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About Medford mail tribune. (Medford, Or.) 1909-1989 | View Entire Issue (Aug. 16, 1956)
FOUR MEDFORD (OREGON) MEDFORIvitt&wTHIBCNI TveryDoay in auoiern uretfoa Reaaa The Mail fTibune" Published Daily Except Saturday by MEDFOHD f"rUNTtt.G CO. 27-23 North Fir St Prion 2-9H1 HERB CKLY Advertiainf Manager GERALD LATHAM Business Manager ERIC ALLE.N JR. Managing Kailol JJAHL H ADAMS. City Editor HARRY CHirWlAN Telegraph Editor RICHARD JKWETT Sports Editor OLIVE ST ARCHER Society Editor PALE ERICKSON Clrculauon Mgr. An independent Jewspaper Entered second clan matter at Mediord Orejfon under Act ot March J. lam SUBSCRIPTION RATES Ey Mall In Advance Per Copy 10c Daily and Sunday One veal 12 00 Daily and Sunday Si month 6.50 Dally and Sunday Three moa 3.50 Sunday Only One year 3J0 By Carrier In Advance Medlord. Aahland Central Point Eagle Point. Jacksonville Cold Hill Phoenix. Shady Cove Rogue River. Talent, an 1 on motol routel. Daily and Sunday One year $15 00 Daily and Sunday One month 1.25 Carr'er and Dealers- -5c pel copy . All Terme Casli in Advance Official Piper of the Clt? of Bedford QKf-lal Paper ol Jackson County United "Press ruil Leaied Wire MEMBER OF AUDIT BUREAU Of CIRCULATION Advertlflnc Representative WEST-HOLLIDAY COMPANY INC Offices In New York Chicago De troit San Francisco Los Angeles Seattle Portland St Louis Atlanta Vancouver B C NAIIONA I EDITORIAL v' I asTocCatlon lO" NEWS PA PER PUBLISHERS ASSOCIATION Flight o' Time Medford and Jackson County History from the files of The Mail Tribune 10, 20, 30 and 40 years ago. 10 YEARS AGO Aug. 16, 1946 (It was Friday) Wild blackberries . are now ripe in the county, particularly in Upper Applegate and Old Stage rd. district. From Arthur Perry'i Ye Smudge Pot column: The dog days have arrived here. They bring out the painful fact shade Is more unevenly distributed than wealth. 20 YEARS AGO Aug. 16, 1936 (It was Sunday) Maj. H. D.-bagnall. district recruiting officer at Portland, confers with Sgt. Charley R. Hill, local recruiter. Steps taken to procure an en larged federal building so that all permanent agencies here might be centralized In one structure. 30 YEARS AGO Aug. 16, 1926 (It was Monday) Dick Isaacs, son of William F. Isaacs, calches large salmon bare handed in a shallow hole while fishing. Faster trains to the east, plat ing in service millions of dol lars worth of new railroad equip ment, are all part of the South ern Pacific's program this year, according to A. S. Rosenbaum, Southern Pacific official. 40 YEARS AGO Aug. 16, 1916 (It was Wednesday) The city council last night ad journs without taking action be cause several members were ab sent. From Local and Personal col umn: Fred Lewis left Wednesday morning for San Francisco. What's the Answer? Can You Get 4 of the 7? Copr. 1955 Editorial Research Report 1. Adlai E. Stevenson is or isn't the only grandson of a former Vice President to get a major-party presidential nomi nation? 2. Average amount of life in surance per family is around S700. Sl.TQp. $7,000, $11,700 or $17,000? 3. Prince Rainier of Monaco is the same age as his wife, the former Grace Kelly, or two years younger, or three, six or nine years older? 4. The U.S. farm population over the last six years fell by 500.000. three million or 7,500, 000, or rose by 75.000? 5. The Democratic party has never yet nominated a Catholic for Vice President; true or fake? 6. Sun Valley is in California, Colorado. Idaho, North Carolina, Texas. Wyoming or the Canadian Rockies? 7. Which Southern state has the most votes at the Democratic national convention? The answers: 1. Is. 2. $7,000 per family. 3. Six years older. 4. Fell by three million. 5. True. 6. Idaho. 7. Texas. McCANN ON VACATION Charles M. McCann is on vacation. His weekly newt out look and daily foreign news commentary columns will be resumed upon his return. I MAIL TRIBUNE How A bout Key-Noters? The key-note speech of Governor Clement of Tennessee must have been better than we thought, or Chairman Leonard Hall of the Republican National Committee would not have called a special press con ference to condemn it. Key-note speeches are always extreme, extrava gantly partisan and over-declamatory. For years this fact has been taken in stride by the opposition, as a part of the time-honored pattern of "pointing with pride" and "viewing with alarm." In the tradition of the "Boy orator of the Platte" William Jennings Bryan, and the late and lamented Billy Sunday, we