Medford mail tribune. (Medford, Or.) 1909-1989, September 16, 1962, Image 4

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Medford mail tribune., September 16, 1962, Image 4

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Newspaper Page Text4 jUhuAY, SEi' 1'LMbLH IB, leoi ItEDFORDdSI&JMBUNK "Everyone in Southern Ortion ReadsJThe Mail Tribune " Pubrlshtd Datlytxcept Saturday by MEDFORD PRINTING CO. 33 North rirSt., Ph.77a-11 ROBERT W. RUHU. Editor HERB GREY Advertising Manager GERALD T LATHAM. Bui. Mir. ERIC W ALLEN JR , Mni. Editor EARL H ADAMS. City Editor HARRY CHIPMAN. Teles Editor RICHARD JEWETT. Sport. Editor OLIVE STARCHER Women"! Editor DALE ERICKSON. Circulation Mgr An Independent Newspaper Entered aa second class matter at Medford. Oregon, under Act ot March 3. U97 SUBSCRIPTION RATES By Mall In Advance. Daily and Sunday 1 year $18.00 Dally and Sunday a moi. 10.00 Dally and Sunday 3 moi. 5.00 Sunday Only One year 5 .00 Single Copy (Mailed! 20c Bv Carrier And Motor Route. Dally and Sunday 1 year MI .00 Daily and Sunday 1 mo. 1.7.1 Sunday Only 1 mo. .We Carrier andVendort - Copy 10c "Official Paper of City of Mrdford Official Paperof Jackson Courily United Press "International Full Leased Wire II. P. 1. Telephoto Newsplclurfs "MEMBER OF AUDIT BUREAU" OFCIRCULAT10NS Advertising Representative: NELSON ROBERTS St ASSOCI ATES. Offices In New York. Chi cago. Detroit. San Francisco. Los Angeles, Seattle, Portland. Denver. Flight o' Time Medford and Jackson County History f'om the files of The Mail Tribune 10, 20, 30, 40 and SO years ago. 10 YEARS AGO Sopl. 16, 1952 (Wednesday) Mr. Frank Farrell Injured by stray bullet while attend ing large tea at home of Mr. and Mrs. Bert Lowry near Phoenix. Annexation of Verde Hills subdivision, north of Med ford, approved by Medford City council. 20 YEARS AGO Sept. 16, 1942 (Thursday) Office of price administra tion announce", rent controls will Bo Into effect In Jackson county on Oct. 1, From Arthur Perry' "Ye Smudge Pot" column: "Now It is Indian summer here ahouls. If 11 was May, many would say they have spring fever, and the calendar to the contrary notwlth stand ing, . they have." 30 YEARS AGO Sept. 16, 1932 (Saturday) Representatives of all sec tions of Jackson county meet to endorse candidacy of ex Medford Mayor C. E. Gates for Jackson county Judge. Jackson counly announces arrangements to trade 500 cases of tomatoes for Klamath Falls potatoes. 40 YEARS AGO Sept. 16, 1922 (Sunday) Five persons hurt as race car Jumps through fence at Jackson county fairgrounds. United States Forest serv ice announces first 30 lots for hnmesltes at Diamond lake will go on sale soon. SO YEARS AGO Sept. 16, 1912 (Tuesday) Capl. Thomas B. Merry, 77, pioneer Jacksonville and Yre ka newspaper editor, dies in Portland. Mc Arthur Brothers and Perks start survey for Rogue River-Coquille railroad. What's Your I.Q.? Nine or ten correct Is superior; seven or eight It excellent! five et sis is good. 1. In what country would you expect to find the Appian Way? 2. In what year did Henry Ford Sr. market his first automobile? 3. The buffalo Is the cen tral figure on the seal of which Federal Government Department? 4 What lands or countries were ruled by the House of Bourbon? 5. Which planet is farthest from the earth? 6. Is coral a plant or an animal? 7. Graphology is Ihe study of what? 8. By what process can fresh water be obtained from salt water? 9. How is the area of a circle determined? 10. In baseball, which base Is called the keystone sack? Answers: 1, Italy, 2. 1903. 3. Department ol Interior. 4. Franc and Spain. S. Pluto. 6. Animal. 7. Handwriting. 8. Distillation. 9. Radius squared limes 3.1417. 10. Second basa. rfl NEVVSPAPI Ji-ASIOCIATION NATIONAL IDITOtlAl Tita Struggle for Objectivity Objectivity blessed word is a quality as illusive in this world as the Holy Grail and as unattainable as peace of mind. But newsmen, as is true with few other daily craftsmen, must constantly pursue and couit it with the ardor and fervor of a swain after a maid. Even the pursuit of objectivity is difficult to learn, for it is in man's nature to relate everything to himself, to pass judgment, to evaluate and ap prove or reject. Thus it is that editors are necessary (if not cherished) with their fiendish blue pencils. It is their task to read a reporter's copy and merci lessly strike out any vestiges of subjectivity .that even the wariest writer inevitably lets creep into his stories. A LL of this comes to mind