshing ma chine destroys grain on Jack nnrrett farm. Babe Ruth hits 22nd homer of season. SO YEARS AGO Julv 21. 1913 (Sunday) Surjerlntendent at Crater Lake National park is for Ihlv elected. Fire destroys fish market on North Fir st. What's Your I.Q.7 Nl.. ten correct It uMtieri even or eight Is eicellant) five er III M good. 1. Docs the wombat most nearly resemble a small bear, bat, or a bird? 2. Thomas Jefferson's like ness is depicted on two dif ferent kinds of U. S. money; what are they? 3. Are olives classed as fruits, or vegetables? 4. In football, how many points are scored by a field goal? , 8. The German autobahn Is road where automobiles are banned, a highway, or an au tomatic elevator? 6. Was the Battle of Shiloh a part of the Revolutionary, Civil, or Spanish-American War? 7. Nitroglycerin, the explo sive, is sometimes used me dicinally; true or false? 8. At how many years Inter val is the Holy Year celebrat ed hv the Catholic church? 6. To block one's view of the full moon would you need to use a silver dollar, half doi' lar, or dime held at arm's length? 10. Cattle have four atom achs: true or false? Answers! 1. Small bear. 2. Two dollar bill and nickel. 3, Fruits. 4. Three points. S. Highways. 6. Civil . 7. True. 8. 25. (. Dime. 10. True. HO SECRETS STOLEN Waehlngton-aiPB - Defense Secretary Robert S. McNa mara said Friday that no cur rent U.S. military secrets have been stolen In the recent wave of international spy cases. SUNDAY. JULY 21. 1863 Rockefeller's Attack Gov. Nelson Rockefeller, who has suffered a drastic loss of political vorce and remarriage, least in part, in offsetting the loss by means of his blunt and outspoken rieht lunatic fringe." His attack may have diverted attention from his purely domestic affairs, and back again where it belongs to the real of the day. He has joined such figures as Sen. Thomas Hatfield m declaring that the extremists or the right are "every bit as dangerous to American principles and American cal left." C OVERNOR Rockefeller set forth six "articles of faith" which he said are fundamental to the traditions of the Republican party, and have always been found in the consensus of its respon sible members. These, he said, are : 1. Unswerving dedication to the preservation of our own freedom and the extension of freedom throughout the world through a firm, resolute and positive foreign policy. 2. Equality of opportunity for a better life for all Americans regardless of economic status, geo graphic location, race, creed, color or national origin. 3. Faith In our federal system of government as the best assurance of freedom and equal opportunity and as the only hope of keeping democratic govern ment close to the people and responsive to their will. 4. Faith in the private enterprise system as the dynamic, creative base for social progress in a free society and of freedom of individual Initiative with out which men cannot be really free or equal. 8. Faith in the fundamental importance of fiscal Integrity in government as the indispensable political base for economic growth and the vitally needed ex pansion of job opportunities. 6. Faith In our heritage of freedom of speech and of Information and In the right and need of the people to know all the facts on the issues confronting them as essential to the preservation of a free society. THESE principles are now in danger of subver sion from the radical right, as they have been from the left, the Governor stated. The radicals of the program . . . except distrust, disunity and the ultimate destruction of the confidence of the peo ple in themselves.- They are purveyors of hate and distrust in a time when, as never before, the need of the world is for love and understanding." He also hit at the tactics of totalitarianism employed by the extremists in taking control of the recent San Francisco convention of the Young Republicans: "ruthless, rough-shod intim idation. IN RECENT months there has been proposed a Republican strategem off" the cities, the industrial north, and the mi nority groups, and wooing west. "The transparent purpose behind this plan," Governor Kockefeller stated, "is to erect political power on the outlawed and immoral base of seg regation and to transform from a national party of all the people to a sec tional party for some of the people." And this, he added, "would be an act of poli tical immorality rarely equalled in human his tory." It "would in and the Republican party in it altogether." rpHE reaction to this biting denouncement has -- hpon nveriiptahlv (thrill. tioned by name in the