thought the youthful Governor of Tennessee did a good enough job, but we couldn't take it very seriously. The Republican chairman, however, did. He apparently viewed the table-thumping revival of the "cross of gold" technique, as mendacious, in flamatory and demagogic, unworthy of the governor of a great state, and of the party of Jefferson, Jack son and Roosevelt, etc., etc. ALL of which is rather silly. Of course the Chairman of the Republican nation al committee would not like the "key-note" speech of the Democratic party, whoever delivered it, any more than the chairman of the Democratic National Com mittee will LIKE the "key-note" speech of the Repub lican party, such allergies are, or should be, tak en for granted. But to take the time and trouble to answer them publicly on the part of either party chairman, seems to this department, to be what Woodrow Wilson liked to call "supererogation" that is going beyond the call of duty, in a decidedly childish and petulant fashion, giving an importance to a purely routine partisan performance, which it in no way merited. The speech has also been termed intemperate and irresponsible, well from the standpoint of the politi cal opposition all key-note speeches are, and there will be plenty of Democratic leaders who will curse with vehemence and writhe in their seats with pain when they listen to the GOP "key-noter" a few days hence. "UR objection to the key-note type of declamation is not on the moral grounds of intemperance or inaccuracy, such attributes are to be expected for their object is not to inform the people but to arouse the fighting spirit and enthusiasms of the party mem bers. Our objection as has often been stated in this department, is their political ineffectiveness. They do pep-up, arouse and delight the 100 per cent partisans, but they are "safe for Democracy" or Republicanism as the case may be, anyway. The aim of campaign speeches should be not to stir up the animals who are in the cage, but to go out, and get new recruits not by overwrought partisan ap peals, but by presenting the facts in their favor in a clear and convincing way. In other words as Adlai Stevenson has so often remarked, to "talk sense." A ND here we come to the parting of the ways with former Pesident Truman, and his school of "give 'em hell." We grant that in 1948 the "give 'em hell" tech nique won. But we have never been convinced, how ever, that HST was victorious so much because he "gave 'em hell" as that his opponent Governor Dewey didn't give the voters anything. Mr. Dewey wras so sure of himself and of victory that he thought all he had to do was to pass out pleasing platitudes and a few inoffensive generalities, and ride silently and majestically with the tide to an overwhelming victory. In other words the American voters did not vote so much FOR Harry Truman and his "give 'em hell" oratory, as they voted against the complacent, confi dent Tom Dewey, who gave them nothing. That we grant is merely a matter of personal op inion. So what? That is all editorials are anyway! R.W.R. More A I Sarena ' We are rather fed up with the Al Sarena case. We believe most of the people are too. But the enthusiastic supporters of ex-Secretary of the Interior McKay apparently want to keep the issue alive. Their favorite method of resuscitation is to con vert the controversy into a straw man and then tear it down, and down and down. The straw man adds up to something like this : The critics of the Al Sarena deal claim it was against the law, that the owners of the mine were cheats and crooks, and that Secretary McKay was little better than a second Albert Fall of Tea Pot dome infamy, in granting the mining patents. They then with great care demonstrate no laws in force at the TIME of the "give-away" were violat ed, that the owners of the mine are and were at the time respected and law abiding citizens, of Alabama, and instead of being criticized for this action Mr. McKay could not have done otherwise and should be praised for it. We can only speak for the Mail Tribune of course but this paper has repeatedly stated the deal was un doubtedly "within the law." We have never directly or indirectly reflected upon the private characters of any individuals involved, for all we know they may all be paragons of virtue, and pure as the driven snow. DUT we did criticize and will continue to criti cize the policy adopted by the Secretary of the Interior and upheld by the present administration that the practice of -"mining timber" on