because of a memo which E.A., the managing editor, thumb tacked to the' office bulletin board one day last week: "The fall election campaign Is (sob) upon us. "Once again it is lime for us to be reminded of what we all know-that our news reports of campaign activi ties are to be just as fair and objective to all candi dates as we know how to make them. "Once again it will take close coordination between the city desk and the wire desk to avoid duplication of stories. We cannot, of course, attain inch-for-inch equality of space between candidates, but we can strive for fairness and general equality In the campaign weeks as a whole. "The editorial support or opposition of the Mail Tribune editorial page as to candidates is to have NO influence on campaign reporting." CEEMS clear enough, and of course all staff members assigned to cover a political event will do their level best to adhere to the admoni tion. They would have anyway, even without E.A.'s managerial caveat. But all of us know that in the purest sense, absolute objectivity is totally impossible and be yond seriously beyond mortal grasp. That is why if on some rare occasion you should happen to tell a reporter that you think he handled some controversial situation in an objective manner in his story, he'll be more com plimented than he will be able to tell you. Let's review some of the problems attendant to this matter of just telling the facts in a news story. A REPORTER who goes to cover a politician's speech is, chances are, either a Republican or a Democrat, and the speaker will probably be cither a Republican or a Democrat, though it is sometimes difficult to tell from his speech alone. , Immediately, two biases are cither in perfect sympathy, or in utter nose-lo-nose conflict. In addition, the reporter and the speaker may or may not be personally acquainted. If the two are friends, it is potentially one situation, and obviously the reverse is true if the two don't hap pen to know or like each other. THEN there is the matter of the crowd reaction. A rriii 1 i-i t wii'l i-i iiMI linim It lo 'inlnn n'ln inn( ii ju,mj i 1 1 'V'l tv i iiui nnvc li in n i 1 iv.i 1 1 ini vjui at such a gathering, and if only at the subcon scious level, he is bound to be influenced some what by what others think. He won't want to and he'll resist it, but he will be. No mental set is sufficient guard against some factors: Is the speaker well dressed in an expen sive suit, while the reporter sits and glares at the frayed cuff of his five-year-old sport coat? Is the speaker a tall, straight man, while the reporter has always hated being short and stout? Is the speaker a member of a profession to which the reporter had once unsuccessfully aspired? Is the speaker's facility with the English language such that it will command the reporters respect, or elicit his scorn and derision? Granted, these are far-fetched examples, but they arc intended merely to suggest sonic of the mynart psychological possibilities that are in volved in the speaker-reporter situation. INNUMERABLE other factors each contributes an insidious influence: Was the room ventilat ed? Did the reporter want the assignment, or did he have. to cancel some personal appointment to cover it? What is the state of his health? His mood? Was the seat comfortable? Could he hear? Was it easy to take notes? Will he have to go back to the newsroom that night and write the story when he is dead tired, or will he have time the next morning to write it when he is rested and feeling refreshed? And on and on . . . The reporter when he sits down to write the account is not unaware ol the cliche, the power of the press." He knows that upwards of 75,000 persons may read his story of the speech, and by the very nature of things," will more or less have to take his word for what the speaker said and the manner in which he said it. IJE will be torn between a desire to make his story vivid and colorful so that it will be read, and a wariness about making it too stronir iso that it will appear biased either for or against the speaker. Total objectivity, then, is a myth. Rut since it is so dcsireable, conscientious re- j porters will constantly work toward it, anil until the day arrives when we are all perfect, news- paper readers will have to be charitable and tol- jerant of human frailty, and cling to a justifiable faith in the good intentions of the working I American press. G. II. B. Channel Matter of Fact (e) New York Herald DE GAULLE - AND