Vocational programs stifle development
bv Herb Cawthorne
There has been a g reat deal o f discussion o f
w hether the Troian D ecom m issioning A llia n ce
achieved any o f its goals through its n o n -vio le n t civil
disobedience and the resultant tria l.
The Decom m issioning A llia n ce 's stated goal is the
closure o f the Troian nuclear plant. O f course this
goal was not reached and p ro b a b ly w ill not be
reached through one or tw o such dram atic actions.
The D ecom m issioning A llia n ce 's goal m ay be one
step closer, how ever, because o f a secondary b e n e fit
-- the p u b lic ity aroused by the mass tria l. The tria l
not only was a news event because o f its unusual
character, but the expert testim ony o f scientists
concerning the possible negative aspects o f nuclear
plants reached the fro n t page in e d itio n a fte r e d itio n
o f the d a ily newspapers.
The tria l m oved the discussion o f nuclear reactors
from the e d ito ria l pages to the fro n t page and placed
it on p rim e -tim e television. This, too, was a goal o f
the D ecom m issioning A lliance.
The tria l m ight not have changed m any m inds —
the strong proponents w ill not have becom e
opponents — but m aybe some o f those w h o are not
sure w ill give the subject some though t.
One thing brought out by the tria l and the resulting
p u b lic ity is that a d iffe re n c e o f o p in io n exists. Some
scientists belie ve the plants are unsafe.
O ther
scientists b e lie v e the ra d ia tio n escapes fro m the
plants is m in im a l enough not to be dangerous to
hum an life.
These scientists w ho say the plants are dangerous
could be w rong. But it appears that as long as any
doubt exists nuclear reactors should be considered
dangerous and other m ethods o f g e n e ra tin g e le c tri
city be used.
The p u b lic ity surroundin g the tria l also brought
new s ig n ific a n c e to tw o re la te d news items - a
nuclear accident at H anford and a terrorist attack at a
nuclear p la n t in Spain.
increasing
The City Council has passed a resolution requested
by the M e tro p o lita n H um an Relations C om m ission
and the A m erican Friends Service C om m ittee that
expresses the C ouncil's opposition to the racial
policies o f the g overnm en t o f South A frica a n d to the
sale o f its Krugerrand.
A lth o u g h the C ouncil resolution has no legal a ffe ct
- it cannot bar the sale o f the K rugerrand - h o p e fu l
ly it m ig h t cause som e businesses w h o sell and
advertise the K rugerrand to reconsider th e ir need for
this trade.
The Portland City C ouncil has jo in e d m any others
across the country w h o have opposed the Kruger
rand. A lth o u g h it is easy to ta lk a b out " fr e e trade'
and the rig h t to advertise, som e m o ra lity must enter
the business fie ld .
W e constantly hear those w h o sell and advertise
the K rugerrand talk a b out how a b h o rre n t the racial
policies o f South A fric a are a nd h o w they do not
support such p o licie s - but how they support their
rig h t to trade in the Krugerrand. This resolution does
not take a w a y th e ir rig h t to that trade but m aybe
pu b lic position against the K rugerrand by the City
C ouncil on b e h a lf o f the p e o p le w ill encourage them
to use th e ir rig h t n o t to buy, sell or advertise N ow
these p e o p le have a m oral decision to make.
A moral
issue
The g ro w in g num ber o f persons filin g d iscrim in a
tion com plaints w ith the Bureau o f Labor does not
speak h ig h ly o f our society.
The num ber of
com plaints file d in 1976 w ere 25 percent above those
file d in 1975 and the num ber is increasing.
A lth o u g h the largest num ber o f com plaints by far
are in the area o f e m p lo ym e n t (87 percent)
com plaints o f d iscrim in a tio n in housing rose nearly
30 percent and com plaints on p u b lic accom odations
rose ne a rly 37 percent.
The largest num ber o f com plaints, 557, w as for
d iscrim in a tio n based on sex, b u t the percentage
increase o f com plaints based on race was greater.
The category w ith the greatest increase was
" r e ta lia tio n ," w hich rose over 400 percent.
Those w ho th in k there is no d is c rim in a tio n in
O regon should consider these fig u re s -- w h ich only
include those w h o chose to file a co m p la in t.
Perhaps this is a fittin g p ro b le m fo r a Legislative
Interim C om m ittee or some kin d o f "B lu e R ibbon''
co m m itte e to address. This is a p ro b le m the business
co m m u n ity could address and perhaps fin d a w ay to
convince its m em bers — the e m p lo ye rs and real
estate profession — that a lth o u g h discrim in a tio n
m ig h t seem to be " g o o d business" it w ill e ve n tu a lly
destroy the social and econom ic structure they
d epen d upon fo r th e ir profits.
WAKE UP
The argument as to the best way to
educate Black youth in America has
retched sizzling proportions over the last
400 years. At the turn of the century, the
controversy grew. An intense debate
between two dynamic leaders of the
American Black community began. The
point of views presented then are rele
vant todav.