the TJ.S. Forest reserves at a cost of dealers have to pay twenty Thursday. August is. 195$ $5 an acre when timber or thirty times as much in the open market, is wrong, and should be stopped! TT IS true that Congressman Ellsworth secured the passage of a law that would make some of what the Al Sarena owners did, illegal today. But the law is so worded that it works a hardship on the small miner, and gives a great advantage to the large one. Also assuming the Al Sarena practice of disregard ing the rulings of the U.S. Forest Service and Bureau of Land Management and going to the Bureau of Mines as well as to the owners' special assaying office, for the judgments desired are followed, there would seem to be little difficulty in evading it. FINALLY the Al Sarena case is not so important in itself, but is important as a symbol of basic GOP doctrine, whenever the issue is drawn between private profit and the public welfare. After all, the timber on these mining claims was not private property but a part of the U.S. Forest reserve, it belonged to the people and should have been under the control of the U.S. Forest Service not the Bureau of mines or the A. W. Williams In spection company of far off Alabama. As has so often been it is not a question of stealing anything from the government, but giving it away, it is not a question of moral turpitude but improper and destructive and undemocratic public policy. R.W.R. Today and By Walter TRUMAN AND STEVENSON Mr. Truman, for all his leg endary reputation as a practical politician, has got himself into a strange pre dicament. If he loses his fight to stop Steven son, he will have made a very sizeable contribution to S t e venson's chances in run- waiter Uppmann n i n g against Eisenhower. For Stevenson is now free of the charge that his election would mean a restora tion and continuation of the Tru man administration. It is against the Truman administration's record that Eisenhower won a landslide victory in 1952. If, on the other hand, Mr. Tru man wins his fight in Chicago and is able to stop Stevenson, he will have made it as certain as such things can be that no Democrat can win the election. It is hard to imagine the convention nom inating Harriman. But if it did do so after a violent and divisive struggle, it is still harder to imagine how Harriman could win the election. Not only is he unacceptable to a very large number of Democratic politicians and voters he would be identi fied with sectional and class con flicts, and he would be the per fect foil for the image of Eisen hower as a unifier and healer and a man of peace. e Tlf R. TRUMAN'S legendary reputation as the smartest of them all is based on his victory in 1948 -a victory won despite all the politicians and prophets and the pollsters. This was such a spectacular performance that it has become impossible for Mr. Truman, and difficult even for many professional observers, to remember that after 1948 came 1952, and that in 1952 the issue was the Truman record. Because of what the country had come to think of that record, no Dem ocrat could in 1952 hope to be elected. For there was a great majority, including a large num ber of Democrats, who had made up their minds that no Dem ocrat, not even Stevenson, could make a clean break with the Tru man administration. Mr. Truman seems to believe that 1948 provides a formula of victory which he, or someone he prompts and manages, can apply again and again. Thus he com plains in his memories that in 1952 Stevenson avoided as best he could letting him run the camoaign and be the main speak er. He seems to think that he could have won in 1952. Now he would like to apply the same formula in 1956. What reason is there for think ing that the formula which work ed in 1948 just worked by a freak of circumstances would have worked in 1952, and would now work in 1956? It was one thing for the heir of Roosevelt after the victory of World War II and before the Korean war to give hell to the Republican gov ernor of New York. It is auite a different thing for the Dem ocratic governor of New York to give hell to the President of the United States who is Gen. Eisenhower. a TIHE main difference, it seems to me, between Stevenson and Truman is that the one is living in the present while the other is living in the past. This applies not only to election strat egy but also to the issues. Mr. Truman is forever wanting to fight again the old battles of the New Deal and of the Fair Deal and of the Stalinist era of