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About Medford mail tribune. (Medford, Or.) 1909-1989 | View Entire Issue (April 8, 1956)
mt w mm mm w GREAT DECISIONS Topic 3 What U.S. Policy For North Africa? THE PROBLEM French North Africa, a Mos lem domain stretching along a thousand mile coastline from the Atlantic to the Mediterranean, flanks the Straits of Gibraltar and faces the underbelly of Europe. Along the top of this continent, during World War II, the armies of Hitler fought for control of the Mediterranean sea and the Middle East . . . and lost. Now new battles rage between Arabs and Frenchmen for free ' dom and independence.. against political chaos and eco nomic collapse. The U.S., experts say, has an important stake in these politi cal and military skirmishes. There are four strategic U.S. air bases in North Africa; the region supplies us with essential miner als: and both sides in the con flict are important U.S. friends The U.S. sees France, one of her key allies in Western Eu rope, torn by internal dissen sion, drained of . money and troops, trying unsuccessfully to put down widespread revolts. In the past 18 months, three French cabinets have fallen, each time in debates largely concerned with North African policy. The near paralysis of French gov ernment encourages French com munists and fascists and gave to both greatly increased strength in the January elec tions. Arabs of the region also are looked on as friends and allies. We understand their ambitions for self-government; we recog nize they are part of an influ ential Moslem civilization that stretches from North Africa through the Middle East, Iran and Pakistan, to Indonesia and the Philippines. Where are France and North Africa going in 1956? What can or should the U.S. do in this crisis? Here are the background facts. THE BACKGROUND French North Africa is three separate entities two protec torates, Morocco in the West and Tunisia in the East, theo retically nations under the "pro tection" of France, and, between them, the vast territory of Al geria. The latter is considered a part of France, elects repre sentatives to the national par liament in Paris and enjoys the privileges of French citizenship. ' In the other two, France han dles all external affairs and key internal affairs, such as defense and police security. The following facts help to understand the whole problem of violence and terror, nation alism, reform and compromise in North Africa. Tunisia France established a protec torate over Tunisia in 1881. The country had been a weakly supervised province of the old Ottoman (Turkish) empire and had never developed its own strong patterns of government. During 70 years of French ad ministration, Tunisia made con siderable economic progress. The population has doubled and the country's agriculture is relative ly prosperous. Tunisian mines are now supplying the western allies with vital strategic mate rials such as phosphates, cobalt and manganese. French Control The pattern of government in Tunisia has been a kind of part nership between the French resident-general and the Bey of Tunis. The resident-general is the ultimate authority, appoint ed by Paris. French support is strongest in the rural areas, where the French administra tion received a 60 per cent ma jority in the 1953 election. Independents Movement A well-organized nationalist party, the Neo-Destour (new constitution), has operated in Tunisia since before World War I. It stands for Tunisian inde pendence but is not a revolution ary party advocating violence. The party president, Habib Bourguiba, is a moderate, Paris trained lawyer who appears will ing to compromise in stages on the road to independence. France outlawed the Neo-Destour in 1934 and Bourguiba has been in and out of French prisons for 20 years. Yet France con tinues to negotiate with him and his party and he is current ly head of the Tunisian gov ernment. Neo-Destour strength is con centrated in the cities and works closely with the Tunisian labor movement. In 1950-51, in response to a long list of Neo-Destour de mands, France introduced re OK f MARKET 1202 North Riverside OPEN EVERY NIGHT TIL rk MIDNIGHT 1 i J -Jrr. form by appointing more Tunis ians to top administrative posts. In December, 1952, the first na tional elections were held, fol lowed by municipal and rural elections in 1953. Since French reforms still fell far short of Neo-Destour de mands, the party called for a national boycott of the elections. Only in the cities did voters respond to the boycott. In rural areas the -ote was strongly pro French and the administration secured a national majority. Violence and imprisonment of Neo-Destour leaders marked the entire attempted compromise period. One of the bitterest points of difference between the French and the nationalists is the ques tion of political rights of Euro pean settlers in Tunisia. The European element