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O ctober 19, 1994 • T he P ortland O bserver P age A2 The Republic of Haiti was es tablished on January 1, 1804, after a slave revolt expelled the French co lonial rulers and their allies. In the world's only successful slave revolt, how ever, "independence'' has always been a relative term The Haitian people hav e experienced the ravages of colonialism for 500 years, under a long line of despots, from Columbus to Duvalier, and on to today's (post coup (rulers, w ho reinstated Duv alier savagery. Haiti is more than the New World's second oldest republic, more than even the first black republic of the modern world. Haiti was the lirst free people to arise within, and in resistance to, the emerging Western European empires. On December 16, 1990, after many bitter struggles, a popular revo lution led to the overwhelming victory of Haiti’s first freely elected presi dent, the popular priest Jean-Bertrand Aristide. He got 67% ot the vote. He was inaugurated on February 7,1991 Seven months later, on September 30, RÀÌHBÒW C O A L IT IO N Haiti’s History Aristide was driven from office by a military and commercial elite who had ruled for 200 years, and would not tolerate the loss of their traditional rights of terror and exploitation. On the morning of September 30, President Aristide made his way to the palace. Most members of the presidential guard had v anished. The military, under the leadership of American-trained Lt. General Raoul Cedras, took control. After the inter vention of the French ambassador. General Cedras agreed to allow Aristide to leave the country. He boardedaplan to Venezuela. Aristide is expected to return to power no later than October 15, 1994. The Duvaliers are the most fa mous members of Haiti’s ruling oli garchy - but not the only members. For two centuries, a small group of wealthy, mostly mulatto families, have wielded enormous power in haiti, working in cooperation with dictators and juntas, and controlling much of the economic life of the nation. Two families continue to be major players in the current Haitian crisis - not only in Haiti, but also in Washington, EXT. Their American lawyer-lobbyists have been at the heart of U S. policy. Beneath the Brandts and Mevs are several lesser-known members of the Haitian oligarchy : the Accras (texti les); the B igios (iron and steeI); the Behrmanns (automobiles and trucks); the Apaids (electronics fac tories); and the Madsens (coffee hold ings and beer production). The Haitian military maintains its power and dispenses its ow n brand of justice, not only through the top generals who have frequently occu pied the presidential palace, but also through a complex and omnipresent system of low-level, semiofficial armed operatives — the “section ch ief’ and their assistant (attaches) - - who rule through fear and bribery. For 75% of Haitians who live in the countryside, the section chief is the government. The Real Deal Behind The U.S. Occupation Of Haiti by R on D aniels V a n ta g e P o in t:, When U.S. troops came ashore in Haiti in accordance with the last minute agreement brokered by former President Jimmy Carter, they were welcomed by the Haitian masses who have endured massive abuse, torture, intimidation and murder at the hands of General Raoul Cedras and his terrorist regime. People demonstrated and danced in the streets as word spread that their beloved President Bertrand Aristide would soon be coming home. With these happy im ages Boating across the screen, how would anyone be opposed to the U.S. occupation of Haiti? For people of African descent who have been con sistently victimized by white su premacy, there is a clear warning: Bew are of the wolf in sheep's cloth ing. The U.S. occupation is not in tended to promote genuine democ racy in Haiti nor is the occupation intended to benefit the Haitian masses who welcomed the U.S. soldiers as their liberators. Europe and America have never promoted real democ racy and development for the Haitian masses. On the contrary, Europe and America have always resented the slave rebellion/revolution which de stroyed the myth of White superior ity when Haiti defeated the Emperor Napoleon Bonaparte to win the inde pendence from France in 1812. The whole history of the U.S. relation ship with Haiti has been one of con sistent efforts to thwart real democ racy and development for the Haitian masses in the interest of advancing and protecting U.S. business interests. Hence U.S. policy towards Haiti including the previous intervention and occupation has always sought to create and nurture forces inside Haiti which would protect U.S. interest. It was the U.S. that created, trained and cultivated the corrupt and repressive Haitian military. It was the U.S. that fostered and tolerated dictator alter dictator in Haiti including the dread Papa Doc Duvalier and his son Baby Doc. It was the U.S. which catered to the fair skinned Haitian elite in a strategy of divide and exploit, a strat egy calculated to oppress the Haitian masses in order to keep Haiti safe for U.S. capital. Given this sordid his tory, what makes anyone think that the current U.S. occupation of Haiti is fueled by good intentions. African people must be clear. The U.S. occupation of Haiti is ulti mately designed to maintain the sta better tus quo with a more benign face. No matter what the present images and appearances, the U.S. is not inter ested in insuring the empowerment of the popular democratic movements - the peasants, workers and the poor represented by President Aristide. Rhetoric about democracy notwith standing, the landslide election of the populist priest John Bertrand Aristide was a nightmare for the U.S. Aristide was swept into power by the impoverished Haitian masses be cause he promised to redistribute the wealth in a nation where the I % of the Haitian people control more than 50% of the wealth. Historically the U.S. has always sided with the 1% against the Haitian