Goldwater is identified proach" strategy, and it the statement was shot that of his followers. The Oregon Draft Goldwater Committee got out a press release, the gist of which was that Rockefeller had only hurt himself, and was not contributing to the party unity for which he called. This may be, but we vast majority of thinking ed with Rockefeller's less than agree with all IT WOULD be interesting to know what com- bination of motivations finally persuaded the New York governor to come out swinging. Undoubtedly his descent in popularity had something to do with it. But on reading the rather lengthy statement, we were struck (as was Walter Lippmann) with its evident sincerity and honesty. We are con vinced that the Governor meant exactly what he said; that he is indeed concerned with the possible ravages from the far right; that the threatened subversion of his party is a real dan ger, and that he feels he must speak out against it IT WILL be another year before we can assess the full impact of Governor Rockefeller's do mestic affairs and of this statement, which has been widely interpreted as both a declaration of his own candidacy and an attempt to slow down Goldwater by exposing the crass opportunism of the "southern strategem." It is far too early to count Rockefeller out of the race. As has been demonstrated in a number of instances, personal vagaries do not of them selves defeat candidates. And we do not expect any substantial number of Republicans to buy the Goldwater line. Also, it occurs to us that, whatever his mo tives, Rockefeller has done his party a service by outlining principles and pointing out fallacies. E.A. popularity since his di may have succeeded, at attack on the radica political and moral issues prominent Republican Kuchel and Gov. Mark institutions as the radi right, he said, "have no which involves "writing the south and the mid the Republican party of itself not only defeat 1964, but would destroy Thoutrh ho is not men statement, Sen. Barry with the "southern ap is balantly obvious that off in his direction and would judge that the Republicans, confront declaration, could do no or much of it. MLDFORD Wall-To-Wall Under-The-Carpeting -:hSIIlllllll.l J II It . 101 y. I 1 A II Matter of Fact (c) New York Herald WHAT WILL IT PROFIT US? Washington Why is Ni- klta S. Khrushchev so par ticularly anxious for agree ment on a nu- clear test ban at this paric ular time? In the answer to that question lies most of the significan c e of the crucial n e go tiations now going on Alanp in Moscow. If the experts may be trust ed, morover, the answer to the question is remarkably Interesting. In brief. Khrush chev wants a test ban, partly as tangible proof that peace ful co-existence is feasible. but mainly as a departure point for quite profound changes in domestic policy. It cannot be said too often that the mainspring of Krem lin inner-politics is an unend ing argument about invest ment priorities. Who gets what share of the national pie is always the theme. RATIONAL defense, agrl ' culture, heavy industry, light Industry, housing, re sources development-all these and other investment areas are in perpetual, bitter com petition with one another, And there Is not, and there never has been, enough to go round. Kliruslicncv s own career has quite largely hinged up on the course of this hidden argument. He gained his first advantage over Georgyl Mal- enkov, for instance, because Malenkov incautiously come out for more spending on con sumer good. Khrushchev then counter-attacked, with the strong, far from disinterested, support of the Soviet mar shals and colonel-generals, with a demand for contin uing priority for heavy in dustry and national defense. Even after he reached su preme power, however, Khru, shchev has never managed to win a clean-cut victory in the Kremlin argument around investments. For instance, he tried, and failed, to make a drastic cut In the swollen manpower of the Soviet army Again, in the political crisis that gripped the Kremlin this winter, he was clearly forced to submit to Increases in de fense spending. TjOR reasons which are still mysterious, this Kremlin crisis is now ended with Khrushchev more completely in the saddle than at any time in some years. In a recent speech at the Soviet War Col lege, the Drfcnse Minister, Marshal Rodion Mallnovskv, previously a leader of the op position and perhaps In dan ger of losing his job for that very reason, actually went out of his way to salute Khru shchev as "commander-in-chief of the armed forces. ' There have been other signs. mi