O ctober 19, 1994 • T he P ortland O bserver
P age A2
The Republic of Haiti was es
tablished on January 1, 1804, after a
slave revolt expelled the French co
lonial rulers and their allies. In the
world's only successful slave revolt,
how ever, "independence'' has always
been a relative term The Haitian
people hav e experienced the ravages
of colonialism for 500 years, under a
long line of despots, from Columbus
to Duvalier, and on to today's (post
coup (rulers, w ho reinstated Duv alier
savagery.
Haiti is more than the New
World's second oldest republic, more
than even the first black republic of
the modern world. Haiti was the lirst
free people to arise within, and in
resistance to, the emerging Western
European empires.
On December 16, 1990, after
many bitter struggles, a popular revo
lution led to the overwhelming victory
of Haiti’s first freely elected presi
dent, the popular priest Jean-Bertrand
Aristide. He got 67% ot the vote. He
was inaugurated on February 7,1991
Seven months later, on September 30,
RÀÌHBÒW
C O A L IT IO N
Haiti’s History
Aristide was driven from office by a
military and commercial elite who had
ruled for 200 years, and would not
tolerate the loss of their traditional
rights of terror and exploitation.
On the morning of September
30, President Aristide made his way
to the palace. Most members of the
presidential guard had v anished. The
military, under the leadership of
American-trained Lt. General Raoul
Cedras, took control. After the inter
vention of the French ambassador.
General Cedras agreed to allow
Aristide to leave the country. He
boardedaplan to Venezuela. Aristide
is expected to return to power no
later than October 15, 1994.
The Duvaliers are the most fa
mous members of Haiti’s ruling oli
garchy - but not the only members.
For two centuries, a small group of
wealthy, mostly mulatto families,
have wielded enormous power in
haiti, working in cooperation with
dictators and juntas, and controlling
much of the economic life of the
nation. Two families continue to be
major players in the current Haitian
crisis - not only in Haiti, but also in
Washington, EXT. Their American
lawyer-lobbyists have been at the
heart of U S. policy.
Beneath the Brandts and Mevs
are several lesser-known members
of the Haitian oligarchy : the Accras
(texti les); the B igios (iron and steeI);
the Behrmanns (automobiles and
trucks); the Apaids (electronics fac
tories); and the Madsens (coffee hold
ings and beer production).
The Haitian military maintains
its power and dispenses its ow n brand
of justice, not only through the top
generals who have frequently occu
pied the presidential palace, but also
through a complex and omnipresent
system of low-level, semiofficial
armed operatives — the “section
ch ief’ and their assistant (attaches) -
- who rule through fear and bribery.
For 75% of Haitians who live in the
countryside, the section chief is the
government.
The Real Deal Behind The U.S. Occupation Of Haiti
by
R on D aniels
V a n ta g e
P o in t:,
When U.S. troops came ashore
in Haiti in accordance with the last
minute agreement brokered by former
President Jimmy Carter, they were
welcomed by the Haitian masses who
have endured massive abuse, torture,
intimidation and murder at the hands
of General Raoul Cedras and his
terrorist regime. People demonstrated
and danced in the streets as word
spread that their beloved President
Bertrand Aristide would soon be
coming home. With these happy im
ages Boating across the screen, how
would anyone be opposed to the U.S.
occupation of Haiti? For people of
African descent who have been con
sistently victimized by white su
premacy, there is a clear warning:
Bew are of the wolf in sheep's cloth
ing.
The U.S. occupation is not in
tended to promote genuine democ
racy in Haiti nor is the occupation
intended to benefit the Haitian masses
who welcomed the U.S. soldiers as
their liberators. Europe and America
have never promoted real democ
racy and development for the Haitian
masses. On the contrary, Europe and
America have always resented the
slave rebellion/revolution which de
stroyed the myth of White superior
ity when Haiti defeated the Emperor
Napoleon Bonaparte to win the inde
pendence from France in 1812. The
whole history of the U.S. relation
ship with Haiti has been one of con
sistent efforts to thwart real democ
racy and development for the Haitian
masses in the interest of advancing
and protecting U.S. business interests.