masses. It should be understood therefore that both the U.S. and the Haitian elite had an interest in the coup that overthrew aristide as the first democratically elected leader of Haiti nearly three and a half years ago. The agreement brokered by former President Jimmy Carter and the current U.S. occupation of Haiti must be considered with these fac tors in mind. Aristide was compelled to declare that he would step down at the end of his five year term even though he never really had an oppor tunity to serve as President because of the coup. Now, after the stall, Aristide only has 16 months remain ing in his term. This concession was a clear signal to the Haitian elite that they would have an opportunity to return to power in the very near fu ture. Cedras and the thugs who ter rorized the Haitian masses were not only allowed to stay in power until October 15, the agreement did not even call for their exile from the country. In fact the agreement called for a general amnesty which could in these murderers escaping punishment for their rein of terror. And, it does not take a genius to figure out that as long as Cedras and his henchmen are in Haiti the road ahead for Aristide and his supporters will be extremely difficult. Beyond the images and sym bols, therefore, the reality is that Aristide was forced to accept an ac cord which is intended to promote his demise and the destruction of the popular movements which swept him into office. The ultimate intent of U.S. policy is to continue with busi ness as usual, and business as usual means that the Haiti elite must be restored to power. Aristide, of course knows that this is a bad agreement. But in the end he was forced to grin and bear it and say "thank you" for a U.S. occupation which is meant to destroy the popular revolt which car ries the aspirations of the Haitian masses. ^lie (SJditór Send your letters to the Editor to: Editor, PO Box 3137, Portland, OR 97208 The OJ. Case: The Danger Of Crying Racism? by E arl O fari H utchinson Nearly every A fric a n - American I talk to asks, "Do you think O.J. did it?” Before I can answer, the questioner snaps, "Well, I don't think he did it.” When I ask, “How do you know?” They repeat the standard m ush of rum or, innuendo, gossip, half-truth and fluff, which almost always boils it down to: “They’re out to get the brother.” When I tentatively suggest that the circumstantial evidence against him is still evidence, they retort, “He was framed." When I ask, by whom? the list of "conspirators” includes: the Mafia, Columbian drug dealers. Las Vegas gamblers, the LAPD. the L A. County District Attorney, the Kian, the caretaker or O.J.’s son. When Newsweek asked blacks the same question some simply said “by persons unknown." When I ask. “Why?" They say: He was into co caine. He had big gambling debts. He was an uppity black man He was married to a white woman. He was having extramarital affairs with white women. Many whites, of course, say the issue is murder, not race. The crimi nal justice system is not on trial, O.J. is. Blacks should stop screaming rac ism w henever a black gets into trouble with the law According to CNN polls 77 per cent of whites say the case against O.J. is strong Forty-five percent of blacks disagree Sixty-three percent of whites think he'll get a fair trial Sixty-one percent of black think he won’t. When it’s race, many blacks and whites are on separate planets with no danger of colliding. The case would be the last one I’d pick to harden racial lines. He dutifully followed society’s rules, parlayed his talents into megabuck football, media and entertainment careers and attained cross-over ap peal. O.J., along with Bill Cosby and Colin Powell are the only three black men since Booker T. Washington to claim the title of “honorary white man.” But O.J. outdid Cosby and Powell . They occasionally make nods to “black causes.” O.J. didn't. He said nothing that stirred racial or political controversy. O.J. bucks the traditional groundrules that blacks use to pick their martyrs. In the past, the rallied around: Any black group or individual under attack by the white establishment of resisting in justice. Examples: civil rights activ ists and Black Panthers: Any black whose house was bombed by racists, beaten or killed by the Kian, Aryan Nation or police. Example Rodney King, et. al.: A prominent black in a high profile case who appears to be punished more severely than a promi nent white who commits the same crime. Example: Mike Tyson vs. William Kennedy Smith O.J doesn’t fit any of these ex amples. But it doesn't matter. The knee's of blacks now jerk for any African American in the court docket. Here’s why: The system. Blacks remember the savage history of lynchings. shootings, burnings and beatings. They still see laws enforced by white police, judges, prosecutors and ju ries. They still see a disproportionate number of black men being arrested and sentenced to stiff prison terms and the death penalty. They believe that the system is the inherent enemy of African Americans. Racial stereotyping. The media tossed the presumption of innocence out the window with/Q.J. To many blacks this proved that white society automatically presumes black men are guilty of crimes. The relentless Hollywood and mainstream media stereotyping of young black males as crime-prone, drug dealing "gangstas” doesn’t help. When Time doctored the cover photo of O.J. to make him appear more menacing and sinister that cinched it. The Conservative assault. Black cringe at the drumbeat attacks on social programs and affirmative ac tion, the escalation in racial hate crimes, law and order mania and ghetto economic desolation. They are convinced that the federal gov ernment and corporations have gone from beyign neglect to vicious as sault. , Conspiracy. The Nation of Is lam, black militant organizations and some black leaders accuse white of plotting to wipe out blacks, the FBI's covert COINTELPRO campaign in the 1960s and 