KHRUSHCHEV TOO? Bonn-Secretary of the In terior Stewart Udall was the last of a long series of visitors to hear Nikita S. Khrushchev crudely boast ing that he was going to grab Berlin soon, and without hav ing to fight forit. The K h r ushchev- Alsop Udall meeting has made a considerable rip ple here. It must have had its comic aspects - this con frontation between the high- minded nature-lover and the bloody-minded power-lover. Yet it is no laughing matter when Khrushchev flatly in forms a member of the U.S. Cabinet that he is going to take Berlin; that the Euro peans will be powerless to act without the United States; and that the United States will do nothing about it in the end. And this, in summary, is what Khrushchev reportedly had the ugly gall to say to Udall. Even after due discounts have been made for Khru shchev's habitual bluster, the neident lends added credence to a view that has been gain ing ground, of late, among Western policymakers on this side of the Atlantic. To be blunt about It, more and more people think that Khrushchev drew the wrong conclusions from his Vienna meeting with President Kennedy. rMlE American policymakers believe that Vienna and the post-Vienna increases in the U.S. defense effort convinced Khrushchev that missteps at Berlin would lead to a big war. The Europeans, or at any rate a good many of them, now believe the opposite. Nor Is this really surpris ing, unfortunately. For if Khrushchev genuinely sup poses that the U.S. will not risk a war to defend Berlin, he no more than shares the opinion of one of the Presi dent's major partners. For it can be stated on unquestioned authority, that the secret of Gen, Charles do Gaulle's pe culiar management of the Berlin crisis Is the belief that the U.S. will not stand and fight when the crunch comes. This belief of Do Gaulle's, If you think about it, explains much that has seemed quite inexplicable. In the context of this belief of Dc Gaulle's, what has seemed mere haugh ty paltering was in tact sound tactics. The Dc Gaulle scheme for the Berlin crisis is plainly to stand aside, to force all responsibility onto the United States, and to pick up the pieces in Europe when his cynical expectations have ibcen fulfilled. If America fails and Berlin I Is lost and Germany is prr Imanently partitioned, that Will give De Gaulle no pain, at least in private. Everything i makes sense, in truth, except (Dc Gaulle's central assump I tion that President Kennedy I does not mean what he says I about defending Berlin. I ... ni: GAULLE'S making this j' assumption about his chief j ally, who bears almost the j whole burden of the defense j of the West, can only be de scribed as carrying arrogance to the point of moral squalor. And De Gaulle's way of act ing on this assumption can only be described as carrying Machiavellism to the point o( folly. Few Americans have i admired De Gaulle more than j this reporter, but it must be I added that w hen the French ; leader makes a real mistake, : the results can be quite excep tionally ugly. De aulle's way of acting on , this assumption has quite cer tainly made the Berlin crisis ! more dangerous, by Increas ! ing the Kremlin's doubts : about the resoluteness of the 1 U.S. Out way for the Fresi- I fry jjp m MEDFORD MAIL Swimmer By Joseph Alsop Tribune Syndicate dent to carry conviction in Moscow, therefore, is to carry conviction In Paris. That may not be easy. But some brutally plain speaking, of a sort De Gaulle is not used to, is rather clearly in order. As for the central problem of directly impressing on Khrushchev himself the mag nitude of the Berlin risks, there is still room for a little hope that the problem may yet be solved. There may be rather more time than most people now think. For the East German military pro gram is the heart of the Krem lin's preparations for a final test at Berlin; and the Im proved and rearmed East Ger man divisions will hardly be fully ready until' next spring. IT IS notable, too, that the preparations have been long and careful. Seen in perspec tive, in truth, the Berlin wall itself was almost certainly the first step in these prepara tions. The large call-up of young men and the sharp de pression of the standard of life In East Germany, both neces sitated by the new defense program, ' would both have been utterly Impossible with out the wall making all of East Germany a prison camp. Furthermore, a Berlin test with East German forces in the forefront, which is the kind seemingly being