4
jUhuAY, SEi' 1'LMbLH IB, leoi
ItEDFORDdSI&JMBUNK
"Everyone in Southern Ortion
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March 3. U97
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Flight o' Time
Medford and Jackson County
History f'om the files of The
Mail Tribune 10, 20, 30, 40
and SO years ago.
10 YEARS AGO
Sopl. 16, 1952 (Wednesday)
Mr. Frank Farrell Injured
by stray bullet while attend
ing large tea at home of Mr.
and Mrs. Bert Lowry near
Phoenix.
Annexation of Verde Hills
subdivision, north of Med
ford, approved by Medford
City council.
20 YEARS AGO
Sept. 16, 1942 (Thursday)
Office of price administra
tion announce", rent controls
will Bo Into effect In Jackson
county on Oct. 1,
From Arthur Perry' "Ye
Smudge Pot" column: "Now
It is Indian summer here
ahouls. If 11 was May, many
would say they have spring
fever, and the calendar to the
contrary notwlth stand ing,
. they have."
30 YEARS AGO
Sept. 16, 1932 (Saturday)
Representatives of all sec
tions of Jackson county meet
to endorse candidacy of ex
Medford Mayor C. E. Gates
for Jackson county Judge.
Jackson counly announces
arrangements to trade 500
cases of tomatoes for Klamath
Falls potatoes.
40 YEARS AGO
Sept. 16, 1922 (Sunday)
Five persons hurt as race
car Jumps through fence at
Jackson county fairgrounds.
United States Forest serv
ice announces first 30 lots for
hnmesltes at Diamond lake
will go on sale soon.
SO YEARS AGO
Sept. 16, 1912 (Tuesday)
Capl. Thomas B. Merry, 77,
pioneer Jacksonville and Yre
ka newspaper editor, dies in
Portland.
Mc Arthur Brothers and
Perks start survey for Rogue
River-Coquille railroad.
What's Your I.Q.?
Nine or ten correct Is superior;
seven or eight It excellent! five et
sis is good.
1. In what country would
you expect to find the Appian
Way?
2. In what year did Henry
Ford Sr. market his first
automobile?
3. The buffalo Is the cen
tral figure on the seal of
which Federal Government
Department?
4 What lands or countries
were ruled by the House of
Bourbon?
5. Which planet is farthest
from the earth?
6. Is coral a plant or an
animal?
7. Graphology is Ihe study
of what?
8. By what process can
fresh water be obtained from
salt water?
9. How is the area of a
circle determined?
10. In baseball, which base
Is called the keystone sack?
Answers: 1, Italy, 2. 1903.
3. Department ol Interior. 4.
Franc and Spain. S. Pluto.
6. Animal. 7. Handwriting. 8.
Distillation. 9. Radius squared
limes 3.1417. 10. Second basa.
rfl NEVVSPAPI
Ji-ASIOCIATION
NATIONAL IDITOtlAl
Tita Struggle for Objectivity
Objectivity blessed word is a quality as
illusive in this world as the Holy Grail and as
unattainable as peace of mind.
But newsmen, as is true with few other daily
craftsmen, must constantly pursue and couit it
with the ardor and fervor of a swain after a maid.
Even the pursuit of objectivity is difficult to
learn, for it is in man's nature to relate everything
to himself, to pass judgment, to evaluate and ap
prove or reject.
Thus it is that editors are necessary (if not
cherished) with their fiendish blue pencils. It
is their task to read a reporter's copy and merci
lessly strike out any vestiges of subjectivity .that
even the wariest writer inevitably lets creep into
his stories.
A LL of this comes to mind because of a memo
which E.A., the managing editor, thumb
tacked to the' office bulletin board one day last
week:
"The fall election campaign Is (sob) upon us.
"Once again it is lime for us to be reminded of what
we all know-that our news reports of campaign activi
ties are to be just as fair and objective to all candi
dates as we know how to make them.
"Once again it will take close coordination between
the city desk and the wire desk to avoid duplication
of stories. We cannot, of course, attain inch-for-inch
equality of space between candidates, but we can strive
for fairness and general equality In the campaign
weeks as a whole.