1970s to subvert black organizations and the government prosecution of black elected offi cials m the 1980s and 1990s Ian the fears. The monolith of race. No sane person judges the character ot white males by convicted mass murderer, Jeffrey Dahmer. But when a black is accused of, or commits a crime, blacks perceive that they are all on trial too. That's because whites sel dom make gender, class, political or religious distinctions between blacks. W hite males a re n 't routinely threatened with harassm ent or arrest as dope dealers, drive by shooters and gang bangers. They a r e n ’t fo llo w e d by s e c u rity guards in stores. W omen d o n 't hide their purses or make fast exits from elevators when a black person approaches. But black men, even middle-class stockbrokers, sci entists and college professors have suffered these indignities. Still while blacks must continu ally protest t acial double standards in law. media and society, continu ally crying racism is a dangerous trap. I asked one of O.J.’s defenders, "What if the evidence proves he did it?” My answer. If so, you'll seem personally foolish and politically paranoid. You’ll confirm the suspi cion of many doubtful (and all big oted) whites that blacks always blame the system for their criminality or failures. You'll lose credibility and further erode public support for black grievances. Racism is a central issue in American life, but it’s no, central to every issue. Blacks must choose their racial martyrs more carefully. Re member what happened to the shep herd boy who cried wolf once too often p e■ r s p e c t i v e s Winners And Losers In The Education Game III 'jT Z * very few years I feel compelled (driven) to O upset the school ‘reformers’ with a reprint of that curriculum at a 1930’s Jim Crow high school in Missouri. And always I get innumerable inquiries from parents or the younger teachers: "what in the world has happened?” Last week was no different. A num ber of people have been quite disturbed. “ A p p a re n tly w e ’ve b een M hoodw inked, to 'T A . A 'jU i' put it m ildly, in r e s p e c t to the 'g reat p ro g ress’ alleged to have been made in A m erica’s public schools” . Others say that given this and other retrogressions il lum inated by their own ex p eri ences, how can the Portland sy s tem make statem ents like “we have to dram atically raise the education levels of stu dents, schools failed to reach in the p ast” (w ithout m assive in fu sions of resources). Or they are questioning the optim ism of Jack B ierw irth . Portland Public Schools S uper intendent. "this year we will embark on a plan to 'p u s h ' all students into an academ ic reg i men equal to that traditionally re s e rv e d fo r th e c o lle g e - bound... The state plan attem pts to reach the 'fo rg o tten h a lf’ in two ways: by requiring all stu dents to met high academ ic stan dards and by 'b len d in g academ ics with new 'v o c a tio n a l' paths that lead to further studies and good jo b s ” . A p aren t ca lle d me and asked, “ju st how detached are these people from reality? I’ve started volunteering and have realized alm ost im m ed iately that a num ber of trained sp e cialists are needed in the areas of rem edial and tutorial sup port. We volunteers are c e rtain ly com m itted but there is no way we alone can im plem ent this 'g r e a t- le a p - f o r w a r d ’ -- which allegedly will in ju st a half a decade reverse a serious decline. N either the tax payers nor the legislature seem w illing to seriously engage the p ro b lem ” . The woman was alm ost in tears. O pponents and backers of O reg o n ’s school reform plan have drawn up along some ra th er well defined lines. We have seen here the optim istic plans and projections (and rhetoric) of the supporters. But we also are aware that Ms. Jeanne Allen, founder of the C enter For Edu cation Reform, feels that the national reform effort is “the train that went down the wrong track". Allen claim s the so- c a lle d refo rm w aters dow n learning requirem ents to ac com m odate slow learners and that it em phasizes “ learning s k i l l s ” and b e h a v io r ra th e r th an By s tr ic t aca Professor dem ic s ta n Mckinley dards. Many Burt black parents are saying the same thing. And in addition arc- protesting what they view as new " tra c k in g ” m odes. Our State Superintendent of instruc tion says “not true at all". I frequently cite my own experiences in The D alles, O r egon where 1 served as a volun teer and consultant with the Junior High School (1966). I was able to win a National Sci ence Foundation’award for this d istrict because the project I designed was predicated upon a student level of academic- achievem ent sim ilar to my own al the same lime of life. Last week. I described an academ ic experience that was routine (un less you decided on a vocation al school). The em phasis then, in 1939. and in The D alles, 1966. was on dev elo p in g stu dents who could enter any b o d y 's college w hether it was im mediately al ter high school or much later, after a period of work ex p eri ence (so often necessary for sur vival). The m erit of this ap proach was em phatically drawn to my attention at The Dalles aluminum plant where I was em ployed in the accounting de partm ent I noticed that some of the most sophisticated m achin ery and in s tru m e n ta tio n in Am erican industry was o perat ed and serviced by graduates of the local high school. There w asn’t even a nearby com m uni ty college at the time. With their solid background in the fundamentals of basic math, science and English there was no difficulty in handling this sophisti cated interface given adequate man ufacturer's manuals, guides and films. The kids from the cherry orch ard s, farm s and logging shows made the transition with no sweat. IJ (Lite ^ o rtla n h (©bsmier (USPS 959-680) OREGON’S OLDEST AFRICAN AMERICAN PUBLICATION Established in 1970 by Alfred L. 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