Not the least of these signs! cannot control the Chinese In is the simple fact that Khru-1 this or any other realm and shchev has renewed serious; Mr. Harriman cannot control negotiations for a nuclear the French. But each man is test ban, which the marshals; in remarkable control of him and colonel-generals do not ' self, and it should be an inter want, and has done so, more-; rating exorcise for this reason over, by placing the nrgntia-uf no other. tions on a new basis which me ov.r, ... .. h '"" dor said to this writer, "If the always ferociously rejected. Rl,ss,an, hrc ( , h .1f.,",..!!.!Avorcll icnlnS on them all denlv begun to talk about triolina the output of chcm - leal fertilliers in two years ) !sio oovirt negotiator is ary, 1948. proclaiming the time. This is a vast project : ''kcly to out-wait or out-stare iron policy of concentrating which cannot possibly be scri- tllr former New York govcr- on heavy industry for arma ously attempted without cut- nor; whose nature was clearly : ment rather than on consumer ting other investment pro-1 designed for private diplo-! goods for his naked and de- grams. It seems to doom the defense increases IXR another thing, there arc all sorts of Indications that the Kremlin is giving real.h'ghly sensitive antcn n a e. j the end of the cold war but consideration to a complete : And should he come home 'saying it was a phony war withdrawal of the Soviet gar-i w-lth an agreement which j from the beginning, precipi rison in Hungary. Thi is an-; many would take as the s.vm-Mated and prolonged by Amer other move which cannot 'bolic ending of the cold war, I ican hostility as much as by please the marshals and col-i there would be a certain his-, the Russians, had better so MAIL TRIBUNE. MEDFORD, 11t W-vJ-V"'' POST- By Joseph Alsop Tribune Syndicate onel-gcnerals any more than a prospect of a umitea test ban. Adding up the signs, there fore, it really begins to look as though Khrushchev in tends to use a test ban agree ment as the signal for a ma jor revision of existing So viet investment programs. The agreement, if reached, will be .hailed as proof of a "re laxation of tensions." In the new atmosphere, spending on the armed forces will be sternly held down, and another shrink-the-army drive may even be launched. Meanwhile, massive invest ments will be diverted to more productive purposes. Above all, a serious effort will at last be made to solve the root-problem of Soviet economy, which is the weak ness of Soviet agriculture. SUCH is the current projec tion. If this nrniention is correct, and above all, if the revised investment priorities produce the desired results, this development will have enormous signifiance. After Stalin's death, the U. S. policy-makers found themselves quite suddenly dealing with a different KIND of U. S. S. R.-though not, one must add, a U.S.S.R. that was invariably easier to deal with. A great shift ill investment priorities, leading even as far as a semi-solution of the Soviet farm prob lem, will produce another, quite comparable change in the Soviet Union. What will such a change profit us? The answer to that question comes in two parts. On the one hand, a more ra tional, much more productive Soviet economy will certain ly create some grave prob lems for us. But on the other hand, it is well to remember that Mao's China actively de sires a thermo-nuclear war, or so the Soviets say; whereas Khrushchev's Russia plainly does not want a thermo-nuclear war. In other words, fat enemies are indeed to be pre ferred to enemies made vici ous by hunger. Hence the change that may now be com ing in the Soviet Union will not be pure, undiluted profit, but it will still offer us real hope of net profit. Caution, Hope Mixed in Russian Talks By ERIC SEVAREID Highly advertised - If not high - hopes have gone with Mr. Avcrcll Harrlman to Mos- i cow. They are ulSv i hopes for an r3l enriinR to the V'ii cold war with ine o o v i e i Union, in fact if not in spirit,- by agreeing to cease nuclear testing. Mr. Khrushc h e v r i " !' " l ' niacy. never for public poli- tics. This sinewy, somewhat humorless American possesses 'hat rare combination, phlcg - matic doggedness along with OREGON GREAT IDEAS... WELFARE STATE Dear Dr. Adler: In ont ef your past column., lha wriier aikad about medical car for iho aged. This brought to mind th atti tude of civilization today, that of a welforo state in which the state or society is responsible for th wel fare of the individual. It seams to me that tha stale is assuming too much work which formerly r a s t d upon tha