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About The Sunday Oregonian. (Portland, Ore.) 1881-current | View Entire Issue (Oct. 10, 1915)
e THE SUNDAY OREGONTAX, PORTLAND, OCTOBER 10. 1915. PORTLASD, OREGON. Entered at Portland. Oreson, Postoffice as Ft-cond-clau matter, t-ubecription Kates Invariably In advance. (By Mail.) Iaily, Sunday Included, one year Xaily, Sunday included, six months.. laily, Sunday included, three months lally, Sunday Included, one month... Ually, without Sunday, one year Uaily, without Sunday, six months.... Ijally, without Sunday, three months. Ijally, without Sunday, one month.. .- "Weekly, one year Sunday, one year Sunday and weekly, one year (Bv Carrier.) Tafiv. s.mriav included, one year.... . .is.oo . . 4.-5 . . -i.ib . . . T o . . 6.00 . . 3."5 . . 1.75 . . . . . l.uu . . 2.50 . . 3.50 . . a.oo Daily. Sunday included, one month ... -u low to Remit Send postoffice money or der, express crder or personal check on your local bank. Stamps, coin or currency are at sender's risk. Oive postoffice address in full, including county and state. Postage Kates V to 16 pages, 1 cent; 18 to BJ pages, -1 cents: 34 to 4S pages. 3 centsj GO to C pages, 4 cents; 5 to 7 ti pages, o eenls; 78 to 01 pages. 0 cents. Foreign posture, double rates. KaMtern Bufclnews Offices Verree Sc Conk lln. Brunswick building. New York; Verree & Conklin. Steger building. Chicago: San Francisco representative, K. J. Bidwell, i4 Alarkel etreet. ' Statement of the ownership, management, circulation, etc., ot Morning: Oregsnian, published daily, except Sunday, at Port land, Oregon, required by the act of A utust 24, 1913: Publisher. H. L.. Pittock. Portland, Or. Editor, Edgar B. Piper. Portland. Or. Busi ness manager. C A. Morden, Portland, Or. Owner. Oregonian Publishing Company, Incorporated. Names and addresses of stock holders holding 1 per cent or more of total a mount of stock: H. L.. Pittock, Portland. Or.: Margaret N. Scott, Portland, Or. Known bondholders, mortgagees and other security holders, holding 1 per cent or more of total amount of bonds, mortgages or other securities. None. Average number of copies of each issue of this publication sold or distributed through the mails or otherwise, to paid subscribers during the six months preceding the date of this statement, .1 5, 4 31. H. L. PITTOCK, Publisher. Sworn to and subscribed before me this 1st day of October, 11)15. tSeal) W. E. HARTMTJS. Notary Public. ( My commission expires May. 1:5, 1919.) rORTI-AND, SUNDAY, OCTOBER 10, 1915. THE MIDDLE COURSE. Peace propagandists and warriors tiold are especially busy impressing their various opinions upon those meager portions of a belligerent world that have the time and freedom from war to pay heed. The audience must find itself confused at times by the highly conflicting claims as the streams of logic and argu ment are poured forth from the respective fountain heads of wisdom. Both lean heavily upon science in formulating their propaganda and both are able to make out a more or less reasonable case. The more-war elements point to history, past and ln-the-making, for support, while the eternal peace prophets wheel forward the artillery of biology and sociology to assist them. However, while these interchanges have been going on right merrily, the whole question - has been under process of exact analysis, and now we are given, the bene fit of a final scientific solution by no less an authority than Admiral Fiske. In a carefully prepared docu ment presented through the staid and conservative medium of the North American Review for October, the Admiral sets forth his data and con clusions, these same conclusions hav ing been reached through what the learned Admiral pleases to term the Inductive method of modern science. But after perusing it all we fail to discover the element of thoroughness and finality we had hoped for. We are left with the feeling that Admiral Fiske has merely supported his own preconceived notions in the matter with such facts of history as chance to support his convictions. Nor are we impressed with the breadth of his researches and the soundness of the finding he returns. In the most general way he has followed some of the principal facts of human history, emphasizing such data as met the requirements of his case, and alto gether he has presented the subject in much the same manner pursued by the lawyer in arguing for a wealthy client. From the observation that war has continued without long interruption throughout the course of recorded human progress he reasons that war is an institution which belongs to the human family. Inasmuch as the com mercial elements which are so great a factor in causing clashes between races continue to grow rather than diminish, the conclusion is reached that elimination of the principal cause of war is impossible or improbable His ultimate conclusions, which embody an emphatic negative to the question of whether peace shall reign supreme in xne worm one day are worked out in considerable detail, but after all, he has only reiterated the ancient opinion of the militarist and materialist. Thinkers of this type, of whom Bernhardi is perhaps the dominant figure, see In the conflicts of nations en elaborate working of a fundamen tal law of nature. The cave man, stalking human quarry with his club, is found today in organized masses equipped with modern in struments of destruction. The great armies symbolize the primitive man; their terrible agencies of slaugh ter symbolize the ancient club. The first men fought over the berry patches and game