the cold war. When- he talks about a "fighting" candidate, he is thinking of his own fighting days. But those were the days be fore Eisenhower took over the welfare state, before the Su preme Court had made deseg regation in' the public schools the law of the land, before the Ljj5st!itej stated in this department Tomorrow Lippmann death and degradation of Stalin, before Geneva and the atomic stalemate, before the epochal challenge and competition which the western world must now meet. The dominant issues can not now be solved by the old formulae of the New Deal and the foreign issues cannot be dealt with by the old formulae and slogans of the cold war. The one thing that can be said with cer tainty about the next four years is that it will be a period when old policies will have to reap praised, revised, and reformul ated. e rpHE great virtue of Stevenson, - as compared with the other candidates, it that he is a man used to think deliberately, care fully, and thoroughly, not one to flip a coin, not one to leap to a conclusion, not one to be satisfied with a rubber stamp opinion. To one of Mr. Truman's temperament this capacity for deliberating seems like indeci sion. But Stevenson is not an in decisive man. In 1952 he was bolder and more decisive on more hot issues than almost any one it would be possible to name who ever got within sight of the White House. This capacity for- taking thought has never yet been con sidered a fault in a statesman, and it is no fault 'in 1956. The times we live in are very dif ficult, and we cannot hope to come through them successfully unless we think our way through them. The fact that Stevenson has brains, and that he knows how to use them, will since he is so thoroughly available on all other counts that matter count heavily in his favor. (C) 1956. New York Herald Tribune, Inc. Editorial Comment LODGEPOLE PINE To date, no one knows very much about lodgepole pine. We don t know much about the way it reproduces. We don't know the growth cycle. We don't know the best methods of logging to as sure regeneration. Nor have we developed any new and efficient methods of logging this small timber. Plus the fact that almost all legislation aimed at timber utili zation in the west is based on either Douglas fir or Ponderosa pine. We'll not only have to overhaul our logging methods, but it is becoming increasingly evident that we'll have to over haul our legislation concerning timber practices, not only in Oregon but in all the western states. Of one thing we can be sure. There is a vast practically virgin stand of lodgepole pine lying within a 200 mile radius of Klamath Falls. Someone is going to come in and harvest that timber. And with transportation costs being what they are today, it's probably going to be cheaper to manufacture pulp products in the area rather than shipping the pulp chips or logs, whichever they do, out. The pulp industry in the west today is so infinitesimally smaU that it's hard to visualize the booming progress which is sure to come in the next decade. It won't be as glamorous as it was in the taU timber days, but eco nomically it will dwarf anything we've seen in the past. Bill Jenkins in Klamath Falls Herald and News. For Food That's Right At Any Time Shop at . . . Reuther Emerges as Michigan's Top Demo in Stevenson Swing By LYLE C. WILSON United Press Correspondent Chicago (U.R) The time comes in any political drama such as this Democratic Nation al Convention when some thing has to break or give, one way or the other. The pres sures pile up. Tempers warm up to ho t. There is sus- Lyie c uuson p e n s e. Ana then, crra-a-a-a-ack! Something gives and it's all over. Some formalities still to come, perhaps. But the big decision has been made. That's how it was here in the small hours of Wednesday mor ning. Gov. Averell Harriman of New York, backed by former President Harry S. Truman, was giving Adlai E. Stevenson a tussle for the Democratic presi dential nomination. Delegates were fleeing by the scores from the coop to the fence for a safety perch from which they could flutter to one side or the other as the identity of the winner might emerge. A few minutes after 3 a.m., (EDT), Wednesday morning, the weary Michigan delegation to this convention was called into surprise caucus to consider what to do. Michigan had a favorite son, Gov. G. Mennen (Soapy) Williams and to him the delega tion was pledged. This same Wil liams back there in February was the first to call 'a foul on Stevenson, charging him with a program of political moderation that would not do for the Dem ocratic Party in 1956. Williams was way out in front among the stop-Stevenson brigade. And now a more logically fa vorite son of Michigan Demo crats took over the early morn ing show. He is Walter P. Reu ther, big boss of the Auto Work ers and the ambitious vice presi dent of AFL-CIO. Reuther is a Michigan delegate to this con vention. The Michigan caucus had no official status so far as the convention was concerned. He had his hands on the dele gation controls. The United Press bulletin on what happened was timed off at 3:39 a.m.