Hence U.S. policy towards Haiti
including the previous intervention
and occupation has always sought to
create and nurture forces inside Haiti
which would protect U.S. interest. It
was the U.S. that created, trained and
cultivated the corrupt and repressive
Haitian military. It was the U.S. that
fostered and tolerated dictator alter
dictator in Haiti including the dread
Papa Doc Duvalier and his son Baby
Doc. It was the U.S. which catered to
the fair skinned Haitian elite in a
strategy of divide and exploit, a strat
egy calculated to oppress the Haitian
masses in order to keep Haiti safe for
U.S. capital. Given this sordid his
tory, what makes anyone think that
the current U.S. occupation of Haiti
is fueled by good intentions.
African people must be clear.
The U.S. occupation of Haiti is ulti
mately designed to maintain the sta
better
tus quo with a more benign face. No
matter what the present images and
appearances, the U.S. is not inter
ested in insuring the empowerment
of the popular democratic movements
- the peasants, workers and the poor
represented by President Aristide.
Rhetoric about democracy notwith
standing, the landslide election of
the populist priest John Bertrand
Aristide was a nightmare for the U.S.
Aristide was swept into power by the
impoverished Haitian masses be
cause he promised to redistribute the
wealth in a nation where the I % of
the Haitian people control more than
50% of the wealth. Historically the
U.S. has always sided with the 1%
against the Haitian masses. It should
be understood therefore that both the
U.S. and the Haitian elite had an
interest in the coup that overthrew
aristide as the first democratically
elected leader of Haiti nearly three
and a half years ago.
The agreement brokered by
former President Jimmy Carter and
the current U.S. occupation of Haiti
must be considered with these fac
tors in mind. Aristide was compelled
to declare that he would step down at
the end of his five year term even
though he never really had an oppor
tunity to serve as President because
of the coup. Now, after the stall,
Aristide only has 16 months remain
ing in his term. This concession was
a clear signal to the Haitian elite that
they would have an opportunity to
return to power in the very near fu
ture. Cedras and the thugs who ter
rorized the Haitian masses were not
only allowed to stay in power until
October 15, the agreement did not
even call for their exile from the
country. In fact the agreement called
for a general amnesty which could in
these murderers escaping punishment
for their rein of terror. And, it does
not take a genius to figure out that as
long as Cedras and his henchmen are
in Haiti the road ahead for Aristide
and his supporters will be extremely
difficult.
Beyond the images and sym
bols, therefore, the reality is that
Aristide was forced to accept an ac
cord which is intended to promote
his demise and the destruction of the
popular movements which swept him
into office. The ultimate intent of
U.S. policy is to continue with busi
ness as usual, and business as usual
means that the Haiti elite must be
restored to power. Aristide, of course
knows that this is a bad agreement.
But in the end he was forced to grin
and bear it and say "thank you" for a
U.S. occupation which is meant to
destroy the popular revolt which car
ries the aspirations of the Haitian
masses.
^lie (SJditór
Send your letters to the Editor to:
Editor, PO Box 3137, Portland, OR 97208
The OJ. Case: The Danger Of Crying Racism?
by
E arl O fari H utchinson
Nearly every A fric a n -
American I talk to asks, "Do
you think O.J. did it?” Before I
can answer, the questioner
snaps, "Well, I don't think he
did it.” When I ask, “How do
you know?” They repeat the
standard m ush of rum or,
innuendo, gossip, half-truth
and fluff, which almost always
boils it down to: “They’re out to
get the brother.”
When I tentatively suggest that
the circumstantial evidence against
him is still evidence, they retort, “He
was framed." When I ask, by whom?
the list of "conspirators” includes:
the Mafia, Columbian drug dealers.
Las Vegas gamblers, the LAPD. the
L A. County District Attorney, the
Kian, the caretaker or O.J.’s son.
When Newsweek asked blacks
the same question some simply said
“by persons unknown." When I ask.
“Why?" They say: He was into co
caine. He had big gambling debts.
He was an uppity black man He was
married to a white woman. He was
having extramarital affairs with white
women.