haunts. Modern men fight over the grain fields and trade routes. The causes are quite the same, the natural laws in opera tion are quite the same. The differ ences are external, mere matters of form and detail. Furthermore, so long as man is man this will continue, and the strong will survive and the weak perish. Dominant facts of his tory and science lend themselves readily to this view. Truly a grim picture. Truly a con vincing array of argument. But not unanswerable. Your idealist, your optimist, cannot rely so strongly on the history of the world nor upon concrete scientific data, yet he is able to assemble arguments that give hope to the. possibility that he is right. He observes that where man fought relentlessly at the outset, man now lives harmoniously with his immediate neighbors. Human .nature has been vastly altered and human passions modified. There is some thing more than a veneer in the social and community life of the great masses that live together as national or racial units. Physical force has been eradicated among men In .their relations with one another except as racial and national aggregations, and these vast forward steps lead the pa cifists to conclude that but one more step remains to be taken until reason can De brought to suDDlant force among the nations of men. Civiliza tion, including such agencies as Chris tianity and the other forces of con science and human morality, having gone so far as it has in a definite direction may be counted upon to con tinue that course until the day is ripe for the overthrow of brute force. Certainly the pacifists are not with- out their corroboration in the facts of human life aa they stand recorded. Certainly- their structure doea not wholly crumble before the withering logic of the militarists and material ists. Perhaps, where there are two such extremes in point of view we must seek an intermediate ground for our guidance. We need not take Admiral Fiske's cold decision that the human family is without hope of ulti mate rescue from the dire disasters of its own baser passions, nor need we conclude that the ideal of eternal peace may be attained in an hour. Those who choose to be optimists may look far into the future cheered by the progress which human conscience has effected. They, are entitled to assume that this progress will con tinue until it has reached the goal of perpetual peace on earth and good will among men. But in the meantime we of a present generation must not permit our hopes and ideals to blind us to the base facts of existence as they confront us. We may not shut our eyes to the gory spectacle which Europe presents and wnicn reveals the fearful hold which the weakness of the blood-lust still has upon the children of earth. Here we must borrow from the militarists wno ten us that economic adjust ment in the world has not been per fected, for they point to an object les son of the present hour for their sup port. We must weigh their warnings that our conscience mav not rlev-olnr. too far in advance of the strong rieht arm of self defense. In reckoning the torces mai may lead the nations out of darkness we must not forget that this seems to be the darkest hour. In Vti, 1 3 ... ... . wuuiu appear mat while we must borrow our hODe of the fntnr. from the apostles of peace, bv the same token we must take much advice on tne present from the disciples of preparedness. WIL.I, THEY GO AHEAD, OR BACK OUT? The Republicans of MassiieiiiiuKs divined the spirit of the Nation when they adopted a week ago a nlatfnrm containing the following declaration tor military preparedness: The war has demonstrated that no na tion is safe against attack. We do not abandon the movement i .hi-v. Z- ,T.""I States has been a lender BA,,i putes of nations bv nearer, .i u... an adequate armed force is today the only security against aggression. The prevalence among the warring nations In Europe of the spirit that might makes right and the un precedented military development there lm- on us new dangers and new duties. We cannot allow a noble love of peace to leave us so helpless as to Invite attack. To be safe we must be armed and prepared. We believe that our military strength should be great enough to Justify a reasonable ex pectation that We could rcn.1 cta-i. i,y ijnuun. we beueve that our Arm snouts. oe immediately reinforced. and that th XaW Should be Strengthened nnt only by ships, bat with officers and' en listed men, and in order to have the high est efficiency, that Congress should estab- nsn in tne Navy Department at Washing ton an up-to-date organization that would meet the needs of the country. The Democrats of Massachusetts on the same day adopted a platform with the following non-committal plank: We are in hearty agreement with the President in hi? advocacy of adequate prep aration for the National defense. We urge the Senators and Representatives of Mass achusetts in the 04th Congress to accord their loyal support to such measures for the National defense as shall be recom mended to the Congress by the President. The Democrats will tag the Presi dent. If he is for adequate prepared ness they will support him; if he is not they are with him. They are ready to go in, or back out, just as he says. . The Republicans take a firm and aggressive stand. They would enlarge the military and naval power of the United States. They propose a defi nite policy. They make the ' issue clear. The contrast between the Republi can and Democratic attitudes in Mas sachusetts is marked. But it is just the same throughout the Nation. HKiH-TOXED PEDD1JCKS. This is the