pre pared, will be a limited test, at least in the first stage. These facts suggest that Khru shchev Is merely uncertain whether Kennedy really means to defend Berlin - un certain enough to gamble on the President's doing nothing but talk in a crunch, but also uncertain enough in the other direction to wish to keep some control of events. Tile question of how to re move Khrushchev's uncertain ty is therefore urgent. Reason able behavior, "keeping talk ing," endlessly professed will ingness to negotiate when there is nothing to negotiate -all these methods have been exhaustively tried out. Per haps the lime has come to get angry. Perhaps it would have been better to throw back in Khrushchev's face the recent oulragcous note about Cuba and Berlin as "unacceptable and non-received." Marshall: By ERIC SEVAREID By the time this appears In print, the United States Sen ate may have done what a minority o n the Judiciary Commit tec prevented for a full year, and given for mal approval to the nomina tion of Thur good Marshall afogj as judge of srvarrid t 11 c rcdcral Court of Appeals. Thurgood Marshall, the history books will surely attest, was the sharp but tempered spearhead of the great movement which in this generation carried Ne gro Americans considerably closer to the citadel of foil citizenship. A man whose total public identification hns been that o a Negro fighting for the constitutional rights of Ne groes can hardly escape be coming a symbolic figure. But symbols do not make judses; men make Judges; and what is worth thinking about here is not the symbol but the man. The fourth Southern sena tors o the Judiciary Commit tee who deliberately stalled committee action on the nom ination and then voted against Judge Marshall, can only have regarded him as symbol and his nomination as a svmobhc case. They have bitterly op posed the Supreme Court de cision on school segregation as a wound In both the flesh and the spirit o( the Constilu-I tion, and they considered their j i km- sW&daV 'IHibUNE. MEDFORD, OREGON Today & Tomorrow By Walter Lippmonn (ct New York Hortld Thbun Syndic t PARIS AND MOSCOW There is a puzzling differ ence between tne worm as seen from Washington ana the world as seen from Paris. On this side of the At lantic we are p r e o ccupied with the So viet challenge in Cuba and Berlin and els e w h e r e. Across the At Lippmann lantic the focus of interest is how the Western community is to organize itself, and where are to be the centers of power and decision. Our European allies are concerned with the internal relations of the Western coalition. We are concerned with its external relations in Germany, South Asia, and Latin America. European and American feelings differ about how urgent, immediate, and earth shaking is the Soviet chal lenge. Our European allies are not getting ready to call up reserves, and they are much less hot and bothered about Mr. Khrushchev than we are. Their attention is on the efforts of Gen. de Gaulle to woo and envelop West Ger many in order to create a new center of world power. Quite evidently, though as well aware as any man of the challenge from the Soviet Union, Gen. de Gaulle does not consider it a risk to side track Great Britain, to alien ate the Commonwealth, and to coldshoulder the United States. YET we must remember that Gen. de Gaulle has rarely if ever been wrong in judging the balance of power. It is impressive to find him acting now on the assumption that the Soviet Union cannot face war with the West, and that in conflicts short of war as, for example, East Ger man harassment of West Ber lin the retaliatory means available to the West are pre ponderant. For Gen. dc Gaulle there is no great urgency in the skirmishes and scuffles of the cold war, and it is quite unnecessary, Indeed undigni fied and foolish, to let Mos cow hypnotize us and mono polize our attention. Thus for Gen. de Gaulle the challenge and menace of the Soviet Union are transitory, and in the course of time, if firmly contained, Russia is destined to rejoin the Europe to which she belongs. For Europe, in Gen. dc Gaulle's mind, extends from the Atlan tic "to the Urals." In the meantime, history goes on and we cannot be stopped in order to listen to the latest tidbit from the Kremlin. There is much to be done which has nothing to do with the cold war. Franco German enmity must be bur ied. The perennial British in tervention in continental af fairs must be fended off. The unnatural pre-eminence of United States