Many whites, of course, say the
issue is murder, not race. The crimi
nal justice system is not on trial, O.J.
is. Blacks should stop screaming rac
ism w henever a black gets into trouble
with the law
According to CNN polls 77 per
cent of whites say the case against
O.J. is strong Forty-five percent of
blacks disagree Sixty-three percent
of whites think he'll get a fair trial
Sixty-one percent of black think he
won’t. When it’s race, many blacks
and whites are on separate planets
with no danger of colliding.
The case would be the last one
I’d pick to harden racial lines. He
dutifully followed society’s rules,
parlayed his talents into megabuck
football, media and entertainment
careers and attained cross-over ap
peal. O.J., along with Bill Cosby and
Colin Powell are the only three black
men since Booker T. Washington to
claim the title of “honorary white
man.”
But O.J. outdid Cosby and
Powell . They occasionally make nods
to “black causes.” O.J. didn't. He
said nothing that stirred racial or
political controversy. O.J. bucks the
traditional groundrules that blacks
use to pick their martyrs. In the past,
the rallied around: Any black group
or individual under attack by the
white establishment of resisting in
justice. Examples: civil rights activ
ists and Black Panthers: Any black
whose house was bombed by racists,
beaten or killed by the Kian, Aryan
Nation or police. Example Rodney
King, et. al.: A prominent black in a
high profile case who appears to be
punished more severely than a promi
nent white who commits the same
crime. Example: Mike Tyson vs.
William Kennedy Smith
O.J doesn’t fit any of these ex
amples. But it doesn't matter. The
knee's of blacks now jerk for any
African American in the court docket.
Here’s why:
The system. Blacks remember
the savage history of lynchings.
shootings, burnings and beatings.
They still see laws enforced by white
police, judges, prosecutors and ju
ries. They still see a disproportionate
number of black men being arrested
and sentenced to stiff prison terms
and the death penalty. They believe
that the system is the inherent enemy
of African Americans.
Racial stereotyping. The media
tossed the presumption of innocence
out the window with/Q.J. To many
blacks this proved that white society
automatically presumes black men
are guilty of crimes. The relentless
Hollywood and mainstream media
stereotyping of young black males as
crime-prone, drug dealing "gangstas”
doesn’t help. When Time doctored
the cover photo of O.J. to make him
appear more menacing and sinister
that cinched it.
The Conservative assault. Black
cringe at the drumbeat attacks on
social programs and affirmative ac
tion, the escalation in racial hate
crimes, law and order mania and
ghetto economic desolation. They
are convinced that the federal gov
ernment and corporations have gone
from beyign neglect to vicious as
sault.
,
Conspiracy. The Nation of Is
lam, black militant organizations and
some black leaders accuse white of
plotting to wipe out blacks, the FBI's
covert COINTELPRO campaign in
the 1960s and 1970s to subvert black
organizations and the government
prosecution of black elected offi
cials m the 1980s and 1990s Ian the
fears.
The monolith of race. No sane
person judges the character ot white
males by convicted mass murderer,
Jeffrey Dahmer. But when a black is
accused of, or commits a crime,
blacks perceive that they are all on
trial too. That's because whites sel
dom make gender, class, political or
religious distinctions between blacks.
W hite males a re n 't routinely
threatened with harassm ent or
arrest as dope dealers, drive by
shooters and gang bangers. They
a r e n ’t fo llo w e d by s e c u rity
guards in stores. W omen d o n 't
hide their purses or make fast
exits from elevators when a black
person approaches. But black men,
even middle-class stockbrokers, sci
entists and college professors have
suffered these indignities.
Still while blacks must continu
ally protest t acial double standards
in law. media and society, continu
ally crying racism is a dangerous
trap. I asked one of O.J.’s defenders,
"What if the evidence proves he did
it?”
My answer. If so, you'll seem
personally foolish and politically
paranoid. You’ll confirm the suspi
cion of many doubtful (and all big
oted) whites that blacks always blame
the system for their criminality or
failures. You'll lose credibility and
further erode public support for black
grievances.
Racism is a central issue in
American life, but it’s no, central to
every issue. Blacks must choose their
racial martyrs more carefully. Re
member what happened to the shep
herd boy who cried wolf once too
often
p
e■ r s p e c t i v e s
Winners And Losers In
The Education Game III
'jT Z * very few years I feel
compelled (driven) to
O upset the school
‘reformers’ with a reprint of
that curriculum at a 1930’s Jim
Crow high school in Missouri.