"The editorial support or opposition of the Mail
Tribune editorial page as to candidates is to have NO
influence on campaign reporting."
CEEMS clear enough, and of course all staff
members assigned to cover a political event
will do their level best to adhere to the admoni
tion. They would have anyway, even without E.A.'s
managerial caveat.
But all of us know that in the purest sense,
absolute objectivity is totally impossible and be
yond seriously beyond mortal grasp.
That is why if on some rare occasion you
should happen to tell a reporter that you think
he handled some controversial situation in an
objective manner in his story, he'll be more com
plimented than he will be able to tell you.
Let's review some of the problems attendant
to this matter of just telling the facts in a news
story.
A REPORTER who goes to cover a politician's
speech is, chances are, either a Republican
or a Democrat, and the speaker will probably
be cither a Republican or a Democrat, though it
is sometimes difficult to tell from his speech
alone. ,
Immediately, two biases are cither in perfect
sympathy, or in utter nose-lo-nose conflict.
In addition, the reporter and the speaker may
or may not be personally acquainted. If the two
are friends, it is potentially one situation, and
obviously the reverse is true if the two don't hap
pen to know or like each other.
THEN there is the matter of the crowd reaction.
A rriii 1 i-i t wii'l i-i iiMI linim It lo 'inlnn n'ln inn(
ii ju,mj i 1 1 'V'l tv i iiui nnvc li in n i 1 iv.i 1 1 ini vjui
at such a gathering, and if only at the subcon
scious level, he is bound to be influenced some
what by what others think. He won't want to and
he'll resist it, but he will be.
No mental set is sufficient guard against some
factors: Is the speaker well dressed in an expen
sive suit, while the reporter sits and glares at the
frayed cuff of his five-year-old sport coat? Is the
speaker a tall, straight man, while the reporter
has always hated being short and stout? Is the
speaker a member of a profession to which the
reporter had once unsuccessfully aspired? Is the
speaker's facility with the English language such
that it will command the reporters respect, or
elicit his scorn and derision?
Granted, these are far-fetched examples, but
they arc intended merely to suggest sonic of the
mynart psychological possibilities that are in
volved in the speaker-reporter situation.
INNUMERABLE other factors each contributes
an insidious influence: Was the room ventilat
ed? Did the reporter want the assignment, or did
he have. to cancel some personal appointment to
cover it? What is the state of his health? His
mood? Was the seat comfortable? Could he
hear? Was it easy to take notes? Will he have
to go back to the newsroom that night and write
the story when he is dead tired, or will he have
time the next morning to write it when he is
rested and feeling refreshed? And on and on . . .
The reporter when he sits down to write the
account is not unaware ol the cliche, the power
of the press." He knows that upwards of 75,000
persons may read his story of the speech, and by
the very nature of things," will more or less have
to take his word for what the speaker said and
the manner in which he said it.
IJE will be torn between a desire to make his
story vivid and colorful so that it will be
read, and a wariness about making it too stronir
iso that it will appear biased either for or against
the speaker.
Total objectivity, then, is a myth.
Rut since it is so dcsireable, conscientious re-
j porters will constantly work toward it, anil until
the day arrives when we are all perfect, news-
paper readers will have to be charitable and tol-
jerant of human frailty, and cling to a justifiable
faith in the good intentions of the working
I American press. G. II. B.
Channel
Matter of Fact
(e) New York Herald
DE GAULLE -
AND KHRUSHCHEV TOO?
Bonn-Secretary of the In
terior Stewart Udall was the
last of a long series of visitors
to hear Nikita
S. Khrushchev
crudely boast
ing that he
was going to
grab Berlin
soon, and
without hav
ing to fight
forit. The
K h r ushchev-
Alsop Udall meeting
has made a considerable rip
ple here. It must have had
its comic aspects - this con
frontation between the high-
minded nature-lover and the
bloody-minded power-lover.
Yet it is no laughing matter
when Khrushchev flatly in
forms a member of the U.S.
Cabinet that he is going to
take Berlin; that the Euro
peans will be powerless to
act without the United States;
and that the United States will
do nothing about it in the end.
