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About Portland observer. (Portland, Or.) 1970-current | View Entire Issue (Dec. 22, 1977)
Vocational programs stifle development bv Herb Cawthorne There has been a g reat deal o f discussion o f w hether the Troian D ecom m issioning A llia n ce achieved any o f its goals through its n o n -vio le n t civil disobedience and the resultant tria l. The Decom m issioning A llia n ce 's stated goal is the closure o f the Troian nuclear plant. O f course this goal was not reached and p ro b a b ly w ill not be reached through one or tw o such dram atic actions. The D ecom m issioning A llia n ce 's goal m ay be one step closer, how ever, because o f a secondary b e n e fit -- the p u b lic ity aroused by the mass tria l. The tria l not only was a news event because o f its unusual character, but the expert testim ony o f scientists concerning the possible negative aspects o f nuclear plants reached the fro n t page in e d itio n a fte r e d itio n o f the d a ily newspapers. The tria l m oved the discussion o f nuclear reactors from the e d ito ria l pages to the fro n t page and placed it on p rim e -tim e television. This, too, was a goal o f the D ecom m issioning A lliance. The tria l m ight not have changed m any m inds — the strong proponents w ill not have becom e opponents — but m aybe some o f those w h o are not sure w ill give the subject some though t. One thing brought out by the tria l and the resulting p u b lic ity is that a d iffe re n c e o f o p in io n exists. Some scientists belie ve the plants are unsafe. O ther scientists b e lie v e the ra d ia tio n escapes fro m the plants is m in im a l enough not to be dangerous to hum an life. These scientists w ho say the plants are dangerous could be w rong. But it appears that as long as any doubt exists nuclear reactors should be considered dangerous and other m ethods o f g e n e ra tin g e le c tri city be used. The p u b lic ity surroundin g the tria l also brought new s ig n ific a n c e to tw o re la te d news items - a nuclear accident at H anford and a terrorist attack at a nuclear p la n t in Spain. increasing The City Council has passed a resolution requested by the M e tro p o lita n H um an Relations C om m ission and the A m erican Friends Service C om m ittee that expresses the C ouncil's opposition to the racial policies o f the g overnm en t o f South A frica a n d to the sale o f its Krugerrand. A lth o u g h the C ouncil resolution has no legal a ffe ct - it cannot bar the sale o f the K rugerrand - h o p e fu l ly it m ig h t cause som e businesses w h o sell and advertise the K rugerrand to reconsider th e ir need for this trade. The Portland City C ouncil has jo in e d m any others across the country w h o have opposed the Kruger rand. A lth o u g h it is easy to ta lk a b out " fr e e trade' and the rig h t to advertise, som e m o ra lity must enter the business fie ld . W e constantly hear those w h o sell and advertise the K rugerrand talk a b out how a b h o rre n t the racial policies o f South A fric a are a nd h o w they do not support such p o licie s - but how they support their rig h t to trade in the Krugerrand. This resolution does not take a w a y th e ir rig h t to that trade but m aybe pu b lic position against the K rugerrand by the City C ouncil on b e h a lf o f the p e o p le w ill encourage them to use th e ir rig h t n o t to buy, sell or advertise N ow these p e o p le have a m oral decision to make. A moral issue The g ro w in g num ber o f persons filin g d iscrim in a tion com plaints w ith the Bureau o f Labor does not speak h ig h ly o f our society. The num ber of com plaints file d in 1976 w ere 25 percent above those file d in 1975 and the num ber is increasing. A lth o u g h the largest num ber o f com plaints by far are in the area o f e m p lo ym e n t (87 percent) com plaints o f d iscrim in a tio n in housing rose nearly 30 percent and com plaints on p u b lic accom odations rose ne a rly 37 percent. The largest num ber o f com plaints, 557, w as for d iscrim in a tio n based on sex, b u t the percentage increase o f com plaints based on race was greater. The category w ith the greatest increase was " r e ta lia tio n ," w hich rose over 400 percent. Those w ho th in k there is no d is c rim in a tio n in O regon should consider these fig u re s -- w h ich only include those w h o chose to file a co m p la in t. Perhaps this is a fittin g p ro b le m fo r a Legislative Interim C om m ittee or some kin d o f "B lu e R ibbon'' co m m itte e to address. This is a p ro b le m the business co m m u n ity could address and perhaps fin d a w ay to convince its m em bers — the e m p lo ye rs and real estate profession — that a lth o u g h discrim in a tio n m ig h t seem to be " g o o d business" it w ill e ve n tu a lly destroy the social and econom ic structure they d epen d upon fo r th e ir profits. WAKE UP The argument as to the best way to educate Black youth in America has retched sizzling proportions over the last 400 years. At the turn of the century, the controversy grew. An intense debate between two dynamic leaders of the American Black community began. The point of views presented then are rele vant todav. First, a little background. After the Civil War, there was a mending period called the Reconstruction. This period of our history, some contend, marks the white American's most sensitive re sponse to the plight of the newly freed slaves. But the Reconstruction lasted less than three decades, at best. By the turn of the century, segregationist atti tudes and violent repression had replaced the more cooperative spirit of the Recon struction. In this atmosphere - a time when white sentiments strongly encouraged discri mination against Blacks - the disagree ment between Booker T. Washington and W ,E.B. DuBois was a classic. Like works of art done by a master, their perspec tives long