(EDT) an early hour, but fatal to the hopes of the governor of New York and to the hopes of the governor of Michigan, too. He- had been thinking he might gamble con trol of a big favorite son delega tion into something like the vice presidential nomination. Per haps Williams might have brought it off, at that, if he had really been in control. He wasn't, however, because what that UP bulletin said was this: "Gov. G. Mennen Williams said early today he will urge Michigan's delegation to throw its 44 votes to Adlai E. Steven son." That was the big, determining break in this convention. Ohio, Michigan and New Jersey, big delegation states, were uncom mitted to either leading contend er. Each was in a position to break the back of the Harriman campaign for the presidential nomination or to put Harriman on the way to win. But it was the Michigan dele gation, under Reuther's pressure, caucusing in the lake front Con gress hotel that actually brought it off. The decision was against Harriman. From that moment, Harriman was dead politically, and all hands knew it. In a matter of hours Williams was at Stevenson headquarters tendering his delegation's votes. New Jersey was not far behind. The Ohio delegation, pledged to favorite son Gov. Frank J. Lausche, was crumbling away, to Lausche's astonishment and acute discomfort. His delegates were traipsing to the Stevenson corral. The stampede was on and it continues. Congressional Quiz (Copyright. 195 Congressional Quarterly) ' Q The Democrats set a rec ford1 for convention baUoting in 1924 when they nominated John W. Davis on the 103rd ballot. The Republican record was 36 ballots in 1880. About how many Presidential candidates have been nominated on the first bal lot? (a) one-half; (b) one-fourth; (c) one-fifth. A (a) is mostly nearly cor rect. Since 1856, the Republi cans have nominated three fourth of their Presidential candidates on the first ballot. Democrats about one-half. f MARKET I 1202 North Kireniil , OPEN EVERY L NIGHT TIL M 5&5v MIDNIGHT y&Z WTiat took place before Wil liams' 3:39 a.m., announcement was a caucus poll of the Michi gan delegation which tallied: Stevenson votes; Harriman IIV2 votes; Sen. Stuart Syming ton, Mo., Vi vote. But what hap pened a couple of days before that was an announcement by Reuther that he was a Stevenson man. Williams countered then that Reuther was a nice fellow but that the Michigan delegation would make up its own mind. Reuther may or may not be nice. He is undoubtedly powerful more powerful in the councils of the Democratic party in the state of Michigan than is Wil liams who has been elected gov ernor four times running. Discloses Head Man The switch of the Michigan delegation not only ended the presidential contest here with Stevenson the winner, it also disclosed who is Michigan head Matter of Fact LYNDON BAINES JOHNSON Chicago "What will Lyndon do? What does Lyndon want? What happened between Lyndon and Truman between Lyn don and Adlai between Lyn don and Ave rell?" These varia tions on the single theme of the inten tions of Lyn don Johnson of Texas are the loudest noises in the rising roar of anxious speculation that is the characteristic sound of every national convention. Thus far, in fact, the chief visible effect of Harry S. Truman's bold indorse ment of Averell Harriman has been to transform Lyndon Jonn- son from a mere Texas favorite son into the potentially com mandine figure of this Demo cratic Convention. From Truman, Harriman and Adlai Stevenson on down, every one is courv i n g Johnson. Every one is def err i n g to his wishes, try ing to ascer tain his Inten tions, angling to discover his price. It is a wonderful 3. Stewart Alsop triumph of the waiting game at which Johnson has always been so expert. , HPHE question is, of course, -- whether Lyndon Johnson wiU be the first casualty of his own triumph. There is an intoxi- ozone in the very