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About Eugene register-guard. (Eugene, Or.) 1930-1983 | View Entire Issue (Dec. 21, 1953)
Register-Guard, Eugene, Ore. Mon., Dec. 21, 1953 5A' ROBERTS BROS. OPEN 'TIL 9 P. M. TONITE! 740 WILLAMETTE WE GIVE S&H GREEN STAMPS at the top of his want list! pfATH DKTOUKIsI) THIS CRASH BY INCHES Police listed (his accident as "prop irty damage only." The car's driver, A. Clarence Klworlhv, 51, ot Skekie, III., listed it luck. He stepped unharmed from nearly severed wreckage after his auto was pin vi against an "L" pillar in front of 120 S. Wabash Ave., Chicago, by a streetcar. Beria Case Indicates Rise Df Red Army's Influence m,W vote Wilinni L. n... iP tnreian news ann- Ijjl jj hack in the. United Ldulj as on AP correspond Li in the Soviet Union. He LlW with some n the men k-ln nre, mlliientml in Ktissui .if he talked also with Liwof everyday Russians in tijkl o (he republics nf the VSS.R. This is his npprnisnl .i the rurrent setnr) in the port-Sto'irt pni.'crinnciif, mid 0 nine i)( we nspccis nj im emu ruse snntiolitcd bv last fdntsday's nimoioic e in e n (. IM Brria iind eonjessed and tm commuted to trim. By WILLIAM L. RYAN AKorislH Press News Analyst Moscow's handling of the Beria iw demonstrates clearly rme mft rliminishine of secret, po tie power in the Soviet Union mil it the same lime a rise in jwtr and influence of the Soviet Suddenly and surprisingly, the m against the former police to, Lavrenty Pavlovich Beria, lii been dragged from its ob Kiirity and has become the sub pit !or intensive propaganda. This treatment reinforces the t-npression that the remaining it rulers of the Communist par- t (mpire have been forced to i'Uier Into an uneasy collective i'idership which might better be oiled collective security. The impression was unanimous tploafew days-ago among for ma observers in -Moscow that Se party wanted the Beria case lie forgotten that some Hay K party would simn v announce feia had been convicted and ex-Mcd. Hot somebody obvinnslv nnnos- H the idea. The evidence points the jrmy. Recently at one of fc state affairs which call for numerable toasts. I heard hrstul Georgia Zhtikov express rami in a way which seemed suggest resentment with the mj and mnallrnrt In havo a W chapter written in the ca- ot Beria. flukov. nnntllar milifarv horn ."odd War II, had heen asked '"TOtribute to the toasts. I.nnk. inim and solemn and obvi ously disapproving the carryings on ot the Communist party big shots present Zhuknv recalled that "justice" had been the sub ject, of one of the toasts. He an nounced he wanted only to sup port the toast, to justice. Sharp-faced Anaslas I. Miko yan, once mentor of Beria in the Communist party, snapped: "What's the matter, Zhuknv. can't you think up your own toast?" Stolidly Zhukov intoned: "1 wish to support the toast to jus tice." REMOVAL OPPOSE!) The removal of Beria appar ently went against the wishes of at least some of. the present six members of the ruling Commu nist party hierarchy. Mikayan, for example, is the man who started Beria on his Communist parly career. It was Mikoyan who selected him for special work with the Bolsheviks in the days when they were fighting the strong anti-Bolsheviks in Baku, Azerbaijan capital, which now is the Soviet Union's oil center. There are indications that ri valry still exists among the top members of the Communist hier archy, and, the impression one takes out of Moscow is that the collective leadership holds to gether only because it must in the face of -a definite threat. The threat seems to come from the army. And, in Beria, the army now is getting rid of a man it actually considered its enemy. He. was the head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, and, with his owb past private police army, intruded upon the authority and dignity ot the regular armed forces. The destruction of Beria and his most trusted aides reduces the power of the MVD, and the lessening of MVD power means a weakening of the Communist party's police arm. Now there appears to be a stand-off between the Communist party and the army, a sort of un easy truce with each watching the other carefully. Thus, the collective leadership being talked about by the Com munist party since the death of Stalin is real in this respect: It is a collective of six individuals who rule the party and govern ment together because this is no time for any one of them to at tempt to emerge as the dictatorial boss. These six are Premier Malen kov, party leader S. Khrushchev, foreign Minister V. M. Molotov Defense Minister Nicnlai Bulgan in. Vice Premier Lazar Kagann vilch and Trade Minister Mikoyan. There are three others on the prcsidum but they do not figure as rulers. These are Marshal Kle- mcnti Y, Vnroshilov, a figurehead who was a comrade-in-arms of Stalin and now occupies the whol ly honorary position of president: Mikhail Saburov and M. G. Per vukhin, who are industrial experts dragooned into top spots by the force of events. There is no single boss, appar ently because none wants to oc cupy that uncomfortable position at this juncture. It seemed logical up to a short time ago to .suppose that these rulers, having shelved and incar cerated Beria, would have pre ferred to let the whole thing pass gradually into oblivion without raking up the whole story again through a publicized though not public trial. Somebody wanted the humilia lion of Beria and the MVD to be finalized, to be brought home dramatically to the Soviet people. That, could only have been the army, AWKWARD FOR PARTY For the party, the Beria case is awkward. Beria, according to the Soviet encyclopedia published in IPSO and still embarrassingly present in current sets in the US SR, "carried out great work in de stroying the Menshevik, Dashnak and Mussavitist parties" after the revolution. But. last Wednesday they accused him of having been an agent of those groups. 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