individual. What do tha great thinkers have to say about the responsi bility of the state? Do you lean more in favor of th welfare state or mora toward th state where th individual is more on his own? Robert Black Jr. 14 Pleasant Street Fort Kent, Maine Dear Mr. Black: If we look back only at the past three centuries of political thought and practice, we may see how new the welfare state is, and yet how it grew out of the ideas of past thinkers. In the 16th and 17th centuries, for instance, Hobbes and Locke saw the state as a police pow er exercising necessary re straints on individuals to as sure the common good. For Hobbes, the welfare assured by the state was safety of life and limb-the peace and order of civilized society. Locke differed from Hobbes in his emphasis on in dividual goods and rights, rather than on the good and power of the collective whole. It is the "life, liberty, and property" of individuals that must be secured, not only from the depredations of oth er individuals, but also from the state. For Locke, the locus of happiness in society is the individual person and his ac tivity, especially his economic activity. In his view, govern ment exists to insure that men may pursue such useful pur suits without being frustrated or robbed, and thereby it ft N "Kids nowadays teem lo enjoy banding together to defy th law. 'Course, teeing governor, and whole states do It doesn't helpl" toric aptness in the phenome non. It was Harriman in 1945 who was among the first Americans, if not, indeed, the first, to understand absolutely that a cold war was on and what it would mean for this generation. At every point where our people were nego tiating with Russians, at the end of the war, a plate glass window suddenly came down between us and them. We could see them; we could not reach them. One night Harri man walked out of the opera in Moscow and unexpectedly found himself beside Maxim Litvinov, then already slip ping into obscurity. Harriman asked one quick question: "What can we do?" Litvinov whispered one short answer, It is useless. You can do been taken.' ahead. And he hurried n was only months later. i with Stalin's speech of Febru spoiled people, that most of , us understood, with sinking heart, that the fruits of peace ; would be bitter fruit. Those 'who are now not only hailing From the Great Books By Mortimer J. Adler (c) 1963, PublUhen Newipaper Syndicate achieves the general welfare. Hobbes, however, insisted that the state must support those who are no longer pro ductive members of society. The poor laws in England, which provided relief to those out of work, put this principle into practice. And on the Con tinent, Rosseau objected to Locke's theory of the state as biased on the side of the prop ertied classes and against the unpropertied. He asserted that it is a basic function of gov ernment "to prevent extreme inequalities of fortune." Thus the original view that the state exists to protect life and property was in practice extended to protection from economic dangers-from starv ing to death. The further ex tension of state action to pro viding or promoting educa tion, health, jobs, and social security involved a long pro cess of social and economic development, as well as a de cisive change in political phil osophy. According to the new philosophy, it is the task of the state to take positive action in order-to assure widespread exercise of the rights to lib erty, property, and the pur suit of happiness. The first important thinker to present this new view of the role of the state in social welfare was T. H. Green, a 19th-century British moral philosopher. It is not enough, he said, for the state to pro tect a man from being killed or enslaved, if it does not do something to insure that he may use his life and liberty to attain self-fulfillment and thereby contribute to the com mon good. He held to the old principles of individual free dom and responsibility as the springs of moral action, but he believed that their exercise requires a general social con dition of well-being in which as many individuals as possi ble participate. Hence, like Locke, Green believed that the state must protect the individual's life, ALCOHOLIC BEVERAGES NOT ALLOWED ON PUBLIC BEACHES back and study this period again. Thirty short years after the Bolshevik revolution, there lay the promise of Lenin be fore their eyes; capitalist Europe in ruins; capitalist America withdrawing her power; colonialism cracking everywhere in Asia with Af rica clearly to follow. Of course Stalin thought the time had come to press