time of year when Port land and other Northwest cities are invaded by sundry unctuous gentle men and ingratiating ladies who repre. sent certain New York, or Chicago, or San Francisco, or Paris emporiums of fashion, and who are here for the purpose of selling their wares to im pressionable citizens of both sexes. These visitors are mere peddiers who have nothing to sell which might not better be bought at home and who are entitled to no consideration from city or state, or its people. They pay no taxes, they pay no rents, they do not invest a dollar here beyond their living expenses, and they avoid, when they can, paying even a peddler's license. The representations made by these well-dressed peddlers are mainly that the local buyer will get something better or different. It may often be different, but it is not better and it is generally dearer. The Portland stores contain everything the most exacting or critical taste can require. for they are not behind the great cities in quality or style, or even in quantity. The Oregonian has heard of more than one case where the wife or family of some well-to-do citizen, who is an owner of property in the business dis trict, ana wno rents to retail mer chants, make a practice of buying their suits, or hats, or shoes, or linen or all together, from these high-toned itinerants. They seem to feel under no obligation to patronize the very store-keeper who makes it possible for them to live in luxury. There are others who can find no local tailor good enough for them, and who send to Chicago or San Francisco for their clothes. Who ever noticed that such models of perfect form and taste were better dressed than their neighbors? They are not, of course. There Is a certafn duty the people of Portland and other Northwest cities have to patronize their local mer chants. It ought to be discharged willingly, completely and regularly. MORE TERPS1CHOREAN GRIEF, Those to whom the social "whirl and the mazes of the dance are things of joy will rejoice at the latest word from Argentina. The rest of us will groa-n our agony. From that home of the Terpsichorean muse comes the mes sage that a new dance has been de vised to replace the tango and other fancy steps that have emanated from it. The new dance is the caracapi, the meaning of which we are not per mitted to know, but we may assume that it will provide the usual com bination of acrobatic feats which pass muster under the guise of modern dancing. Just why Argentina Is privileged to produce a set of contortions which the rest of us must adopt, fails of record. Yet Buenos Aires is coming to be the fountainhead of fashionable dances quite the same as full dominion over our fashions was exercised by Paris before Marj came to our relief. A dance or two apparently borrowed from the tribal gyrations of some ob scure South American aborigines made r. hit with those discerning and fas-1 tidious souls "who dictate our able diversions in this once-free do minion, and now we have the Argen tina dance mania as a habit. In order to learn to flounder our way through the tango and its several modifications and variations we were compelled to sacrifice many evenings and much treasure. The only alternative was the excruciating agony of sitting in mute abjection among the wall orna ments on the sidelines. Alas, these first experiences were but an initiation. In spelling over the word for the newest importation dire misgivings pour in upon us. If It took much the same degree of skill to do the tango as would be required for walking the slackwire or doing a dou ble somersault, what physical feats may not the caracapi demand of us? The importer, anticipating the wave of fear that is certain to sweep over the intelligent inhabitants of the country, reassures us by saying that anyone knowing the latest dances can master the caracapi in five minutes. But who, outside professional dancing cir cles, can lay claim to knowledge of the latest dancing steps? STEP IN COLLECTIVE BARGAINING. The agreement between the Colo rado Fuel & Iron Company and its employes, which has been adopted as a sequel to John T. Rockefeller, Jr.'s, tour of the mines, is an important step in adoption of the principle of col lective bargaining. -It recognizes the right of the employes to organize and to elect representatives who shall deal with the company on their behalf. It expressly admits the right of employes to belong to unions, thereby leaving them free to act in co-operation with employes of other coal companies through National unions. The author ity of the state is formally recognized as the final court of appeal in dis putes. We find nothing in the agreement to justify statements by President Gom- pers and Secretary Morrison, of the American Federation of Labor, that the employes are merely "permitted" to organize and that therefore the "right" to do so is not conceded. The word "shall," not' "may," is used throughout the agreement in provid- ng for the employes organization, and the agreement was adopted by ballot of the employes with an overwhelm ing majority. The company may justly say that it should deal with all of its employes, not with those aloiie who are members'of some organization and that, so long as no discrimination is maae against members of the union, it has no cause to complain. Express stipulation is made against. this dis crimination. By enlisting the majority of the employes in its ranks, the union is free to control their action In deal ing with the company. The arrangement is so eminently fair to both sides that the question rises in one's mind: "Why could they not have done it before?" It seems necessary for some people to have a fight as a preliminary to an agree ment. They can only acquire sense by knocking It into each other's heads. The wisdom of friendly agreement could be learned by the company only after its business had been demoral ized, many lives sacrificed, much prop erty destroyed and much money lost. The folly of extreme demands could be learned by the employes only through death, poverty and privation. Each party has been inspired with respect for the prowess of the other. and that mutual respect has put both in the frame of mind to get together. IN '.HE HALT. OF FAME. It will occur to many that the nomi nation of Charlotte Cushman to the Hall of Fame is somewhat belated. Certainly lesser lights among Ameri cans have been assigned to the little two-by-six panels that constitute im mortality on University Heights. Dur ing the fifteen years since this interest ing institution came to surprise an age and Nation of commercialism the panels have gone a-begging. There have been more panels than celebri ties and yet the theatrical profession has been passed by unnoted by those to whom is given the rare discrimina tion of picking out immortals. Miss Cushing's name will add luster as well as variety to the array of fore most soldiers, statesmen, authors and editors, business men, educators, phi lanthropists and reformers, preachers and theologians, inventors, mission aries and explorers, scientists, engi neers and architects, lawyers and judges, musicians, painters and sculp tors, physicians and surgeons, rulers, sailors. We mention the whole list as provided in the initial plan of the Hall of Fame. For actors no special pro vision is made and we must assume that Miss Cushman gains admittance under the general classification of "distinguished men and women out side the above classes." In view of the fact that the public at large may present its recommenda tions it is surprising that Miss Cush man has had to wait so long. Certain ly there is no American woman of higher professional achievement or one who served a more splendid pur pose in the sphere of American artis tic endeavor. While her demise oc curred at a date sufficiently remote to meet the Hall of Fame requirements. her memory is still fresh in the minds of thousands and her impression still vivid on the American stage. But then it may have been no oversight on the part of loyal admirers. The public is not supreme in filling the panels of fame. The public may sug gest and then if one of the Senators of the institution seconds the nomina tion the matter is passed along to a body of 100 judges selected from men noted lor their discrimination and taste in such matters. More than half the votes are required for final elec tion. Charlotte Cushman gave to the American stage its finest impulse dur ing those days when the Nation was hot in the making, which makes it the more fit that she should stand with those sterner figures who were mak ing history, and with the handful who were preserving and advancing the interests of culture. Lee Grant Poe Hawthorne. Lincoln, Peabody, Beecher, Emma Willard. Whittier, Agassiz,' Brjant every manner of leader in every manner of activity is needed to tell the story of American development in the Hall of Fame. Charlotte Cush man was not provincial in her art. al though she can claim her American ism by eight generations. Her work was in that larger sphere which knows no national distinction. She was ap preciated abroad quite as much as at home, and London raved as extrava gantly over her as did New York, Boston, Buffalo or New Orleans. Her power lay in her limitless versa tility, her depth and vividness in por traying emotion ana in her earnest ness, intensity and power of expres sion. She endowed her characters with dramatic quality and reality. fashion-'.Whether as Lady Macbeth, Juliet, or the eerie Meg Merrilies in "Guy Man nerlng" she lent to her Interpretations a rare originality and power of con ception and execution. The story of her success is that of every other actress who has achieved real renown. She had to work for it and work hard. No better example of her prodigious energy is wanted than her three years at the .Park Theater in New York, from 1837 to 1840, when she appeared in a new play nightly, which meant a strain on her energies which few might expect to meet. Born in Boston in IS 16, her years reached far into the century. In her girlhood she set her mind to music and made her first debut as a singer in the part of the Countess Almavlva in "The Marriage of Figaro." After a brief career her voice failed her and she turned to the drama, for while her voice had lost its compass and variety it retained the remarkable power of expression which was so nec essary in the triumphs to follow. She tried Lady Macbeth in New Orleans with some success, but first began at tracting attention In New York during the thirties. Thereafter her ascent was gradual and certain rather than meteoric, and after conquering Amer ica she invaded England to take Lon don by storm in Milan's tragedy of Fazio and Lady Macbeth and Shake spearean repertoire. ' After her first journey to England and her attendant successes she became a frequent con tinental traveler, appearing in France. Switzerland and Italy with marked success. Abroad she was a living refu tation of the current European belief that we were a country of aborigines. During the Civil War she took a serious and patriotic interest in the struggle, singing and reciting in pub lic for the benefit of the