And this, in summary, is what
Khrushchev reportedly had
the ugly gall to say to Udall.
Even after due discounts
have been made for Khru
shchev's habitual bluster, the
neident lends added credence
to a view that has been gain
ing ground, of late, among
Western policymakers on this
side of the Atlantic. To be
blunt about It, more and more
people think that Khrushchev
drew the wrong conclusions
from his Vienna meeting with
President Kennedy.
rMlE American policymakers
believe that Vienna and the
post-Vienna increases in the
U.S. defense effort convinced
Khrushchev that missteps at
Berlin would lead to a big
war. The Europeans, or at any
rate a good many of them,
now believe the opposite.
Nor Is this really surpris
ing, unfortunately. For if
Khrushchev genuinely sup
poses that the U.S. will not
risk a war to defend Berlin,
he no more than shares the
opinion of one of the Presi
dent's major partners. For it
can be stated on unquestioned
authority, that the secret of
Gen, Charles do Gaulle's pe
culiar management of the
Berlin crisis Is the belief that
the U.S. will not stand and
fight when the crunch comes.
This belief of Do Gaulle's,
If you think about it, explains
much that has seemed quite
inexplicable. In the context
of this belief of Dc Gaulle's,
what has seemed mere haugh
ty paltering was in tact sound
tactics. The Dc Gaulle scheme
for the Berlin crisis is plainly
to stand aside, to force all
responsibility onto the United
States, and to pick up the
pieces in Europe when his
cynical expectations have
ibcen fulfilled.
If America fails and Berlin
I Is lost and Germany is prr
Imanently partitioned, that
Will give De Gaulle no pain,
at least in private. Everything
i makes sense, in truth, except
(Dc Gaulle's central assump
I tion that President Kennedy
I does not mean what he says
I about defending Berlin.
I ...
ni: GAULLE'S making this
j' assumption about his chief
j ally, who bears almost the
j whole burden of the defense
j of the West, can only be de
scribed as carrying arrogance
to the point of moral squalor.
And De Gaulle's way of act
ing on this assumption can
only be described as carrying
Machiavellism to the point o(
folly. Few Americans have
i admired De Gaulle more than
j this reporter, but it must be
I added that w hen the French
; leader makes a real mistake,
: the results can be quite excep
tionally ugly.
De aulle's way of acting on
, this assumption has quite cer
tainly made the Berlin crisis
! more dangerous, by Increas
! ing the Kremlin's doubts
: about the resoluteness of the
1 U.S. Out way for the Fresi-
I fry jjp
m
MEDFORD MAIL
Swimmer
By Joseph Alsop
Tribune Syndicate
dent to carry conviction in
Moscow, therefore, is to carry
conviction In Paris. That may
not be easy. But some brutally
plain speaking, of a sort De
Gaulle is not used to, is rather
clearly in order.
As for the central problem
of directly impressing on
Khrushchev himself the mag
nitude of the Berlin risks,
there is still room for a little
hope that the problem may
yet be solved. There may be
rather more time than most
people now think. For the
East German military pro
gram is the heart of the Krem
lin's preparations for a final
test at Berlin; and the Im
proved and rearmed East Ger
man divisions will hardly be
fully ready until' next spring.
IT IS notable, too, that the
preparations have been long
and careful. Seen in perspec
tive, in truth, the Berlin wall
itself was almost certainly the
first step in these prepara
tions. The large call-up of
young men and the sharp de
pression of the standard of life
In East Germany, both neces
sitated by the new defense
program, ' would both have
been utterly Impossible with
out the wall making all of
East Germany a prison camp.
Furthermore, a Berlin test
with East German forces in
the forefront, which is the
kind seemingly being pre
pared, will be a limited test,
at least in the first stage.
These facts suggest that Khru
shchev Is merely uncertain
whether Kennedy really
means to defend Berlin - un
certain enough to gamble on
the President's doing nothing
but talk in a crunch, but also
uncertain enough in the other
direction to wish to keep some
control of events.