the Com munist advantage. It was the Soviets and no one else who precipitated and prolonged this cold war If they now understand that they cannot pursue it any longer, save by indirect subversion in outly ing places, that is all to the good - at least until they re veal their price for peace, something about which the Germans will have much to say. At this stage,-perhaps all one can say is that we no long er confront one, general cold war against Communism, but two very different cold wars. One against Russia, the other against China, and the latter may well prove to be much more dangerous than the former. For we face the cstab- ' lished church of Communism j in the first Instance and the church militant in the second. One might put it this way - with the Russians we face what can be called "cold peace." That is. a situation in which both sides talk as if they are at peace, without formally ratifying the peace. Today & Tomorrow By Walter 19fi3. The MR. K. AND THE CHINESE The letter of the Soviet Central Committee of the Communist Party about the dispute with China is long, about three pages of news paper print. Anyone who drives himself to read it all will do well to remind himself that the Sino - So L.lppmann viet conflict in Central and Eastern Asia existed long before either country became Communist. The conflict ex isted when the Romanovs and the Manchus were in power. For Russia and China have long had conflicting vital in terests. The Russian empire pushed eastward to the Pa cific; the Chinese empire pushed northward into Man- liberty, and property. But he also believed that it must act to insure decent levels of health, education, and living conditions, so that all may share in the promise of the good society. Later economic liberals, such as L. T. Hob house, were influenced by Green's emphasis on "positive freedom" and on the "organ ic" aspect of the common good. Justice Cardozo spoke in this spirit when he said: "If the moral and physical fibre of its manhood and its womanhood is not a state con cern, the question is, what is?" I agree that the state should act to assure the welfare of its citizens. But I think that the means used in present day welfare states endanger indi vidual freedom and responsi bility. In my opinion, welfare is more prudently assured by the widest possible diffusion of income-producing property than by providing social in surance and medical care to the propertyless. A more equitable share in the wealth that produces income, rather than adding "fringe benefits" to incomes, is the safest route to the good society, which was envisaged by the economic liberals. You can win a 54-volum tet of th Great Books of th Western World by writ ing a letter, not to exceed ISO words, incorporating a quettion of general interest for Dr. Adler to consider for inclusion in this col umn, Each week he will se lect as first prize winner! the writers of the three bast letters. He will use ONE of these letters as a basis for a future column and will answer it in terms of th intellectual heritage of th Great Books 443 works by 74 authors, spanning 30 centuriet of thought. Ad dress the letters to Dr. Mor timer J. Adler, in care of this newspaper. Migrant Labor Camp Sanitation Improved Salem-iUPt! - Sanitation at farm migrant labor camps has "improved tremendously" this year, a State Bureau of La bor spokesman said Friday. , A. W. Gardner, whose di vision inspected the farm la bor camps, praised farmers for their cooperation in the santitation efforts. With the Chinese we remain at cold war - that is, both sides talking as if they were at war without actually de claring war. The difference, as history flows along, can be considerably greater than one of semantics. The break between Russia and China is an historic event, and it carries the seeds of profound troubles between the two. It may be this alone that is prompting Khrushchev to make his apparent gestures of peace toward the West; it may be this in coincidence with the serious stalling of the machinery and planning of the Western Alliance. But those so easily and quickly convinced that this time peace has really broken out were singing the same joyous song after the 1955 summit meet ing in Geneva; they sang it again at the time of Camp David. After the first affair, the world had Hungary; after the second it had the Paris summit fiasco and the Wall. It remains the course of wisdom to pay more attention to this Western alliance and , less to Khrushchev's troubles j with China. Until we know i much more than we do now. ! it remains a better