First, a little background. After the
Civil War, there was a mending period
called the Reconstruction. This period of
our history, some contend, marks the
white American's most sensitive re
sponse to the plight of the newly freed
slaves. But the Reconstruction lasted
less than three decades, at best. By the
turn of the century, segregationist atti
tudes and violent repression had replaced
the more cooperative spirit of the Recon
struction.
In this atmosphere - a time when white
sentiments strongly encouraged discri
mination against Blacks - the disagree
ment between Booker T. Washington and
W ,E.B. DuBois was a classic. Like works
of art done by a master, their perspec
tives long ago still have significance
today.
The founder of Tuskegee Institute in
Alabama, Booker T. Washington was
world reknown as an educator, lecturer,
politician, and a giant voice in the call for
interracial cooperation, which some inter
preted as a relenting on the part of Black
people.
Near the beginning of the
century, in an address known as the
“Atlanta Compromise," Washington's
philosophy became clear: "To those of my
race who depend on bettering their
condition in a foreign land, or who
underestimate the importance of cultivat
ing friendly relations with the Southern
white man...I would say: 'Cast down your
bucket where you are.' ”
The Black American's future, he de
dared, was dependent neither on social
reform nor political equality. Instead, it
depended on the efforts of the race to
advance itself in economics and com
merce.
To the pleasure of many a
Southerner. Washington told his Atlanta
audience, "In all things purely social we
can be as separate as the five fingers, and
yet one as the hand in all things essential
to the mutual progress."
The idea of relenting in the demand for
social equality was unthinkable for many
Blacks, given that such a position might
open the floodgates of prejudice, hypo
crisy and segregation even wider. It was
a position which encouraged whites to
restrict the scope and development of
Black Americans,
in education, this
philosophy was particularly unworkable.
And, in this concern, W.E.B. DuBois
could not remain silent.
DuBois - the tireless scholar, teacher,
political activist, scientist, sociologist.
poet and editor could not stand by while
the Washington philosophy eroded public
support for the education of Black youth
according to their abilities, rather than
according to the dictates of a rigid social
structure. The man who died in 1963,
after 95 years of struggle to bring the
race to its full humanity, described the
controversy in clearest terms:
“I believed in the higher education of a
Talented Tenth who through their know
ledge of modern culture could guide the
American Negro into a higher civiliza
tion. 1 knew that without this the Negro
would have to accept white leadership,
and such leadership could not be trusted
to guide this group into self realization
and to its highest cultural possibilities.
Mr. Washington, on the other hand,
believed that the Negro as an efficient
worker could gain wealth and that even
tually through his ownership of capital
he would be able to achieve a recognized
place in American culture and could then
educate his children as he might wish."
This brings us to the crux of the
matter. The question at the turn of the
century, as it is today, is one of degree.
Should any philosophy or approach force
Black people into putting most of their
children in vocational training programs
even though such education invariably
locks them out of competition in many
areas of social, political, and economic
endeavors. The question then, as now, is
not whether vocational education should
be provided for Blacks, but whether such
narrow education should dominate the
range of options available.
Some of the same prejudiced tenden
cies which led America to exploit Wash
ington's philosophy are apparent today.
And they have the same basic effect -
they restrict the development of Black
children.
Then, as now, the conflicts derive from
the fact that some people were comfort
able in assuming that Blacks are weak
minded. Therefore, confining them to a
vocational type education seemed rather
generous, since that was the kind of
education which best matched their capa
cities. Similar to the situation at the turn
of the century, the atmosphere today
leaves no doubt that those Blacks who are
willing and able to achieve are not
receiving the instruction which enables
them to maximize the full benefit of their
abilities.
Today, it is clear that many forces seek
to subject Black children to the most
narrow scope of education possible. To
day, there are more vocational training
programs in high schools than ever
before. And all counts indicate that
Blacks are disproportionately represent
ed in them.
Career education and
awareness is one thing; but jamming
young students into stifling vocational
preparation programs ia quite another.
The record shows that Blacks are
encouraged into vocational programs
which do little more than handcuff their
wrists with short range preparation,
motivated by immediate needs. Although
they have the potential, these students
are not encouraged into mathematics,
literature, science, philosophy, communi
cation, art, music, politics, and other
areas which, at a later date, may prove
more helpful.
While teaching communications, logic,
language and writing at the University of
Oregon and, now. Portland State Univer
sity, I have met students whose parents
could legitimately sue the school districts
from which they graduated.
Some
students had difficulty reading short
sentences, writing simple paragraphs,
making reports, examining facts, writing
essays, or giving speeches. Their options
were serverely limited; this, in part, due
to an overemphasis on vocational training
and very little attention paid to more
liberal preparation. They perhaps could
do well enough to fill out a job application
for a dead end job, but they didn’t have
the skills to tackle college.
