Portland Observer
Africa policy brings US-China alliance
by Kranz Srhurroann and John Stewart
I l ’NS) Behind Henry Kissinger's un
expertedly jubilant espousal of Zimbab
we (Rhodesian) Black liberation lies a
far reaching realignment of power in
Africa in which a little noticed by steadily
growing U .S. China info rm al alliance
may play the key role.
The main thrust of the secretary’s
Africa visit has been to open a wedge in
East Africa where an informal U.S.
China commitment ran counter growing
Soviet influence in Nigeria, Ghana and
Angola, and preempt the Soviet Cuban
initiative in the liberation of southern
Africa.
In fart, beneath the moralistic over
tones of support for majority rule in
Zimbabwe lie indications of the same
kind of superpower maneuverings that
supported the tragic civil war in An
gola.
K issinger realizes, as does South
Africa's John Voater. that time has run
out for Rhodesia's q u a rte r m illion
whites. The nation's six million Blacks
will eventually win majority rule, either
through a protracted guerrilla war or
outright surrender by the Ian Smith
regime.
As the guerrilla war expands, a super
power scramble for influence will ensue,
as in Angola, focusing on the guerrillas'
need for more arms, training and per
sonnel to fight the sophisticated Rhode
sian Army.
Unwilling to risk the wrath of conser
vative elements at home, Kissinger has
already stated the U.S. will not supply
arms or other military aid to any African
nation or liberation movement engaged
in Rhodesia. That reduces the aid op
lions to the Soviets and Cubans on the
one hand, and China on the other.
Diplomats in Lusaka, Zambia, report
that the four key African presidents
Samora Machel of Mozambique. Kenneth
Kaunda of Zambia, Julius Nyerere of
Tanzania and Botswana's Seretae Khama
have already held a secret meeting to
consider the options for military aid to
the guerrilla forces.
Both China and Russia have already
made substantial commitments to arming
and training various nationalist forces,
with Russia supporting the Zimbabwe
African People's Union IZA P U ) and with
China supporting the rival Zimbabwe
African National Union (Z A N U ). Both
movements claim to be th sole represent
alive of Zimbabwe, though neither has a
commanding lead.
M ilitary analysts in Lusaka estimate
there could now be some 25,(XX) guerrillas
either trained or in training in neigh
boring Mozambique, mostly under Chi
r.ese instructors and armed with Chi
nese light weapons.
Intelligence sources believe that Rus
sis has recently offered a substantial
arms commitment to the Zimbabwe Li
b eratio n A rm y (Z L A ), a new force
prompted into being by Mozambique
President Samora Machel. Young guer
rilla leaders, impatient with ZA N U and
ZAPU leaders who never visited their
camps, forged a new leadership com
milted solely to m ilitary combat against
the Ian Smith regime.
The Soviet approach probably included
the offer of Cuban troops. But the same
intelligence sources report the dozen or
so Cuban troop trainers already in Mo
zambique have encountered open hostil
ity from the big Chinese training mission
there.
And in any event, the prospect of
thousands of Cuban soldiers gaining
further influence in southern Africa is
anathema to the fierce nationalism of the
four presidents, particularly Zambia’s
Kaunda and Tanzania's Nyerere. The
African leaders working hardest for
Zimbabwean liberation would obviously
prefer to see an all African victory in
southern Africa.
China's silent connection
These conditions set the stage for
Kissinger's triumphal reception in Tan
zania, his dramatic policy statement in
Zambia and the drum rolls and dancing in
Zaire.
By firmly grasping the banner of
majority rule, and by committing the
U.S. to substantial aid to Zaire, M o
zambique and other African nations, the
U.S. offers an attractive balancing influ
ence to an East Africa dominated by
Russian ties. I t also provides an ideal
staging area for a coordinated U.S. China
policy.
Nyerere has long enjoyed friendly
relations with China, evidenced moat
clearly by the Chinese financing and
construction of the great TanZam rail
way, completed just a year ago.