comprising 10 per cent of the total popula tion occupies the key economic position, paying heavy taxes. They insist on political repre sentation in proportion to their influence rather than number. Stepped up reforms and" recent compromises in Tunisia stem from the July, 1954, promise of French Premier Mendes-France for Tunisian home rule and eventual independence. Positive steps were taken in this direc tion but, in Feb., 1955, the Mendes-France government was voted out of power on the basis of its moderate policy toward Tunisia. Morocco A country about the size of California, Morocco has been a French protectorate since 1912. Spain also acquired at the same time similar status in a smaller area known as Spanish Morocco. In theory the sultan of Morocco rules over both zones and over the International Zone on Tan gier on the Mediterranean coast. Actually, his effective domain is limited to the French protec torate. French Control French administration of Mo rocco, as in Tunisia, has been based on the principle of part nership between the French resident-general and a coopera tive sultan. France also has re lied heavily on the friendly sup port of the rural population. Feudal religious - political lead ers have until recently delivered the support of nearly 70 per cent of the entire Moroccan popula tion. With the growth of nation alism in recent years, "back woods" support of the French administration has become less reliable and consistent. Independence Movement The nationalist or independ ence movement in Morocco con centrates its power in the cities. The fiercely nationalistic Istiqlal party was launched in 1944 with the issuance of a revolution ary manifesto demanding imme diate and complete independ ence. Until 1947 Sultan Sidi Mo hammed ben Youssef cooperated with the French government and helped keep the Istiqlal under control. In that year perhaps as a result of the post war spread of anticolonial sentiment the sultan announced open support for the Istiqlal independ ence movement. In 1950, while on a state visit to Paris, he demanded abroga tion of the 1912 treaty which had set up the protectorate. French reaction no compro mise was prompt and firm. In the succeeding three years, with the sultan's support, the Istiqlal gained in membership and influence throughout the country, making serious inroads into formerly pro-French ele- Investments made by the 10th of the month earn divi dends as of the First. gf row wtets q ments. As the French countered with political and economic re forms to meet local demands, the Istiqlal leaders and the sul tan combined forces to sabotage the reforms. They did not want compromise; they demanded independence. On Aug. 20, 1953, the French government forced the sultan into exile and placed on the throne a more cooperative, pro French wealthy landowner, Sidi Mohammed ben Moulay Arafa. The Istiqlal was outlawed. Ter rorism and guerrilla warfare broke out in Morocco and con tinued throughout autumn of last year. The nationalists refused to compromise on" anything short of the sultan's restoration and the election of an all-Moroccan assembly. French efforts to stamp out the rebsllion by force failed. Even the tamest compromises advanced by Paris raised bitter objections from the third of a million French colons (settlers) in Morocco. Last lear the exiledr Sultan was permitted to return to his throne and France promised re forms similar to those already granted in Tunisia. Algeria The largest of France's North African territories was acquired in 1830 by a military expedi tion. It too had been a part of the Ottoman empire. From the earliest days French policy was assimilation, integrating the country with France politically and economically. At great ex pense to France, Algeria's agri culture, industry, mining and so cial institutions were developed. French colonists and a few other Europeans transplanted themselves to Algeria and new generations grew up thinking of the country as their own-France-in-Africa. Independence Movement Algerian resistance to France continued for 80 years after the annexation but, by 1910, the en tire country was under French military control. The Southern Territories, on the borders of the Sahara desert, are still under French military government. Only the coastal departments are under civil administration. In the wave of anti-colonialism that swept the world after World War II, Algerian nation alism broke out again in vio lence, terrorism and an ultima tum for independence. In 1945 an estimated 40,000-45,000 Al gerians were killed by French troops attempting to control the rebellion. The violence led in 1947 to a major French compro mise the Organic Statute of Algeria. Reforms Under the new law, Algeria has obtained limited self-government in the form of an Algerian assembly. One house is domin ated by Algerians of European extraction; the other, by Alger ian Moslems. All