United States Sanitary Commission. Her work added large sums to the Commission's funds. It was during the late sixties and early seventies that her health began to fail, and, believing her strength would shortly go, she made first one then another farewell tour until the total was seven. At her flnal appearance. in '75 in Booth Theater, New York, she was given a reception and crowded with laurels such as few actresses have received. William Cullen Bryant was one of the speakers who paid homage. to ner genius, ana it is a curious cir cumstance that Bryant preceded her in the Hall of Fame by five years which, we take it, Bryant would have declined to permit had he been given any choice in the matter. IN REPLY TO SENATOR WAI--.il. Senator Walsh's report on the re cent Water-Power Conference, which is published on another page, is perme ated with one idea that the indi vidual states cannot be trusted to con trol corporations operating within their borders and that therefore the Federal Government must step in to protect them against their folly. He assumes that, because he and those of like opinion, believe Federal con trol to be expedient, therefore the necessary authority exists and must be exercised. He assumes that, because the h ederal Government may have the legal right to lease public land, it should exercise that right. He assumes also that, because the Western state and the water-power interests both oppose Federal control, the states are mere tools of the power companies and take that course solely in the interests of the corporations. None of these assumptions is well founded. It is true that states formerly acted improvldently in giving perpetual franchises to railroads and that cities formerly erred in like manner with regard to street railway companies, but they do so no longer. The Gov ernment made like errors, but in con sidering its competence to control such corporations, we judge by its present. not Its former, practice. The Western states are entitled to be judged in the same manner. Eastern people and such Western men as Mr. Walsh seem to imagine that the West has not gone ahead with the rest of the country. when in fact it has. Utah and Wyo mmg are tne only w estern states which have not at least -a Railroad Commission, and among the remain ing states west of the Missouri River North and South Dakota and Texas are the only ones where state regula tion is limited to railroads. In many of these states, too, public regulation is more thorough than that of rail roads by the ederal Government. For example, security issues are regu lated and rates are based on actual cash investment after careful ap praisal, which has the same effect as security regulation. Congress has not yet undertaken to control capitaliza tion for railroads, though it has ordered their valuation. Even were the control of intrastate power companies by the Federal Gov ernment expedient. Congress has no constitutional authority to exercise it. Although Mr. Walsh is a lawyer of no mean ability, we challenge him to show any warrant in the Federa Constitution for the Government to control the operations of a corpor ation wholly within a state. Yet that is what the Ferris bill proposes to do with regaFd to Wyoming and Utah which have not yet chosen to exercise their undoubted power of regulation Mr. Walsh may ask: "Why should Oregon worry about what the Govern ment does in Utah? Oregon has utilities commission, which the Ferris bill leaves free to regulate Oregon corporations." The answer is that, if we admit the right of Congress to usurp Utah's sovereignty, we admit the same right with regard to Oregon That right once admitted. Congress might authorize invasion of Oregon's jurisdiction on the plea that it v not satisfied with the kind of regula tion our utilities commission gave The very provision of the Ferris bil that the conduct of power companie: in states having regulative bodies should be regulated by the states as sumes the possession by Congress of authority which it has not. By exer cising its authority in virtue of such a grant. Oregon would admit that such authority was derived from Congress. It is not; it is derived from the Federal Constitution, which reserves to the states all powers nor expressly granted to the United States. If the states were to accept a grant of this authority from Congress, they would admit the right of Congress to withdraw It. They would admit the power of Congress to exert authority within the states in any respect in which Congress deemed the states negligent. Gradually the states' auton omy might be destroyed and they might be reduced to the rank of prov inces or the United States might be changed from a Federal Union of sovereign states into a centralized re public. The danger is not imaginary -. in view of the attempted encroach ments of Congress, led first by un parly, then by the other, it Is vcrj real. Usurpation is always tried by such insidious means as mark the Ferris bill, and is defended by such plausible arguments as are made in its behalf. Unless the states resist every attempt at it, the lust of power which marks every public officer will in time reduce their autonomy to a shadow. While the Government, as owner of the public land, may have the same right to lease as has any private owner, the expediency of exercising the right has been disproved by its own experience. In 1807 a law was passed authorizing leases for five years of lead mines in the Northwest Terri tory. but when that territory was di vided into states violent opposition broke out and the first State