as a European power must be superseded. . . FOR us this is a strange and unfamiliar way of looking at the world. But before we make up our minds as to whether it is right or wrong, prophetic or wishful think ing, we had better take it in. American opposition to the chief Insti gator of that decision, there fore, as a perfectly logical expression of doctrinal con sistency. In addition to this, they acted out of what they re gard as political necessities, just as many of the northern, big city senators acted when they voted in favor of Mar shall. For them, too, the hulk ing Baltimorcan, who has be come one of the most famous lawyers of this legalistic age, is a symbol and perhaps noth ing more. All this was inevitable, but it is a pity, and not only be cause it is wrong in spint. It is a pity in this particular case because it is wrong in fact; that is, it is a misinter pretation of the man. If there arc southern senators who arc against Marshall because they believe he will pass his judg ments as a Negro, if there are northern senators who be lieve the same but do not. for political reasons, care if he docs then both sides are in error. 1 say this on the basis of an acquaintance with the judge which lias not been intimate but which happened to take place in circumstances sharply revealing of the man's cast of mind. My first chance meeting wilh Marshall occurred in London where he had arrived in the company of Tom Mooya, the young Kenya poli tician, after Marshall's trip across black Africa inspecting the condition of constitutional liberties in the new African slates. The second encounter I For it is refreshing to see one who, unimpeachably anti- Communist, is nevertheless free of the stereotypes and conventions of the cold war. It is a virtue to take a fresh and unfrightencd look at the drama of our time. For American public opinion is being suffocated with anxiety and stale ideas. We can learn from Gen. de Gaulle to quit thinking that this is the eve of Armageddon. Our disagreement with Gen. de Gaulle arises from doubt whether the Franco German combination can in fact take the leadership of Europe and of the Western coalition. These doubts do not arise from jealousy. There are virtually no Americans who covet the kind of pre eminence in Europe which the United States has enjoyed since the second World War, Historians will say that the purpose of American policy has really been to end that pre-eminence and to revive the independence of Europe. IF we are concerned today by Gen. de Gaulle's policy, it is because we fear that the West cannot get genuine leadership from an attempt to absorb West Germany and to reject Great Britain. We feel that he is on a course which will disrupt the unity of the West. How can a stable cen ter of European and Western power be made out of France and a divided Germany. We find it significant that in the recent celebration of Franco-German friendship, al most nothing was said public ly about German reunifica tion. So far as I know, it was mentioned once in a com munique. What do Gen. de Gaulle and Dr. Adenauer say to each other about reunifi cation when they are speak ing privately? I think it can be said that almost all Americans who have studied the German problem are convinced that permanent partition is impos sible and that reunification must come. If they are right, then we cannot follow Gen. dc Gaulle who is opposed to continuing discussion and ne gotiation with the Soviets. For a way has to be pre pared by negotiation for the eventual but peaceable re union of the two Germanys. The Germans will not give up and forget about reunifica tion. The Western' allies will not fight a world war to con quer East Germany for Bonn. The Soviet Union will not hand East Germany over to Bonn. The only way then is to enable the Germans them selves to work out their re union. THE great obstacle to this is Hcrr Ulbrichl and the odious character of his East German regime. If Ulbricht were replaced by a German Gomulka, if East German communism became like Po lish communism, resistance would disappear in Bonn and in the West to dealing with East Germany within the framework of eventual re unification. Mr. Khrushchev wants Ihe West to sign peace treaties with the two Germanys. As long as East Germany is a Stalinist state, that cannot be done. Not only is it impos- First, Negro Second was at a small roundtable coiv fcrcncc this summer with highly charged anti-American students from various foreign regions, including