Tile question of how to re
move Khrushchev's uncertain
ty is therefore urgent. Reason
able behavior, "keeping talk
ing," endlessly professed will
ingness to negotiate when
there is nothing to negotiate -all
these methods have been
exhaustively tried out. Per
haps the lime has come to get
angry. Perhaps it would have
been better to throw back in
Khrushchev's face the recent
oulragcous note about Cuba
and Berlin as "unacceptable
and non-received."
Marshall:
By ERIC SEVAREID
By the time this appears In
print, the United States Sen
ate may have done what a
minority o n
the Judiciary
Commit tec
prevented for
a full year,
and given for
mal approval
to the nomina
tion of Thur
good Marshall
afogj as judge of
srvarrid t 11 c rcdcral
Court of Appeals. Thurgood
Marshall, the history books
will surely attest, was the
sharp but tempered spearhead
of the great movement which
in this generation carried Ne
gro Americans considerably
closer to the citadel of foil
citizenship.
A man whose total public
identification hns been that
o a Negro fighting for the
constitutional rights of Ne
groes can hardly escape be
coming a symbolic figure. But
symbols do not make judses;
men make Judges; and what is
worth thinking about here is
not the symbol but the man.
The fourth Southern sena
tors o the Judiciary Commit
tee who deliberately stalled
committee action on the nom
ination and then voted against
Judge Marshall, can only have
regarded him as symbol and
his nomination as a svmobhc
case. They have bitterly op
posed the Supreme Court de
cision on school segregation
as a wound In both the flesh
and the spirit o( the Constilu-I
tion, and they considered their j
i
km-
sW&daV
'IHibUNE. MEDFORD, OREGON
Today & Tomorrow
By Walter Lippmonn
(ct New York Hortld Thbun Syndic t
PARIS AND MOSCOW
There is a puzzling differ
ence between tne worm as
seen from Washington ana
the world as
seen from
Paris. On this
side of the At
lantic we are
p r e o ccupied
with the So
viet challenge
in Cuba and
Berlin and
els e w h e r e.
Across the At
Lippmann
lantic the focus of interest is
how the Western community
is to organize itself, and
where are to be the centers
of power and decision. Our
European allies are concerned
with the internal relations of
the Western coalition. We are
concerned with its external
relations in Germany, South
Asia, and Latin America.
European and American
feelings differ about how
urgent, immediate, and earth
shaking is the Soviet chal
lenge. Our European allies
are not getting ready to call
up reserves, and they are
much less hot and bothered
about Mr. Khrushchev than
we are. Their attention is on
the efforts of Gen. de Gaulle
to woo and envelop West Ger
many in order to create a
new center of world power.
Quite evidently, though as
well aware as any man of the
challenge from the Soviet
Union, Gen. de Gaulle does
not consider it a risk to side
track Great Britain, to alien
ate the Commonwealth, and
to coldshoulder the United
States.
YET we must remember
that Gen. de Gaulle has
rarely if ever been wrong in
judging the balance of power.
It is impressive to find him
acting now on the assumption
that the Soviet Union cannot
face war with the West, and
that in conflicts short of war
as, for example, East Ger
man harassment of West Ber
lin the retaliatory means
available to the West are pre
ponderant. For Gen. dc Gaulle
there is no great urgency in
the skirmishes and scuffles of
the cold war, and it is quite
unnecessary, Indeed undigni
fied and foolish, to let Mos
cow hypnotize us and mono
polize our attention.
Thus for Gen. de Gaulle the
challenge and menace of the
Soviet Union are transitory,
and in the course of time, if
firmly contained, Russia is
destined to rejoin the Europe
to which she belongs. For
Europe, in Gen. dc Gaulle's
mind, extends from the Atlan
tic "to the Urals." In the
meantime, history goes on
and we cannot be stopped in
order to listen to the latest
tidbit from the Kremlin.
There is much to be done
which has nothing to do
with the cold war. Franco
German enmity must be bur
ied. The perennial British in
tervention in continental af
fairs must be fended off. The
unnatural pre-eminence of
United States as a European
power must be superseded.
. .
FOR us this is a strange and
unfamiliar way of looking
at the world. But before we
make up our minds as to
whether it is right or wrong,
prophetic or wishful think
ing, we had better take it in.