Governor of Illinois advised lessees to refuse payment of royalty. The Supreme Court of the United States in 1S40 af firmed the Government's right to lease. but Senator Benton and others con tinued the agitation in Congress for sale as against leasing of all public land, and in 1847 the leasing law was repealed. President Fillmore in 1849 opposed leasing the California mines. and the liberal policy then adopted and since pursued has resulted in de velopment of the West. A Federal Court in 18S0 declared that in 1866 Congress had definitely abandoned the policy of leasing. At that time neither the Nation nor the states had guard ed against abuse of property rights as both Nation and states since have yet it is proposed to return to an abandoned policy that was discredited by experience. The area of public land directly af fected by the Ferris bill is no doubt small, but that bill is only one of twins. The other twin is the general leasing bill, which relates to coal, oil. gas and phosphate land. If one goes through, the other is likely to follow it, and the leasing policy will then be firmly established and may be ex tended to the remaining public land The Western states have consented in the general interest to withdrawal of National forests, although the forests have been administered in disregard of law, of the rights of settlers and prospectors, and of Western interests in general, but if from one-third to nine-tenths of the area of each state were to be permanently withheld from its full control, and were to be occu pied by Government tenants, they would have good cause to contend that the constitutional provision for equal ity of the states was being violated. No serious question has been raised as to the state's ownership of water since it was affirmed by the Oregon Supreme Court in the case of Hough vs. Porter. It rests on a definite adop tion by Congress in the desert land act of the Western custom of appro priation and use, which had prevailed prior to 1877, when that law was passed. The Ferris bill does not provide that in case the Government takes over a power plant it shall pay "the amount invested in it," as Mr. Walsh says. It provides for payment of the fair value." but excludes value of leased public land, franchise, good will, value as a going concern and future profits. The going value is the product of a cash investment made during the development of a business to a paying basis, and it should be in cluded in the selling price unless a company has already been compen sated by exorbitant profits, which it could not make under public regu lation. The Federalists persist in say ing that power men wish the Govern ment to include the value of public land In the "fair value." although no person, whether speaking for the power interests or not, has made such a proposal. If the land should be leased, the power company's interest would expire with the lease and there would be no land value to buy; if it should be sold, the states would value it only at cost- As a land-owner, the Government has no higher rights than any other land-owner, yet Mr. Walsh speaks the contention that states may condemn public land for public purposes under the power of eminent domain as i claim that the states and those exer cising this power under them "may defy the Federal Government." The Senator thus assumes that in exercis ing this power the states would be dealing with the United States as Government, whereas they would deal with it simply as a land-owner. If an individual owner demanded an ex orbitant price for a powersite and right of way, his land could be con demned. Why not that of the Gov ernment? The opinion that public land which is not actually used for governmental purposes is subject to condemnation was upheld by the de cision of the United States Circuit Court for Northern Illinois in the case of United States vs. Railroad Bridge Company, in the year 1855. Mr. Walsh suggests that the ques tion whether a plant which the Gov ernment recaptures at the expiration of a lease shall be subject to state tax ation and regulation "be deferred and addressed to our grandchildren as the leases expire." That question ought not to be left open for fifty years. It vitally affects the willingness of the states to co-operate with the Nation in developing water power and the willingness of capital to invest in such enterprises. Why should we pass the burden of decision on to posterity when we can decide it today? It is quite true, as Mr. Walsh says, that some investors are willing to de velop water power under the Ferris scheme if the terms of recapture are made satisfactory to them, but, if they are to lose part of their investment, they will not invest, whether the law is made by Congress or by the states. If they should invest under the Ferris scheme of recapture, they would do so only on condition that they re ceived compensation for the confis cated part of their capital in the shape of higher rates, which would be a burden cn the consumers, not on the power companies. If the market should be such that these higher rates could not be obtained, power would not be developed. This attitude of the power com panies proves the absurdity of Fed eral assertions that oppopition by the Western states to the Ferris bill is prompted solely by the power inter ests. Power companies view the ques tion from a purely business standpoint and It is a matter of Indifference to them whether they operate under state or Federal law. provided the terms are practicable. If Congress were to turn over the whole matter to the states by conceding