Africa. Thurgood Marshall would not have been engaged in these enterprises, as, of course, he would not have engaged his whole career in our domestic wars over civil rights, were he not intensely aware of the color of his own skin and faithful to his racial heritage. But what stayed with mc, what was to me im pressive and humbling, was that in everything the man said on both occasions, in his every expression and gesture, one was made conscious of the presence, not of an Amer ican Negro but of an Ameri can, period. I don'l know how else to express it. An eavesdrooper unable to see the man's skin color could not have known that a Nesro was talking. His attitude toward Myoba was not that of one colored man to another but that of a law yer passionately concerned i a bout individual liberties w herever they were suppress- I ed and whoever was suppress- j 'ing them. I have no doubt that if the new Kenya govern ment is oppressive of human ! rights, it will find the spirit ! of Thurgood Marshall hotly) opposed to it. I have no doubt ' : at all that the oppressions practiced by the N'krumah re gime in Ghana are (avored by nn Justification, no ration alization whatever in the i thoughts of Thurgood Mar shall. And in all this he ul PTLUCK (By M-T Staff and Contributors) ATTENTION POTLUCK: Your stint of Sunday, the 9th. Do you know whether or not Mr. Baker disclosed to anyone his idea of the con nection between good driving and wearing a hat? How does the hat affect the driver's reflexes? Why does he wear a hat? Maybe he wears it to keep his hair clean and in order. Or to protect his "skin head" against sum mer sunburn or winter's in clemency. Or mayhap his eyes are sensitive to the glare of the noonday sun. Or maybe he just likes his own image in a hat. I would wager Mr. Baker goes about hatlcss and has come to the conclusion that any man who wears a hat is an old fuddy duddy (regard less of his age) whose constant indecision in traffic renders him unfit to pilot the motor ized thunderbolt that is the modern automobile. Not so. Alas the hatted citi zen is in the minority these days, to the dispair of the hat manufacturers and haber dashers, but he is generally good driver because he CARES. O. D. Martin, 208 Vashti Way, Medford Yes, Ihe hailed man CARES. But what does he ear ABOUT? That's the question. It is true that hats are becoming less and less of a Thing with the American male. Perhaps it's President Kennedy's influence. Anyway, hats have given way to two things bare i heads, and caps, the kind that used to be reserved for baseball players and skiers. They serve all the essential functions except when it rains. They keep the hair in place to a certain extent, ex clude dust, and shade the eyes. But they do not pre vent the rain from running down the back of your neck. Some men prefer the cow boy hat. It is, of course, highly utilitarian. It shades the eyes, protects from rain, and can be used as an emergency water container, feed bag, pillow, fan, and what have you, But they are not for ev eryone. They can be worn gracefully by slender, bow legged men in Levis and high heeled boots. But they look pretty silly on plump city-type men. The necktie is another arti cle of apparel which, while it sible for us to seal the deliv ery of the East Germans to the Ulbricht regime, but it will be impossible for Ul bricht to negotiate reunifica tion with the West Germans. We do not suppose that Mr. Khrushchev will replace Ul bricht because we ask him to. But we have to keep in con tinual diplomatic contact with him about Germany in order to make It ever clearer to him that the West is not refusing to negotiate with the Soviet Union or even in the long run with East Germany. It is refusing to take the step which would compel it to ne gotiate with Ulbricht. very different from any num ber of highly sensitized Amer ican Negro intellectuals. When we argued matters this summer with the young, dark-skinned students leaders from around the world, there wasn't any ddubt as to where Marshall sat. He sat wilh the Americans present. The atti tudes and notions of the for eigners that made the rest of us impatient made Marshall impatient and for precisely the same reasons. He tried to make them understand what this domestic battle of ours over civil rights is all about, how far we have come already and how far we hope to go. And when he said "we ", he was not talking about Ameri can Negroes, he was talking about America. . Perhaps others do not find this cither impressive or hum bling. If I do it !