American
opposition to the chief Insti
gator of that decision, there
fore, as a perfectly logical
expression of doctrinal con
sistency. In addition to this, they
acted out of what they re
gard as political necessities,
just as many of the northern,
big city senators acted when
they voted in favor of Mar
shall. For them, too, the hulk
ing Baltimorcan, who has be
come one of the most famous
lawyers of this legalistic age,
is a symbol and perhaps noth
ing more.
All this was inevitable, but
it is a pity, and not only be
cause it is wrong in spint. It
is a pity in this particular
case because it is wrong in
fact; that is, it is a misinter
pretation of the man. If there
arc southern senators who arc
against Marshall because they
believe he will pass his judg
ments as a Negro, if there
are northern senators who be
lieve the same but do not.
for political reasons, care if
he docs then both sides are
in error. 1 say this on the
basis of an acquaintance with
the judge which lias not been
intimate but which happened
to take place in circumstances
sharply revealing of the man's
cast of mind.
My first chance meeting
wilh Marshall occurred in
London where he had arrived
in the company of Tom
Mooya, the young Kenya poli
tician, after Marshall's trip
across black Africa inspecting
the condition of constitutional
liberties in the new African
slates. The second encounter
I
For it is refreshing to see
one who, unimpeachably anti-
Communist, is nevertheless
free of the stereotypes and
conventions of the cold war.
It is a virtue to take a fresh
and unfrightencd look at the
drama of our time. For
American public opinion is
being suffocated with anxiety
and stale ideas. We can learn
from Gen. de Gaulle to quit
thinking that this is the eve
of Armageddon.
Our disagreement with
Gen. de Gaulle arises from
doubt whether the Franco
German combination can in
fact take the leadership of
Europe and of the Western
coalition. These doubts do
not arise from jealousy. There
are virtually no Americans
who covet the kind of pre
eminence in Europe which
the United States has enjoyed
since the second World War,
Historians will say that the
purpose of American policy
has really been to end that
pre-eminence and to revive
the independence of Europe.
IF we are concerned today
by Gen. de Gaulle's policy,
it is because we fear that the
West cannot get genuine
leadership from an attempt to
absorb West Germany and to
reject Great Britain. We feel
that he is on a course which
will disrupt the unity of the
West. How can a stable cen
ter of European and Western
power be made out of France
and a divided Germany.
We find it significant that
in the recent celebration of
Franco-German friendship, al
most nothing was said public
ly about German reunifica
tion. So far as I know, it was
mentioned once in a com
munique. What do Gen. de
Gaulle and Dr. Adenauer say
to each other about reunifi
cation when they are speak
ing privately?
I think it can be said that
almost all Americans who
have studied the German
problem are convinced that
permanent partition is impos
sible and that reunification
must come. If they are right,
then we cannot follow Gen.
dc Gaulle who is opposed to
continuing discussion and ne
gotiation with the Soviets.
For a way has to be pre
pared by negotiation for the
eventual but peaceable re
union of the two Germanys.
The Germans will not give up
and forget about reunifica
tion. The Western' allies will
not fight a world war to con
quer East Germany for Bonn.
The Soviet Union will not
hand East Germany over to
Bonn. The only way then is to
enable the Germans them
selves to work out their re
union. THE great obstacle to this is
Hcrr Ulbrichl and the
odious character of his East
German regime. If Ulbricht
were replaced by a German
Gomulka, if East German
communism became like Po
lish communism, resistance
would disappear in Bonn and
in the West to dealing with
East Germany within the
framework of eventual re
unification. Mr. Khrushchev wants Ihe
West to sign peace treaties
with the two Germanys. As
long as East Germany is a
Stalinist state, that cannot be
done. Not only is it impos-
First, Negro Second
was at a small roundtable coiv
fcrcncc this summer with
highly charged anti-American
students from various foreign
regions, including Africa.
Thurgood Marshall would
not have been engaged in
these enterprises, as, of
course, he would not have
engaged his whole career in
our domestic wars over civil
rights, were he not intensely
aware of the color of his own
skin and faithful to his racial
heritage. But what stayed
with mc, what was to me im
pressive and humbling, was
that in everything the man
said on both occasions, in his
every expression and gesture,
one was made conscious of
the presence, not of an Amer
ican Negro but of an Ameri
can, period.