the right of eminent do main, the fight which the power com panies are now making "would be transferred to the State Legislatures, should the latter Impose onerous terms. On the other hand, if the Ferris bill should be made satisfactory to the power interests from a business Bland- point and still retain the provisions' violative of state rights, the states would continue their opposition In de fense of their sovereignty. The only interest the power companies would have in that controversy would arise from the probability that a legal con test would injuriously affect their abil ity to raise capital. The power inter ests oppose the bill from business motives, the states on principle. COMPULSORY CHURCH ATTENDANCE. Considerable perturbation is felt by the Christian Register because of the heavy falling off of attendance at re ligious services at Harvard University. After noting that the rising generation does not seem inclined to patronize the places of worship as freely and fully as might be hoped for. the Register comes forward with the suggestion that our colleges require the students to attend services. At the same time the Register is careful to explain that compulsion should not be exercised. "Require" and "compel" are inter preted as two widely different terms. "Why require students to submit to any instruction whatever? the Regis ter exclaims. "But since all colleges do require something many things then why not require religious and moral education?" The Register makes a distinction without a difference. If students are required to do a thing they are com pelled to do it, for if a course of con duct or action is required we must assume that the discipline of the insti tution would demand a living up to the requirement. Aside from this quibbling over terms, however, the Register's contention is worthy of seri ous consideration. The fundamental obstacles to compulsory church at tendance in the country at large need no reiteration, yet at college it might be added to the list of requirements without infringing on the rights or best interests of anyone. While the mind of the student is in a formative state and is peculiarly receptive to im pressions, the wholesome atmosphere of the place of worship might become an effective force for character build ing. Habits of church attendance might ,be formed which would perma nently survive school days. The ad vantages are apparent. Among other things, such a course might help solve the desperate problem of the empty pew in the modern church of these unregenerate times. The blessings of Democratic free trade must be keenly enjoyed by the uritisn uoiumttla lumbermen. During the first eight months of 1915 they exported to the United States through naicom uounty zzoo carloads valued at 850.000. while Oregon and Wash ington mills are half closed and are selling at or below cost of production. let American lumbermen contribute to the support of the United States Government and Canadian lumbermen do not. It is reported that the Prince of Wales has been wounded by a jealous French husband. We had been told that the Prince was serving his coun try at the front, but if this is true he must be acting as a war co-respondent. A local woman was struck by spent snot nred by bird hunters. As we have remarked before, it Is danger ous to wear wings and feathers in one's headgear during the open sea son. Morgan says no nation will be wiped out in the present war. Rut since he has money invested in most or them, perhaps he chooses to de ceive himself as to the possibilities The sum of $10,000,000 is thought to have been secured by robbers from a Baltimore & Ohio mail train. -fc-nough to set them up as pillars of society If they escape detection. remaps the lenience and -rood humor of the President in serious in ternational matters are now explained. The successful wooer is in no humor to engage In harsh measures. However, If the School Board lmag ines that the public will forget the cadet battalion plan without a show down, another guess should be in dulged in. Peace meetings are being held in increasing numbers. At the same time the nations at war are increasing in numbers at a corresponding rate. However, there is one marked ad vantage in being a woman. She may marry fame and wealth, while mere man must work his way. Jitney fares have been reduced to six for a quarter. The jitneys might next provide free life insurance poli cies to their patrons. "Man in Hole All Night," reads headline. That s nothing. We've known of 'em being in a hole most of their lives. Superstitious- persons will predict dire disaster for Bulgaria, the thir teenth Nation to cast its gauntlet into the arena. Vesuvius is violent again. A pro test of the gods, mayhap, against the present course of human perversity in Europe. California's aborigine is seriously ill. Only the initiated can withstand the rigors of civilization. But after this glorious carnival of baseball excitement the fan will have a long, long hibernation. Of course, as soon as Yuan Shi Kai dons the crown someone will launch a revolution. A wealthy Vancouver Democrat 75 weds. Appears to be epidemic the party. of The great annual Congressional loaf now nears an end. Back to the pork- barrel! We are not yet privileged to know what has become of the Italian army The gridiron gladiator may have the spotlight for a few weeks now. Soon we shall hear complaint of the high cost of preparedness. The game pean league. still rages in the Euro And week ? why not, also, a cheer-up Why not. later, a shave-up week? aume game. Gleam Through the MUt