posture to ; lean on Khrushchev in the j Harriman manner, and not in j tha manner of those who, when he steps back a pace, i stumble into his embrace, j (Distributed 1963. by Th Hall Syndicate, Inc.) I (All Rights Reserved) lippmann Washington Post churia and toward Siberia. This conflict is still unre solved. Unless we bear this in mind we must wonder why the So viet letter says that the Com munist states began to quarrel in April, 1860 when "tho Chinese comrades openly dis closed their differences with. tne world (i.e., Soviet) Com munist movement. . ." Why 1960? By then, the Soviet Union had given China mas sive aid in the task of indus trialization. What caused tha Soviets to pull away thereby lniuriating tne Red Chinese? At bottom, it seems, it wa because Mr. Khrushchev rec ognized that the old and basic conflict was manifesting itself in inina as a willingness, per haps even as a will, to pre cipitate a war between the So viet Union and the UnitoH States. The letter quotes a hor- ruying-recKiess statement ap proved by the Central Com mittee of the Chinese Commu nist Party which welcomes a thermonuclear war: "On tho ruins of destroyed imperial ism, me victorious Deonlp will create with tremendous speea a civilization a thousand times higher than under tha capitalist system." THE Soviet letter, which at A this point is surely straight Khrushchev, remarks, "It is permissable to ask the Chi nese comrades if they realiza what sort of 'ruins' a world nuclear - rocket war would leave behind." Here is the crucial issue be tween Peking and Moscow. The issue is whether a war would be acceptable or intol erable, indeed desirable or disastrous. The Red Chinese who profess to regard nuclear war as so tolerable that it need not be avoided, so desir able that it might profitably be provoked, have not yet been able to understand the actual nature and the revolu tionary consequences of nu clear weapons. The most im portant thing in the Soviet letter is the elaborate demon strations of how well Khru shchev realizes that the exist ence of nuclear weapons has changed radically the prob lem of revolution and reform. An understanding of the in tolerable nature of nuclear war-which could be catastro phic alike for capitalism and communism - is what impels Kennedy and Khrushchev to seek an understanding. The two governments which make and own nuclear weapons know better than anyone else the infernal character of nu clear weapons. It is ignorance of the true nature of nuclear war which creates the opposi tion in both alliances. About Cuba, for example: Khrushchev's argument with the Chinese is substantially the same as Kennedy's with Sen. Barry Goldwater. Both Kennedy and Khrushchev are accused of cowardly caution. l ney were wrong, say their re spective critics, to be cautious when, says Goldwater, the So viets never have fought a nu clear war; when, say the Chi nese, the Americans are a pa per tiger. HPHE Soviet letter goes on to spell out in general terms what has happened to the Communist doctrine of revo lutionary wars. This has been a prime cause of friction be tween President Kennedy and Chairman Khrushchev, and the locus of the friction is Southeast Asia. The Soviets do not, of course, promise to abandon support of revolu tionary movements. That is no more to be expected than an American promise to abandon our clients in Korea and Tai wan and Viet-Nam. But if I read the Soviet let ter correctly, it does say that the prevention of nuclear war is the paramount necessity and has the highest priority. Therefore, revolutionary movements must not be sup ported to a point where they engage directly the great nu clear powers. There is no reason to think that there will not be contin uing friction arising from the revolutionary conditions of so many of the backward coun tries. But it is not, I believe, too optimistic to say that the friction can continue without easy resort to the use or to the threat of nuclear war. AN IMPRESSIVE part of the Soviet letter is the confi dence It shows In the superior attraction of communism in time of peace. It insists that, without military aggression, the backward part of the world will follow the Soviet example. We have reason, I believe, to feel no less confident, that, despite all our faults, the mag netic attraction of western civilization will increase as the threat of war diminishes. If we have the courage to look forward, we can be reason ably sure that if the two sys tems co-exist peacefully for several generations, they will both be very different sys tems than they are today. 7 J