I don'l know how else to
express it. An eavesdrooper
unable to see the man's skin
color could not have known
that a Nesro was talking. His
attitude toward Myoba was
not that of one colored man
to another but that of a law
yer passionately concerned
i a bout individual liberties
w herever they were suppress-
I ed and whoever was suppress- j
'ing them. I have no doubt
that if the new Kenya govern
ment is oppressive of human !
rights, it will find the spirit !
of Thurgood Marshall hotly)
opposed to it. I have no doubt '
: at all that the oppressions
practiced by the N'krumah re
gime in Ghana are (avored
by nn Justification, no ration
alization whatever in the i
thoughts of Thurgood Mar
shall. And in all this he ul
PTLUCK
(By M-T Staff and Contributors)
ATTENTION POTLUCK:
Your stint of Sunday, the
9th.
Do you know whether or
not Mr. Baker disclosed to
anyone his idea of the con
nection between good driving
and wearing a hat?
How does the hat affect the
driver's reflexes? Why does
he wear a hat? Maybe he
wears it to keep his hair clean
and in order. Or to protect
his "skin head" against sum
mer sunburn or winter's in
clemency. Or mayhap his eyes
are sensitive to the glare of
the noonday sun. Or maybe
he just likes his own image
in a hat.
I would wager Mr. Baker
goes about hatlcss and has
come to the conclusion that
any man who wears a hat is
an old fuddy duddy (regard
less of his age) whose constant
indecision in traffic renders
him unfit to pilot the motor
ized thunderbolt that is the
modern automobile.
Not so. Alas the hatted citi
zen is in the minority these
days, to the dispair of the
hat manufacturers and haber
dashers, but he is generally
good driver because he
CARES.
O. D. Martin,
208 Vashti Way,
Medford
Yes, Ihe hailed man
CARES. But what does he
ear ABOUT? That's the
question.
It is true that hats are
becoming less and less of
a Thing with the American
male. Perhaps it's President
Kennedy's influence.
Anyway, hats have given
way to two things bare
i heads, and caps, the kind
that used to be reserved for
baseball players and skiers.
They serve all the essential
functions except when it
rains. They keep the hair in
place to a certain extent, ex
clude dust, and shade the
eyes. But they do not pre
vent the rain from running
down the back of your neck.
Some men prefer the cow
boy hat. It is, of course,
highly utilitarian. It shades
the eyes, protects from rain,
and can be used as an
emergency water container,
feed bag, pillow, fan, and
what have you,
But they are not for ev
eryone. They can be worn
gracefully by slender, bow
legged men in Levis and
high heeled boots. But they
look pretty silly on plump
city-type men.
The necktie is another arti
cle of apparel which, while it
sible for us to seal the deliv
ery of the East Germans to
the Ulbricht regime, but it
will be impossible for Ul
bricht to negotiate reunifica
tion with the West Germans.
We do not suppose that Mr.
Khrushchev will replace Ul
bricht because we ask him to.
But we have to keep in con
tinual diplomatic contact
with him about Germany in
order to make It ever clearer
to him that the West is not
refusing to negotiate with the
Soviet Union or even in the
long run with East Germany.
It is refusing to take the step
which would compel it to ne
gotiate with Ulbricht.
very different from any num
ber of highly sensitized Amer
ican Negro intellectuals.
When we argued matters
this summer with the young,
dark-skinned students leaders
from around the world, there
wasn't any ddubt as to where
Marshall sat. He sat wilh the
Americans present. The atti
tudes and notions of the for
eigners that made the rest of
us impatient made Marshall
impatient and for precisely
the same reasons. He tried to
make them understand what
this domestic battle of ours
over civil rights is all about,
how far we have come already
and how far we hope to go.
And when he said "we ", he
was not talking about Ameri
can Negroes, he was talking
about America.
.
Perhaps others do not find
this cither impressive or hum
bling. If I do it !$ because,
when I try in imagination to
"walk in their shoes," I won
der that any sensitive, intel
ligent American Negro can
avoid becoming a neurotic
enemy of this society of ours.