Br Dean Collins. PItiSKIN rKATTI.F.. Now I might sine Some artful thing. If I had but the mind. Of problems great Which, up to date. Io occupy the mind Of Mothers' Congress soon to meet At Benton County's county seat. Where much rood time will be begullea in aninc dope sheets on Tn r-htirf Did I desire. In words of fire, '-Vith chortc ode or hymn. A picture I Would deftly try Of this event to limn Judge Cleeton and J. R, X. Bell And Ockerman my songs should tell. Oft. oft the question deep repeating: "How came they at a mother's meeting? Or. otherwise I might devise. With deftness much the same. Some lines of force About the course Of the world's series game. An4 make this colyum here replete With pink stuff, like a sporting sheet: But why should 1 use thst device So long as we have Orantland Rice? To Kawcett still And Kddie Hill. I'll leave the baseball field: And 1 11 admit. When pressed for It. These themes have not appealed; But though the Mothers" Congress bo At present all unsung hy me. And though baseball aside I fling Still I m obliged to rise and slnr. Today I met Jack Latourette. Who once laid claim to fams. At u. of O. Some years ago. In football's noble game. And llko a bright and glorious dream Appeared to me at last by theme; Hark, I will hymn, descant and orals The glories of the football days. "Sir." said the courteous office txvr. "Speak on. boy." I did say. "The afternoon I did emDlov at th. football game todav." "What saw you there?" "Ah. 1 could scream recalling that rough game." he cried. "I saw the en tire team jump on the halfbacks frame." "Yes, yes, go on!" "The referee at length iliii nrv them loose. I looked the poor halfback to see. but ha. it was no use." Yes. yes, eo on!" And strange to tell. I saw the Red Cross pack a stretcher where the half back fell and bring a quarter back!" n days e.f old the Romans bold Had mai.y snorts I trow. But ah. they had no fonthnil Where are them Romans now J The football player hath a life Of ease rnd play and io : His way Is guarded well from From trouble and annov. They fe.d him well, they dress him warm And groom him for the came He lakes the co-ed's heart by storm And wide becomes his fame. The sporting writers sneak of him And praise his brawn and beef And say the foemen's chance Is slim Kor he will bring the.n grief: They print his picture on the page ut sporting sections pink. And everywhere he is the rage Ana quite the favored gink. The football player hath a life or Joy and play und ease. His way I shielded well from strife And all he has to do to win This easy way to fame. Is to let other teams cave in His chest and walk his frame. In days of old when, fold on fold. the lemon flag flew free the "oia grad's" curses uncontrolled were aimed at O. A. C. and in those days a man might be for U. of O. or O. A. C. but. ah, nobody but a dunce could try to be for Doth at once. In Tat McArthur's palmv davs hlch- boiled the feud and hot, and we loved not the wild O. A's. and. ah. they loved us not, and our decision was appealed and fought out on the football field and, after that, to make complete the day, we rough-housed In the street. -Now U. of O. as brother to Agriu has become, no more they hate each other: the battle cries are dumb; armistice governs, as it were, the hosts of Camp bell and of Kerr; and rampant spirits now are caught, directed and controlled. therefore, they fight not as they fought in those brave days of old. Xoa can ta'k of sand and grit from the, bleachers where you sit. As you watch the shock and stagger ot the game; You may grant It and concede it. but tho time you really need It Is when tho team's a-tramplin' on your frame. When your eyes are full of blood and vour face is In the mud And your legs are limp and crumpled till they drag. There's Just one man comes In sight like an angel clothed In light Bill Hayward with his sponge and little bag. And It's "Bll! Bill! Bill!" There's a player that is lylnir white and still: But with Hayward on tlie ground He is mighty soon brought round By the expert, gentle ministry of Bill. When we've whipped the others clean with Bezdek's big machine And have got the blooming pennant In our mlt. When the laurels go around there are soma of them are bound For the man who kept the men in shap for It: On the sidelines all alert, while the teams tore up the dirt. With attention that might never halt or lag: Like a little god of luck all the season through he stuck Bill Haward with his little sponge and bas. And I fa "Bill! Bill! BUI!" Here's a fellow that is groaning fit to kill. But with Hayward on the ground He'll be ml-ehty soon brought round And we'll keep him In the game because of BilU To Fawcett still and Eddie Hill, I'll leave the baseball field, for I admit, when pressed for it, those themes have not appealed, for most of all I'd like to go again back to the U. of O., sit on the bleachers iu the rain and watch them clean their foes again. Football may be a brutal game, which colleges should view with shame, but when I pause to think of it 1 can't be scandalized a bit. and through my thrilling spirit scoots a wild desire to go once more where pennants soar and bleachers roar and the mad rooter roots and roots in honor of the foot ball "bruteB." Move In Party Politic. Washington D. C.) Star. "If 1 have to tell a whopper." said the practical politician. "I stick to it.' "Yes," replied Senator Sorghum, get stuck by 'it." "or Prearot for Ruihand. lou isville Cou rier-Journal. I w inn somtp plu; tobacco for huts band." "V Vin. V ha t k nd 7 my 1 ardly Know. hiil flavors have you!''