air of a na tional political convention, parti cularly when you stand at the head of a large bloc of delegates and are the object of universal courtship. Only four years ago, one of the wisest men in American politics, Senator Richard Russell of Georgia, reluctantly con sented to become the candidate of the South. He only, wanted to reinforce the convention-time bargaining power of the South ern delegations. But he breathed the dread convention-ozone. And before you could say Jack Rob inson, Russell was. stultifying his own record and convictions by a vain attempt to conciliate the labor leaders and so get North ern votes. In Johnson's case the danger is even greater, for he has more to lose than Russell had in 1952. Russell could not have become a nationally acceptable Demo cratic candidate. Johnson, on the other hand, can quite pos sibly become a very serious lead ing contender in 1960. If he handles himself well in the next four years, he will have an ex cellent chance in 1960. a THE one. thing that could ruin this chance (for which John- Frank Morgin I fj CHAPEL MORTUARY ' Funeral Directors PHONE 2-8030 1 K'N STREET MEDFORD man of the Democratic party. some shine has gone from Wil liams' prestige. It was 9 hours and 48 min utes after Williams' small hours announcement that the Harriman camp tossed in the towel. A Harriman manager spoke briefly with a UP reporter. At 1:17 p.m.. (EDT) the United Press bullet ined: "Gov. AvereU Harriman's bid for the Democratic presidential nomination collapsed today. "The governor's campaign managers privately admitted that Adlai E. Stevenson 'appar enUy has' enough votes' to win the presidential nomination." Harriman indignantly denied that bulletin. But facts are facts. There may be the formality of a presidential roll call here to night. The roll call which did the business, however, was that one in the Michigan caucus early Wednesday morning in the Con gress hotel. Jo and Stewart Alsop son has been consciously prepar ing for some time) would be a mistake now. If Lyndon Johnson makes an all-out try for the nomination at the present con vention, he can only do so as the candidate of the South and of no one else. After that he will be in the category of Russell, univer sally admired, universaUy re spected, but almost universally acknowledged to be unavailable as a Presidential candidate be cause of his extreme Southern commitment. Johnson is playing his cards very close to his chest. Part of the bargaining power of every man in his position is the possi bility that he really may suc cumb to the convention-ozone. So this possibility is being strongly hinted at. OUT as a politician, Johnson is not only tough and wise and long-headed. He is above all notable for his realism and self control. So it is a very good bet that he will not succumb to the convention - ozone, although he will keep everyone on tenter hooks of uncertainty for as long as possible. He will seem to want .the top spot, but he will not seek it in deadly earnest. If this is a sound forecast, it tells a good deal, at least in a negative way, about what John son wants and will do. What he wants is to get a platform and a ticket that he can approve, and that will not split the party. This means, very obviously, that his great influence will be used for a moderate civil rights plank. This also means, quite probably, that any candidate wanting his support for first place will have to promise not to put any person abhorrent to Johnson, such as Senator Estes Kefauver, in the second place on the ticket. BUT what candidates can John son support? Plainly, because of the feeling in Texas, he can not support Averell Harriman. He can help Harriman by with holding Southern votes from Adlai Stevenson, but he hardly seems too likely to continue this sort of indirect aid if it begins to look like causing the nomina tion of Harriman. He can also play for the nomination of a com promise candidate, such as Sena tor Stuart Symington. But there are very grave risks in that game, too. And finally, after re ceiving the appropriate assur ances, he can remove the ob stacles to the nomination of Adlai Stevenson, not perhaps by taking Texas into the Stevenson column, but by encouraging other Southern friends to go that way. Whatever his final choice and it can be said authoritatively that he has made no choice as these words are written Lyn don Johnson is probably the most interesting man to watch. (Copyright 1956, New York Herald Tribune, Inc. Harold Snodgrass 1
