Register-Guard, Eugene, Ore. Mon., Dec. 21, 1953
5A'
ROBERTS BROS. OPEN 'TIL 9 P. M. TONITE!
740 WILLAMETTE
WE GIVE S&H GREEN STAMPS
at the top of his want list!
pfATH DKTOUKIsI) THIS CRASH BY INCHES Police listed (his accident as "prop
irty damage only." The car's driver, A. Clarence Klworlhv, 51, ot Skekie, III., listed it
luck. He stepped unharmed from nearly severed wreckage after his auto was pin
vi against an "L" pillar in front of 120 S. Wabash Ave., Chicago, by a streetcar.
Beria Case Indicates Rise
Df Red Army's Influence
m,W vote Wilinni L.
n... iP tnreian news ann-
Ijjl jj hack in the. United
Ldulj as on AP correspond
Li in the Soviet Union. He
LlW with some n the men
k-ln nre, mlliientml in Ktissui
.if he talked also with
Liwof everyday Russians in
tijkl o (he republics nf the
VSS.R. This is his npprnisnl
.i the rurrent setnr) in the
port-Sto'irt pni.'crinnciif, mid 0
nine i)( we nspccis nj im
emu ruse snntiolitcd bv last
fdntsday's nimoioic e in e n (.
IM Brria iind eonjessed and
tm commuted to trim.
By WILLIAM L. RYAN
AKorislH Press News Analyst
Moscow's handling of the Beria
iw demonstrates clearly rme
mft rliminishine of secret, po
tie power in the Soviet Union
mil it the same lime a rise in
jwtr and influence of the Soviet
Suddenly and surprisingly, the
m against the former police
to, Lavrenty Pavlovich Beria,
lii been dragged from its ob
Kiirity and has become the sub
pit !or intensive propaganda.
This treatment reinforces the
t-npression that the remaining
it rulers of the Communist par-
t (mpire have been forced to
i'Uier Into an uneasy collective
i'idership which might better be
oiled collective security.
The impression was unanimous
tploafew days-ago among for
ma observers in -Moscow that
Se party wanted the Beria case
lie forgotten that some Hay
K party would simn v announce
feia had been convicted and ex-Mcd.
Hot somebody obvinnslv nnnos-
H the idea. The evidence points
the jrmy. Recently at one of
fc state affairs which call for
numerable toasts. I heard
hrstul Georgia Zhtikov express
rami in a way which seemed
suggest resentment with the
mj and mnallrnrt In havo a
W chapter written in the ca-
ot Beria.
flukov. nnntllar milifarv horn
."odd War II, had heen asked
'"TOtribute to the toasts. I.nnk.
inim and solemn and obvi
ously disapproving the carryings
on ot the Communist party big
shots present Zhuknv recalled
that "justice" had been the sub
ject, of one of the toasts. He an
nounced he wanted only to sup
port the toast, to justice.
Sharp-faced Anaslas I. Miko
yan, once mentor of Beria in the
Communist party, snapped:
"What's the matter, Zhuknv.
can't you think up your own
toast?"
Stolidly Zhukov intoned: "1
wish to support the toast to jus
tice." REMOVAL OPPOSE!)
The removal of Beria appar
ently went against the wishes of
at least some of. the present six
members of the ruling Commu
nist party hierarchy. Mikayan,
for example, is the man who
started Beria on his Communist
parly career. It was Mikoyan who
selected him for special work
with the Bolsheviks in the days
when they were fighting the
strong anti-Bolsheviks in Baku,
Azerbaijan capital, which now is
the Soviet Union's oil center.
There are indications that ri
valry still exists among the top
members of the Communist hier
archy, and, the impression one
takes out of Moscow is that the
collective leadership holds to
gether only because it must in
the face of -a definite threat.
The threat seems to come from
the army. And, in Beria, the army
now is getting rid of a man it
actually considered its enemy.
He. was the head of the Ministry
of Internal Affairs, and, with
his owb past private police army,
intruded upon the authority and
dignity ot the regular armed
forces.
The destruction of Beria and
his most trusted aides reduces
the power of the MVD, and the
lessening of MVD power means
a weakening of the Communist
party's police arm.
Now there appears to be a
stand-off between the Communist
party and the army, a sort of un
easy truce with each watching
the other carefully.
Thus, the collective leadership
being talked about by the Com
munist party since the death of
Stalin is real in this respect: It
is a collective of six individuals
who rule the party and govern
ment together because this is no
time for any one of them to at
tempt to emerge as the dictatorial
boss.
These six are Premier Malen
kov, party leader S. Khrushchev,
foreign Minister V. M. Molotov
Defense Minister Nicnlai Bulgan
in. Vice Premier Lazar Kagann
vilch and Trade Minister Mikoyan.
There are three others on the
prcsidum but they do not figure
as rulers. These are Marshal Kle-
mcnti Y, Vnroshilov, a figurehead
who was a comrade-in-arms of
Stalin and now occupies the whol
ly honorary position of president:
Mikhail Saburov and M. G. Per
vukhin, who are industrial experts
dragooned into top spots by the
force of events.
There is no single boss, appar
ently because none wants to oc
cupy that uncomfortable position
at this juncture.
It seemed logical up to a short
time ago to .suppose that these
rulers, having shelved and incar
cerated Beria, would have pre
ferred to let the whole thing pass
gradually into oblivion without
raking up the whole story again
through a publicized though not
public trial.
Somebody wanted the humilia
lion of Beria and the MVD to be
finalized, to be brought home
dramatically to the Soviet people.
That, could only have been the
army,
AWKWARD FOR PARTY
For the party, the Beria case
is awkward. Beria, according to
the Soviet encyclopedia published
in IPSO and still embarrassingly
present in current sets in the US
SR, "carried out great work in de
stroying the Menshevik, Dashnak
and Mussavitist parties" after the
revolution. But. last Wednesday
they accused him of having been
an agent of those groups. The en
cyclopedia says he defeated "the
frotskyist and other anti-party
groups which had gone into the
anti-Soviet underground and loin
ed with the remnants of anti-Sov
iet, parties and intelligence serv
ices of the capitalist countries."
Last Wednesday Beria was ac
cused of having served the Trot
skyisls and the capitalist conn
tries.
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