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About Portland observer. (Portland, Or.) 1970-current | View Entire Issue (May 20, 1976)
Portland Observer Africa policy brings US-China alliance by Kranz Srhurroann and John Stewart I l ’NS) Behind Henry Kissinger's un expertedly jubilant espousal of Zimbab we (Rhodesian) Black liberation lies a far reaching realignment of power in Africa in which a little noticed by steadily growing U .S. China info rm al alliance may play the key role. The main thrust of the secretary’s Africa visit has been to open a wedge in East Africa where an informal U.S. China commitment ran counter growing Soviet influence in Nigeria, Ghana and Angola, and preempt the Soviet Cuban initiative in the liberation of southern Africa. In fart, beneath the moralistic over tones of support for majority rule in Zimbabwe lie indications of the same kind of superpower maneuverings that supported the tragic civil war in An gola. K issinger realizes, as does South Africa's John Voater. that time has run out for Rhodesia's q u a rte r m illion whites. The nation's six million Blacks will eventually win majority rule, either through a protracted guerrilla war or outright surrender by the Ian Smith regime. As the guerrilla war expands, a super power scramble for influence will ensue, as in Angola, focusing on the guerrillas' need for more arms, training and per sonnel to fight the sophisticated Rhode sian Army. Unwilling to risk the wrath of conser vative elements at home, Kissinger has already stated the U.S. will not supply arms or other military aid to any African nation or liberation movement engaged in Rhodesia. That reduces the aid op lions to the Soviets and Cubans on the one hand, and China on the other. Diplomats in Lusaka, Zambia, report that the four key African presidents Samora Machel of Mozambique. Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia, Julius Nyerere of Tanzania and Botswana's Seretae Khama have already held a secret meeting to consider the options for military aid to the guerrilla forces. Both China and Russia have already made substantial commitments to arming and training various nationalist forces, with Russia supporting the Zimbabwe African People's Union IZA P U ) and with China supporting the rival Zimbabwe African National Union (Z A N U ). Both movements claim to be th sole represent alive of Zimbabwe, though neither has a commanding lead. M ilitary analysts in Lusaka estimate there could now be some 25,(XX) guerrillas either trained or in training in neigh boring Mozambique, mostly under Chi r.ese instructors and armed with Chi nese light weapons. Intelligence sources believe that Rus sis has recently offered a substantial arms commitment to the Zimbabwe Li b eratio n A rm y (Z L A ), a new force prompted into being by Mozambique President Samora Machel. Young guer rilla leaders, impatient with ZA N U and ZAPU leaders who never visited their camps, forged a new leadership com milted solely to m ilitary combat against the Ian Smith regime. The Soviet approach probably included the offer of Cuban troops. But the same intelligence sources report the dozen or so Cuban troop trainers already in Mo zambique have encountered open hostil ity from the big Chinese training mission there. And in any event, the prospect of thousands of Cuban soldiers gaining further influence in southern Africa is anathema to the fierce nationalism of the four presidents, particularly Zambia’s Kaunda and Tanzania's Nyerere. The African leaders working hardest for Zimbabwean liberation would obviously prefer to see an all African victory in southern Africa. China's silent connection These conditions set the stage for Kissinger's triumphal reception in Tan zania, his dramatic policy statement in Zambia and the drum rolls and dancing in Zaire. By firmly grasping the banner of majority rule, and by committing the U.S. to substantial aid to Zaire, M o zambique and other African nations, the U.S. offers an attractive balancing influ ence to an East Africa dominated by Russian ties. I t also provides an ideal staging area for a coordinated U.S. China policy. Nyerere has long enjoyed friendly relations with China, evidenced moat clearly by the Chinese financing and construction of the great TanZam rail way, completed just a year ago. It was through Tanzania that both China and Russia poured arms and training to Erelimo, the liberation army that fought and beat the Portuguese in Mozambique. But while Tanzania still retains good relations with Russia and with the A n golan M P L A , Nyerere is hardly anxious “Our people are our most precious posses sion. No poor, rural, weak, or Black person should ever be deprived of the opportunity for an education, a job. or simple justice." from Why Not The Best I autobiography of Jimmy Carter), a Broadman Book. Also Bibles, books, and church supplies. BOOK ORES ou r S O th in the Portland area 25 years! 3220 E. Fourth Plain Blvd. V A N C O U VER , W A. Portland Phone 289 5954. RE-ELECT COMMISSIONER CHARLES R. JORDAN to see a major new Soviet or Cuban presence in neighboring Mozambique. Such a presence would constitute a geographical encroachment on Tanzania by an alliance of Somalia and Uganda to the north, Angola to the west and Mozambique to the south all with strong Soviet ties. If the Soviets and the Cubans swing the Zimbabwe liberation movement to their side through Mozambique, Tanzania and Zambia would be eased out of influence over a struggle that eventually could produce Jar reaching changes in South Arica itself. To retain a grip on those events, Tanzania and Zambia need the Chinese connection, at the very least to supply the critical arms and training. Chinese influence constitutes less of a threat to East African independence, particularly in Tanzania, than the soviets. China gives but cannot control: it is far away. Unlike the Russians, China has no naval presence in the bordering Indian Ocean. Nor does it have neighboring allies, like Uganda, rattling sabers on the Tanzanian border over territory disputes and threatening to march on D ar Es Salaam. Given such circumstancses, a U.S.- China connection in East Africa could greatly benefit Tanzania. W ith the U.S. acting the role of the "good cop” by trying to persuade Rhodesia's Smith to throw in the towel. China could have a free hand to play the "bad cop" and feed critical arms and training to guerrillas. Meanwhile, the U.S. could help Tan zania achieve great strides in agricultural and industrial development at little coat or risk to the U.S. If such a strategy produced a Black government in Salisbury and brought badly needed western agricultural and transport technology and economic aid to Tanzania. Zambia, Mozambique, Kota wana, and a liberated Zimbabwe, no African could quarrel with such success. For the U .8., such a strategy could effectively counter the Soviet presence in western Africa and provide a friendly foothold on the vital African coast of the Indian Ocean - a huge plus in the U.S. Navy's cherished strategy for protecting the shipping lanes from the Persian Gulf to the West. It would also counter the rightwing attacks in the U.S. charging Kissinger with selling out southern Africa and the Cape of Good Hope to the forces of Soviet domination. For China, the scenario enables Mao Tse-tung to pursue his number one enemy. Soviet “hegemonism". by joining with the U.S. as the brass knuckle under the velvet glove. Kissinger may have revealed the U.S. China connection in A fric a in his Lusaka speech by ostentatiously using the standard Chinese term "hegemon ism". Battle for dominance Even if Ian Smith decides to pull out without a fight and flee to England, the U.S.-China connection will continue to play a role. F«r once the white-minority Rhodesian government is out - by force or by surrender a battle may ensue between Black nationalist factions for dominance, as it did in Angola. Thee is now no clearly dominant leadership among the nationalist forces, and there is little reason to believe there will be when majority rule is finally achieved. The Kissinger tactic in such an event has already been outlined in testimony before the House Intelligence Commit tee. The U.S. will "promote moderate Black governments in Rhodesia and Na m ib ia ...to p ro te c t the economic and strategic interests of the west.." 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