ago still have significance today. The founder of Tuskegee Institute in Alabama, Booker T. Washington was world reknown as an educator, lecturer, politician, and a giant voice in the call for interracial cooperation, which some inter preted as a relenting on the part of Black people. Near the beginning of the century, in an address known as the “Atlanta Compromise," Washington's philosophy became clear: "To those of my race who depend on bettering their condition in a foreign land, or who underestimate the importance of cultivat ing friendly relations with the Southern white man...I would say: 'Cast down your bucket where you are.' ” The Black American's future, he de dared, was dependent neither on social reform nor political equality. Instead, it depended on the efforts of the race to advance itself in economics and com merce. To the pleasure of many a Southerner. Washington told his Atlanta audience, "In all things purely social we can be as separate as the five fingers, and yet one as the hand in all things essential to the mutual progress." The idea of relenting in the demand for social equality was unthinkable for many Blacks, given that such a position might open the floodgates of prejudice, hypo crisy and segregation even wider. It was a position which encouraged whites to restrict the scope and development of Black Americans, in education, this philosophy was particularly unworkable. And, in this concern, W.E.B. DuBois could not remain silent. DuBois - the tireless scholar, teacher, political activist, scientist, sociologist. poet and editor could not stand by while the Washington philosophy eroded public support for the education of Black youth according to their abilities, rather than according to the dictates of a rigid social structure. The man who died in 1963, after 95 years of struggle to bring the race to its full humanity, described the controversy in clearest terms: “I believed in the higher education of a Talented Tenth who through their know ledge of modern culture could guide the American Negro into a higher civiliza tion. 1 knew that without this the Negro would have to accept white leadership, and such leadership could not be trusted to guide this group into self realization and to its highest cultural possibilities. Mr. Washington, on the other hand, believed that the Negro as an efficient worker could gain wealth and that even tually through his ownership of capital he would be able to achieve a recognized place in American culture and could then educate his children as he might wish." This brings us to the crux of the matter. The question at the turn of the century, as it is today, is one of degree. Should any philosophy or approach force Black people into putting most of their children in vocational training programs even though such education invariably locks them out of competition in many areas of social, political, and economic endeavors. The question then, as now, is not whether vocational education should be provided for Blacks, but whether such narrow education should dominate the range of options available. Some of the same prejudiced tenden cies which led America to exploit Wash ington's philosophy are apparent today. And they have the same basic effect - they restrict the development of Black children. Then, as now, the conflicts derive from the fact that some people were comfort able in assuming that Blacks are weak minded. Therefore, confining them to a vocational type education seemed rather generous, since that was the kind of education which best matched their capa cities. Similar to the situation at the turn of the century, the atmosphere today leaves no doubt that those Blacks who are willing and able to achieve are not receiving the instruction which enables them to maximize the full benefit of their abilities. Today, it is clear that many forces seek to subject Black children to the most narrow scope of education possible. To day, there are more vocational training programs in high schools than ever before. And all counts indicate that Blacks are disproportionately represent ed in them. Career education and awareness is one thing; but jamming young students into stifling vocational preparation programs ia quite another. The record shows that Blacks are encouraged into vocational programs which do little more than handcuff their wrists with short range preparation, motivated by immediate needs. Although they have the potential, these students are not encouraged into mathematics, literature, science, philosophy, communi cation, art, music, politics, and other areas which, at a later date, may prove more helpful. While teaching communications, logic, language and writing at the University of Oregon and, now. Portland State Univer sity, I have met students whose parents could legitimately sue the school districts from which they graduated. Some students had difficulty reading short sentences, writing simple paragraphs, making reports, examining facts, writing essays, or giving speeches. Their options were serverely limited; this, in part, due to an overemphasis on vocational training and very little attention paid to more liberal preparation. They perhaps could do well enough to fill out a job application for a dead end job, but they didn’t have the skills to tackle college. This is a time when the term "disad vantaged" follows the Black child like a hot-iron brand. This leads teachers and Black parents to underestimate the Black youth. Thus, their strengths are over looked, neglected, ignored, and allowed to die in an atmosphere which says “They can’t do anything." One difference between 1900 and today is that at the turn of the century, the same attitude was phrased this way: “We won’t let them do anything." To challenge the trend, Black parents would do well to follow the progress of their children more closely: every parent should be certain that the child is taking math and science, reading and writing, as