legislative acts of the assembly are subject to the approval of the resident-general appointed by Paris. Underlying the reform and all subsequent French actions is the concept that this territory is an integral part of metropoli tan France, like Brittany or Provence on the mainland . . . not a territory, not a colony, but part and parcel of the French Union, with the rights and privi leges of French citizenship. Algeria elects representatives to the national legislature in Paris and participates in the government of the entire French Union. This, French legalists explain, makes "nationalism" in Algeria an impossibility . . . any talk of Algerian "independence" is clearly rebellion against the French State. Algerian nationalists, on the other hand, maintain that .this legal concept is itself a fiction, that Algeria does not enjoy pro portional representation in the national legislature and that Al gerian Moslems are second-class French citizens. They point to the manner in which Algerian senators and deputies to Paris are elected . . . MAKE A CONSERVATIVE INVESTMENT WITH ATTRACTIVE EARNINGS Investment accounts in a Federal Savings and Loan Association represent a desirable security for any investor who wishes to realize an attractive rate of income upon his capital, free from specu lative hazards. Place your savings here where amounts up to $10,000 per person are Insured by the Federal Savings and Loan Insurance Corporation, Wash ington, D.C. Funds invested in this association are loaned to home owners, secured by sound first mortgages on their property. Years of experience have proved that the safety record of conservative first mort gages is hardly surpassed by any other investment. FIRST FEDERAL Savings & Loan Assn. of Msdford 27 North Holly R. F. Kyle, President assuring 'the one million Euro pean Algerians equal voice with "l 0,000,000 Moslem Algerians. They point a swell to French government control over Mos lem mosques, to European con trol over finance and industry, French tariffs on Algerian goods and differences in wages and educational opportunities be tween Algerians of European ex traction and of the Moslem, faith. Divisions Within If the issues were clear-cut be tween Moslems and Frenchmen, the solutions might be simpler. But there are great differences in point of view among French men on the one hand and among Moslems on the other. The French colons vigorously oppose , any reforms which will weaken Algeria's ties with France or diminish their influ ence in Algerian government. In the national parliament in Paris the colons are supported by rightwing legislators. Moder ates in the legislature seek a compromise. Leftwing legisla tors, especially Communists, are willing to see Algeria drift closer to independence or autonomy. Among the Arabs there are extremists who will settle for nothing less than complete in dependence; moderates who ask only equal status with the Euro pean colons; and pro-French Moslems who fear the conse quences of French withdrawal from Algeria. The crisis is at its peak now. One French government already has collapsed because of its Al gerian policy . . . others may follow. Different groups of Algerian nationalists have at different times made a wide variety of de mands on France. The national ist leaders generally considered to be the most responsible, how ever, have made demands which boil down to four points: 1. Establishment of a sove reign Algerian national assem bly, to be elected by universal suffrage (male and female, Arab and European, Christian and Moslem). 2. Release of all political pris oners held by France. 3. Restoration of full civil iib erties suspended during the emergency. 4. Negotiation between France and the national assembly for the future status of Algeria. The two principal nationalist parties (the movement is not so unified nor so strong as it is in Tunisia and Morocco) are: the Triumph of Democratic Liber ties party, which advocates com plete independene, and the Dem ocratic Union of the Algerian Manifesto, which advocates in ternal autonomy within the French Union. WHERE IS NORTH AFRICA GOING IN 1956? The native population of French North Africa includes about 18,000,000 Berbers and Arabs of the Moslem faith and about 500,000 Jews. There are also about 1,500,000 European settlers, mostly of French origin. By agreement between the U.S. and France in 1950, the U.S. was permitted to build five air bases and to maintain 7,000 Air Force troops in Morocco. France, in turn, was to provide 200 guards for each base. So far, the U.S. has built four bases. The U.S. Air Force says the ceiling on personnel set by the agree ment is too low for effective maintenance and operation of the bases. Can we deal with French North Africa as a single problem . . or are Tunis, Morocco and Algeria three distinct problems? What are the similarities and differences? Do French reforms or repressions in one