$ because, when I try in imagination to "walk in their shoes," I won der that any sensitive, intel ligent American Negro can avoid becoming a neurotic enemy of this society of ours. Whether the secret lies in his genes or in his upbringing or in both I would not know, but the essential fact about Thurgood Marshall is that he bears no trace of this virus in the emotions. A Negro, he remains a whole man in a so ciety half-sick from racial prejudice. Whatever his quali fications as a legal thinker and they must be consider able Marshall qualifies as a human being of the first rank. (Distributed 1962, by The Hall Syndicate. Inc.) (All Rights Reserved) hasn't actually vanished, has undergone some startling changes. The "bolo tie' is one. It is nothing but a cord - plaited leather or plastic or some such - with decorated ends and a gadget that holds it to gether at the neck, usually containing a decorative stone or piece of metal. They make some people feel manly and outdoorish. But the same ad vice pertains to them as that for 10-gallon hats. Then there's the little tie that goes around the neck and buttons - yes, BUTTONS - in place, with one end draped across the other. It's sort of an unhappy cross between a scarf and a bow tic. The knitted tie is not new, but it has experienced a re surgence in popularity in re cent years, presumably be cause it is easy to tie, doesn't crush, gravy stains come off easily, and is comfortable. It has the added advantage that it will cover up the evidence when one surreptitiously un buttons the collar on a hot day. The tic-it-yourself bow tie is a genuine rarity, and only a skillful few know how to manage it - whether it be the old butterfly shape, or the newer narrow band. The cowboy, happy man, can solve the whole problem by wrapping a bandana hand kerchief around his throat. in the Day's News By FRANK JENKINS The Chicago & North West ern Railroad is shut down by a telegraphers strike that has idled some 16,000 employees and disrupted the economy of nine midwestern states. The dispute? It's simple, but fundamen tal. rFHE railroad, facing stiff competition and rising op erating costs, is trying to make both ends meet by clos ing a lot of its small stations -which were needed in earlier days when they were estab lished, but (the railroad claims) are not needed now. The Telegraphers Union, whose members are facing loss of JOBS (just as funda mental to them as freight and passenger business is to the railroad) is demanding that the stations be kept open so that its members' jobs may continue. WHAT to do? It's a tough question. If the railroads go broke, their stockholders will suffer. If the railroads save them selves from bankruptcy by re. ducing the number of their employees, the employees who lose their jobs will suffer. A SIMPLE solution, of course, would be to RAISE FREIGHT RATES - but in that case the PUBLIC would suffer because higher freight rates would tend to result in higher prices of all goods car ried by the transportation con cerns. Another solution would be to federalize the railroads and let the GOVERNMENT take the loss. But, in that event, the" loss would be passed on to the taxpaycrs-and in these days everybody is a taxpayer in one form or another. As prices go on rising in re-, sponse to rising costs, the pub lic tends to buy less and less goods-which, in time, results in FEWER JOBS. IF ANYBODY has a perfect solution for this problem, now is the time to come for ward with it. A solution is certainly needed. POLITICAL question: How many bathrooms can a citizen have in his home and still be considered eligible for the governorship of Cali fornia - our soon-to-be largest state in the Union? 'PHIS question is suggested - by the following extract from a campaign story carried the other day by the news services: In San Diego, Governor Brown was asked to reply to charges that he had rented a home in Los Angeles and was giving expensive parties. Brown replied: "I am living in a comfort able three-bathroom home in Los Angeles because its loca tion, is convenient for cam paigning over the state. I am told that Mr. Nixon has SEV EN" bathrooms in his home and in addition has a swim ming pool." tl'ELL, there you are. " If you think Governor Brown's three bathrooms are BAD, and so feel impelled to vote acainsl him, you'll still have In vote for him because if three bathrooms are bad SEVEN bathrooms are twice as bad. Isn't modern politic wonderful?