well as other subjects. There should be no doubt that each child is completing all projects satisfactorily. Parents are one factor which can help insure that destruc tive trends do not entrap Black youth with the shackles of short ranged prep aration. When school age children negotiate their class schedules alone, and coun selors are too busy or uninterested enough to design an individual program, no one is in a position to direct the progress of the student. So the parent must be present and must learn to look for the clues that will help one under stand how much and how well the child is learning in the public school. Its clear to me that the nationwide tendency to subject Black children to a disproportionate number of tasteless vo cational programs reflects a systematic unwillingness to maximize the resources of the American Black community. H um ph rey-H a w k ins by V ernon Jordan under pressure to meet the goal, and it provides a much needed framework for The now famous Humphrey-Hawkins further full employment legislation. Bill had its origin in the valiant effort of And even while admitting that a four Congressmen Gus Hawkins and his col percent unemployment goal is adequate, leagues in the Black Caucus to frame it is far better than the five and even six legislation that would guarantee jobs for percent some economists pretend is full all. employment. Such a tremendous change in our So the first order of business is to get traditional acceptance of unemployment the revised Humphrey Hawkins Bill pass as a fact of life is likely to be accomplished ed. And that has to be followed up with by smaller steps. And one of those swift action to create the jobs to meet its smaller steps is the President's accep modest goal. tance of a compromise Humphrey-Haw That action should include greatly kins Bill. expanded public service employment and The proposed new Bill creates no new training programs. But it also has to be jobs, nor does it create structures that directed at increasing private sector would deliver new jobs. Instead, it sets a job-creation through incentives that ex national goal of four percent unemploy pand capital spending and production and ment by 1983. aid businesses in hiring and training the The compromise has been criticized, jobless and young people. but it would be self-defeating to take an The private sector has to be given a all-or-nothing stance. The revised Hum central place in job-creation efforts. Most phrey-Hawkins Bill has great symbolic jobs are - and will continue to be - in the value. It commits the President and the private sector, and no full employment Congress to pursue policies that will policy can or should ignore that fact. shrink the numbers of unemployed. Some of the steps necessary to get full That represents a major new commit employment may be unpopular since too ment. Instead of vague promises to bring many citizens don’t mind high joblessness down unemployment, the Bill provides a so long as they are not among the firm promise to do so. It represents a unemployed. It's always easier to tell short-term promissary note to be re someone else that unemployment is in deemed in jobs. evitable when you’ve got a job. By setting a national goal the Bill There's also the barrier of the question places Congress and the Administration able link between full employment and biscrimi nation complaints increased in 1377 Portland O b se rve r Published every Thursday by Exie Publishing Company, 2201 North Killingsworth, Portland, Oregon 97217. Mailing address: P.0. Box 3137, Portland, Oregon 97206. Telephone: 283 2486. Subscriptions: $7.50 per year in the Tri-County area, $8.00 per year outside Portland. 1st Place Community Service ONPA 1973 5th Place Best Editorial NNPA 1973 The Portland Observer's official position is expressed only in its Publisher's column (We See The World Through Black Eyes). Any other material throughout the paper is the opinion of the individual writer or submitter and does not necessarily reflect the opinion of the Portland Observer. Honorable Mention Herrick Editorial Award NNA 1973 ALFRED L. HENDERSON Editor/ Hu blishe r National Advertising Re.iresentative Amalgamated Publishers. Inc. New York ■ MEMBER Oregon Newspaper Publishers Association MEMBK PER Attocithon - Founded 11 "We c a n n o t be ju s t if we are n o t k i n d h e a r t e d." Vauvan arguas 1st Place Best Ad Results ONPA 1973 Second Class Postage Paid at Portland. Oregon 2nd Place Best Editorial 3rd Place Community Leadership ONPA 1975 inflation. Experience has shown that high unemployment doesn't necessarily mean low inflation, but the conventional wis dom is that it does. But how fair is it to tell someone he shouldn't have a job because full employment may be infla tionary? It is just incredible for a society such as ours to consciously waste the human resources and productivity of so many millions of people just to satisfy the myths of old-fashioned economics. Even if some inflation results from full employ ment it would be far more preferable than the stagnant economy we now have that suffers both high inflation and high unemployment. And no one should be satisfied with that four percent goal. It has to be seen as a short-term goal, a way station on the road to true full employment. Since Black jobless rates are double those for whites, four percent unemploy ment actually means eight percent for Blacks. And the hidden unemployment of involuntary part time workers and the discouraged workers who have dropped out of the job market is double the official rate. So we're really talking about Black jobless rates of fifteen percent if the national goal of four percent unemploy ment is reached. All the more reason to get on with the job of assuring everyone who wants to work a decent job at a decent salary. $7.50 $8.00 in T r i—C o u n ty A r e a O th e r Nam e A d d re s s ~7 1 „ .. C ity S ta te Zip O b se rv e r Box 3137 97208