territory seem to influence nationalist ac tivities in the others? How real is France's claim that Algeria is a part of metropolitan France? What effect does this concept have on French policy? Would complete assimilation of Algeria into France, with full equality of French and Moslems be pos sible ... or desirable? Are the independence move ments in Morocco and Tunisia irresistible? If France "pulled out" completely this year, what would happen to these countries a) economically? b) politically? How would this affect France's economy? . . . her importance as a world power? Is North Africa simply a problem of colonialism vs. nationalism? Or are other factors at stake. If so, what? Is North Africa strategically important to the U.S.? Is France's dilemma important to the U.S. . . . does it affect Euro pean defenses or the strength of the anti - communist alliance? How will U.S. action or inaction be interpreted in the rest of the world? The Arab states in the Middle East are strongly sympathetic to the nationalists in North Africa. So are other newly independent peoples in Asia and Africa. Rus sia supports Arab self-determination. Are these facts important to the U.S. in our North African policy? WHAT ARE OUR CHOICES? Should the U.S. interfere, or keep hands off? In U.N. debates on North Africa the U.S. has consistently abstained from vot ing. Can we afford to take sides openely in these controversies? If so, which side? Why? Should the U.S. attempt to ap ply pressure quietly, behind the scenes? Under what circum stances if any should the U.S. support France openly in North' Africa? Under what circum stances if any should the U.S. openly support the Arab nation alists? What kind of settlement in North Africa would best suit U.S. interests? Should the U.S. do anything to bring about such a settlement? A partner in NATO, France is using troops in Algeria which FREE ORCHIDS for the ladies! Frances ' Fur Formerly Frances Dallaire Telephone Remains 2-6526 Across the street from former location! Special Showing of the newest Furs Capes Coats Jackets Scarfs Stoles See Sunday. April 8, 1956 Woodcock Installed As Ruler of Elks Dick Woodcock was installed as exalted ruler of the Medford Elks lodge at the annual meeting of the organization last week, held following the annual crab feed at the Elks temple. Franklin H. Van Pelt, former exalted ruler, served as acting grand exalted ruler and install ing officer during the installa tion ceremony, with other past exalted rulers assisting as acting grand officers. Newly -installed officers in clude Galen R. Knox, esteemed are under NATO command, withdrawn from Western de fense bases iri Europe. Should we insist these troops be re turned? On this basis could we dictate a French compromise? Should we? YOUR OPINION COUNTS Whatever policy the U.S. adopts in North Africa in 1956, it should be a policy based on informed opinions of the Ameri can people. What you believe on the basis of study and discus sion is important to U.S. policy makers in Washington. The "Great Decisions" pro gram offers a way that individ ual opinions may be heard and noted. The Great Decisions commit tee will receive letters, or 'the ballots included in the fact sheets, to be tabulated. The re sults will be forwarded to the U.S. Department of State and to our representatives in Congress. The material above is a con densation of the fact sheets pre pared for use in the Great De cisions program. j if imi, in J i mi rr' New Wakefield Bldg. APRIL 10th 'S New Modern Insured FIREPROOF COLD STORAGE VAULT With 24 hour electrically controlled humidifier! Remodeling Cleaning Glazing Wakefield Drapery Complete Drapery Decoratng Service ALL THAT'S NEW IN DRAPERY FABRICS 350 Full Length Samples FOR YOUR Material from 98 BANK TERMS Complete Stock of Kirsch Drapery Hardware Venetian Blinds Roller Shades Custom Made Draperies Experienced Installation Service Telephone Remains 2-6010 i t ii lunula J5t Wa. DICK WOODCOCK Elks Exalted Ruler leading knight; Budd Gail, es teemed loyal knight; Herbert G. Robbins, esteemed lecturing knight; Donald D. Davis, secre tary; Allen F. Perry, treasurer; William Ruck, esquire; Wayne Harris, assistant esquire; George W. Howard, tiler; Joe Hosick, chaplain; Herbert Wing, inner guard; and L. G. Miles, new member of the board of trustees. Salem (U.R) Improved human relations in communities throughout the state will be stressed during urban league week in Oregon April 16 to 22, Gov. Elmo Smith said. American composer Gian Car lo Menotti has composed seven operas. y.i-.-W -1100 Crater Lake SELECTION to $120.00 per MEDFORD (OREGON) MAIL TRIBUNE FIVE DIES OF INJURIES Longview, Wash. (U.R) Gene W. Maddock, 36, Longview, died in a local hospital Friday from injuries suffered in a two-car accident Wednesday night on the Ocean Beach highway near the Cowlitz-Wahkiakum county line. 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