Whether the secret lies in his
genes or in his upbringing or
in both I would not know,
but the essential fact about
Thurgood Marshall is that he
bears no trace of this virus
in the emotions. A Negro, he
remains a whole man in a so
ciety half-sick from racial
prejudice. Whatever his quali
fications as a legal thinker
and they must be consider
able Marshall qualifies as a
human being of the first rank.
(Distributed 1962, by The Hall
Syndicate. Inc.)
(All Rights Reserved)
hasn't actually vanished, has
undergone some startling
changes.
The "bolo tie' is one. It is
nothing but a cord - plaited
leather or plastic or some
such - with decorated ends
and a gadget that holds it to
gether at the neck, usually
containing a decorative stone
or piece of metal. They make
some people feel manly and
outdoorish. But the same ad
vice pertains to them as that
for 10-gallon hats.
Then there's the little tie
that goes around the neck and
buttons - yes, BUTTONS - in
place, with one end draped
across the other. It's sort of
an unhappy cross between a
scarf and a bow tic.
The knitted tie is not new,
but it has experienced a re
surgence in popularity in re
cent years, presumably be
cause it is easy to tie, doesn't
crush, gravy stains come off
easily, and is comfortable. It
has the added advantage that
it will cover up the evidence
when one surreptitiously un
buttons the collar on a hot
day.
The tic-it-yourself bow tie
is a genuine rarity, and only
a skillful few know how to
manage it - whether it be the
old butterfly shape, or the
newer narrow band.
The cowboy, happy man,
can solve the whole problem
by wrapping a bandana hand
kerchief around his throat.
in the Day's News
By FRANK JENKINS
The Chicago & North West
ern Railroad is shut down by
a telegraphers strike that has
idled some 16,000 employees
and disrupted the economy of
nine midwestern states.
The dispute?
It's simple, but fundamen
tal. rFHE railroad, facing stiff
competition and rising op
erating costs, is trying to
make both ends meet by clos
ing a lot of its small stations
-which were needed in earlier
days when they were estab
lished, but (the railroad
claims) are not needed now.
The Telegraphers Union,
whose members are facing
loss of JOBS (just as funda
mental to them as freight and
passenger business is to the
railroad) is demanding that
the stations be kept open so
that its members' jobs may
continue.
WHAT to do?
It's a tough question.
If the railroads go broke,
their stockholders will suffer.
If the railroads save them
selves from bankruptcy by re.
ducing the number of their
employees, the employees who
lose their jobs will suffer.
A SIMPLE solution, of
course, would be to RAISE
FREIGHT RATES - but in
that case the PUBLIC would
suffer because higher freight
rates would tend to result in
higher prices of all goods car
ried by the transportation con
cerns. Another solution would be
to federalize the railroads and
let the GOVERNMENT take
the loss. But, in that event, the"
loss would be passed on to the
taxpaycrs-and in these days
everybody is a taxpayer in
one form or another.
As prices go on rising in re-,
sponse to rising costs, the pub
lic tends to buy less and less
goods-which, in time, results
in FEWER JOBS.
IF ANYBODY has a perfect
solution for this problem,
now is the time to come for
ward with it.
A solution is certainly
needed.
POLITICAL question:
How many bathrooms
can a citizen have in his home
and still be considered eligible
for the governorship of Cali
fornia - our soon-to-be largest
state in the Union?
'PHIS question is suggested
- by the following extract
from a campaign story carried
the other day by the news
services:
In San Diego, Governor
Brown was asked to reply to
charges that he had rented a
home in Los Angeles and was
giving expensive parties.
Brown replied:
"I am living in a comfort
able three-bathroom home in
Los Angeles because its loca
tion, is convenient for cam
paigning over the state. I am
told that Mr. Nixon has SEV
EN" bathrooms in his home
and in addition has a swim
ming pool."
tl'ELL, there you are.
" If you think Governor
Brown's three bathrooms are
BAD, and so feel impelled to
vote acainsl him, you'll still
have In vote for him because
if three bathrooms are bad
SEVEN bathrooms are twice
as bad.
Isn't modern politic wonderful?