This is a time when the term "disad
vantaged" follows the Black child like a
hot-iron brand. This leads teachers and
Black parents to underestimate the Black
youth. Thus, their strengths are over
looked, neglected, ignored, and allowed
to die in an atmosphere which says “They
can’t do anything."
One difference between 1900 and today
is that at the turn of the century, the
same attitude was phrased this way: “We
won’t let them do anything."
To challenge the trend, Black parents
would do well to follow the progress of
their children more closely: every parent
should be certain that the child is taking
math and science, reading and writing, as
well as other subjects. There should be
no doubt that each child is completing all
projects satisfactorily. Parents are one
factor which can help insure that destruc
tive trends do not entrap Black youth
with the shackles of short ranged prep
aration.
When school age children negotiate
their class schedules alone, and coun
selors are too busy or uninterested
enough to design an individual program,
no one is in a position to direct the
progress of the student. So the parent
must be present and must learn to look
for the clues that will help one under
stand how much and how well the child is
learning in the public school.
Its clear to me that the nationwide
tendency to subject Black children to a
disproportionate number of tasteless vo
cational programs reflects a systematic
unwillingness to maximize the resources
of the American Black community.
H um ph rey-H a w k ins
by V ernon Jordan
under pressure to meet the goal, and it
provides a much needed framework for
The now famous Humphrey-Hawkins
further full employment legislation.
Bill had its origin in the valiant effort of
And even while admitting that a four
Congressmen Gus Hawkins and his col
percent unemployment goal is adequate,
leagues in the Black Caucus to frame
it is far better than the five and even six
legislation that would guarantee jobs for
percent some economists pretend is full
all.
employment.
Such a tremendous change in our
So the first order of business is to get
traditional acceptance of unemployment
the revised Humphrey Hawkins Bill pass
as a fact of life is likely to be accomplished
ed. And that has to be followed up with
by smaller steps. And one of those
swift action to create the jobs to meet its
smaller steps is the President's accep
modest goal.
tance of a compromise Humphrey-Haw
That action should include greatly
kins Bill.
expanded public service employment and
The proposed new Bill creates no new
training programs. But it also has to be
jobs, nor does it create structures that
directed at increasing private sector
would deliver new jobs. Instead, it sets a job-creation through incentives that ex
national goal of four percent unemploy
pand capital spending and production and
ment by 1983.
aid businesses in hiring and training the
The compromise has been criticized,
jobless and young people.
but it would be self-defeating to take an
The private sector has to be given a
all-or-nothing stance. The revised Hum central place in job-creation efforts. Most
phrey-Hawkins Bill has great symbolic
jobs are - and will continue to be - in the
value. It commits the President and the
private sector, and no full employment
Congress to pursue policies that will
policy can or should ignore that fact.
shrink the numbers of unemployed.
Some of the steps necessary to get full
That represents a major new commit employment may be unpopular since too
ment. Instead of vague promises to bring
many citizens don’t mind high joblessness
down unemployment, the Bill provides a so long as they are not among the
firm promise to do so. It represents a unemployed. It's always easier to tell
short-term promissary note to be re someone else that unemployment is in
deemed in jobs.
evitable when you’ve got a job.
By setting a national goal the Bill
There's also the barrier of the question
places Congress and the Administration able link between full employment and
biscrimi nation complaints increased in 1377
Portland O b se rve r
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NNPA 1973
The Portland Observer's official position is expressed only in
its Publisher's column (We See The World Through Black
Eyes). Any other material throughout the paper is the opinion
of the individual writer or submitter and does not necessarily
reflect the opinion of the Portland Observer.
Honorable Mention
Herrick Editorial Award
NNA 1973
ALFRED L. HENDERSON
Editor/ Hu blishe r
National Advertising Re.iresentative
Amalgamated Publishers. Inc.
New York
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Best Editorial
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Community Leadership
ONPA 1975
inflation. Experience has shown that high
unemployment doesn't necessarily mean
low inflation, but the conventional wis
dom is that it does. But how fair is it to
tell someone he shouldn't have a job
because full employment may be infla
tionary?
It is just incredible for a society such as
ours to consciously waste the human
resources and productivity of so many
millions of people just to satisfy the
myths of old-fashioned economics. Even
if some inflation results from full employ
ment it would be far more preferable
than the stagnant economy we now have
that suffers both high inflation and high
unemployment.
And no one should be satisfied with
that four percent goal. It has to be seen
as a short-term goal, a way station on the
road to true full employment.
Since Black jobless rates are double
those for whites, four percent unemploy
ment actually means eight percent for
Blacks. And the hidden unemployment of
involuntary part time workers and the
discouraged workers who have dropped
out of the job market is double the official
rate. So we're really talking about Black
jobless rates of fifteen percent if the
national goal of four percent unemploy
ment is reached. All the more reason to
get on with the job of assuring everyone
who wants to work a decent job at a
decent salary.
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