And always I get innumerable
inquiries from parents or the
younger teachers: "what in
the world has happened?”
Last week was no different.
A num ber of
people have been
quite disturbed.
“ A p p a re n tly
w e ’ve
b een
M
hoodw inked, to
'T A . A 'jU i'
put it m ildly, in
r e s p e c t to the
'g reat p ro g ress’ alleged to have
been made in A m erica’s public
schools” . Others say that given
this and other retrogressions il
lum inated by their own ex p eri
ences, how can the Portland sy s
tem make statem ents like “we
have to dram atically raise the
education levels of stu dents,
schools failed to reach in the
p ast” (w ithout m assive in fu
sions of resources).
Or they are questioning the
optim ism of Jack B ierw irth .
Portland Public Schools S uper
intendent. "this year we will
embark on a plan to 'p u s h ' all
students into an academ ic reg i
men equal to that traditionally
re s e rv e d fo r th e c o lle g e -
bound... The state plan attem pts
to reach the 'fo rg o tten h a lf’ in
two ways: by requiring all stu
dents to met high academ ic stan
dards and by 'b len d in g academ
ics with new 'v o c a tio n a l' paths
that lead to further studies and
good jo b s ” .
A p aren t ca lle d me and
asked, “ju st how detached are
these people from reality? I’ve
started volunteering and have
realized alm ost im m ed iately
that a num ber of trained sp e
cialists are needed in the areas
of rem edial and tutorial sup
port. We volunteers are c e rtain
ly com m itted but there is no
way we alone can im plem ent
this 'g r e a t- le a p - f o r w a r d ’ --
which allegedly will in ju st a
half a decade reverse a serious
decline. N either the tax payers
nor the legislature seem w illing
to seriously engage the p ro b
lem ” . The woman was alm ost in
tears.
O pponents and backers of
O reg o n ’s school reform plan
have drawn up along some ra th
er well defined lines. We have
seen here the optim istic plans
and projections (and rhetoric)
of the supporters. But we also
are aware that Ms. Jeanne Allen,
founder of the C enter For Edu
cation Reform, feels that the
national reform effort is “the
train that went down the wrong
track". Allen claim s the so-
c a lle d refo rm w aters dow n
learning requirem ents to ac
com m odate slow learners and
that it em phasizes “ learning
s k i l l s ” and
b e h a v io r
ra th e r th an
By
s tr ic t
aca
Professor
dem ic s ta n
Mckinley
dards. Many
Burt
black parents
are saying the
same thing. And in addition arc-
protesting what they view as
new " tra c k in g ” m odes. Our
State Superintendent of instruc
tion says “not true at all".
I frequently cite my own
experiences in The D alles, O r
egon where 1 served as a volun
teer and consultant with the
Junior High School (1966). I
was able to win a National Sci
ence Foundation’award for this
d istrict because the project I
designed was predicated upon
a student level of academic-
achievem ent sim ilar to my own
al the same lime of life. Last
week. I described an academ ic
experience that was routine (un
less you decided on a vocation
al school).
The em phasis then, in 1939.
and in The D alles, 1966. was
on dev elo p in g stu dents who
could enter any b o d y 's college
w hether it was im mediately al
ter high school or much later,
after a period of work ex p eri
ence (so often necessary for sur
vival). The m erit of this ap
proach was em phatically drawn
to my attention at The Dalles
aluminum plant where I was em
ployed in the accounting de
partm ent I noticed that some of
the most sophisticated m achin
ery and in s tru m e n ta tio n in
Am erican industry was o perat
ed and serviced by graduates of
the local high school. There
w asn’t even a nearby com m uni
ty college at the time.
With their solid background in
the fundamentals of basic math,
science and English there was no
difficulty in handling this sophisti
cated interface given adequate man
ufacturer's manuals, guides and
films. The kids from the cherry
orch ard s, farm s and logging
shows made the transition with
no sweat.
IJ
(Lite ^ o rtla n h (©bsmier
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