It was through Tanzania that both
China and Russia poured arms and
training to Erelimo, the liberation army
that fought and beat the Portuguese in
Mozambique.
But while Tanzania still retains good
relations with Russia and with the A n
golan M P L A , Nyerere is hardly anxious
“Our people are our most precious posses
sion. No poor, rural, weak, or Black person
should ever be deprived of the opportunity for
an education, a job. or simple justice." from
Why Not The Best I autobiography of Jimmy
Carter), a Broadman Book.
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to see a major new Soviet or Cuban
presence in neighboring Mozambique.
Such a presence would constitute a
geographical encroachment on Tanzania
by an alliance of Somalia and Uganda to
the north, Angola to the west and
Mozambique to the south
all with
strong Soviet ties.
If the Soviets and the Cubans swing
the Zimbabwe liberation movement to
their side through Mozambique, Tanzania
and Zambia would be eased out of
influence over a struggle that eventually
could produce Jar reaching changes in
South Arica itself.
To retain a grip on those events,
Tanzania and Zambia need the Chinese
connection, at the very least to supply the
critical arms and training.
Chinese influence constitutes less of a
threat to East African independence,
particularly in Tanzania, than the soviets.
China gives but cannot control: it is far
away. Unlike the Russians, China has no
naval presence in the bordering Indian
Ocean. Nor does it have neighboring
allies, like Uganda, rattling sabers on the
Tanzanian border over territory disputes
and threatening to march on D ar Es
Salaam.
Given such circumstancses, a U.S.-
China connection in East Africa could
greatly benefit Tanzania. W ith the U.S.
acting the role of the "good cop” by trying
to persuade Rhodesia's Smith to throw in
the towel. China could have a free hand to
play the "bad cop" and feed critical arms
and training to guerrillas.
Meanwhile, the U.S. could help Tan
zania achieve great strides in agricultural
and industrial development at little coat
or risk to the U.S.
If such a strategy produced a Black
government in Salisbury and brought
badly needed western agricultural and
transport technology and economic aid to
Tanzania. Zambia, Mozambique, Kota
wana, and a liberated Zimbabwe, no
African could quarrel with such success.
For the U .8., such a strategy could
effectively counter the Soviet presence in
western Africa and provide a friendly
foothold on the vital African coast of the
Indian Ocean - a huge plus in the U.S.
Navy's cherished strategy for protecting
the shipping lanes from the Persian Gulf
to the West.
It would also counter the rightwing
attacks in the U.S. charging Kissinger
with selling out southern Africa and the
Cape of Good Hope to the forces of Soviet
domination.
For China, the scenario enables Mao
Tse-tung to pursue his number one
enemy. Soviet “hegemonism". by joining
with the U.S. as the brass knuckle
under the velvet glove.
Kissinger may have revealed the U.S.
China connection in A fric a in his
Lusaka speech by ostentatiously using
the standard Chinese term "hegemon
ism".
Battle for dominance
Even if Ian Smith decides to pull out
without a fight and flee to England, the
U.S.-China connection will continue to
play a role. F«r once the white-minority
Rhodesian government is out - by force
or by surrender
a battle may ensue
between Black nationalist factions for
dominance, as it did in Angola.
Thee is now no clearly dominant
leadership among the nationalist forces,
and there is little reason to believe
there will be when majority rule is
finally achieved.
The Kissinger tactic in such an event
has already been outlined in testimony
before the House Intelligence Commit
tee. The U.S. will "promote moderate
Black governments in Rhodesia and Na
m ib ia ...to p ro te c t the economic and
strategic interests of the west.."
If Zimbabwe is quickly liberated, the
three organizations could easily start
fighting each other and produce another
Angola. Or it is equally possible that one
single powerful liberation force could
emerge to take command.
But one thing is certain - the big
powers the U.S., Russia and China are
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part in the construction site visit. The
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Page 3
Youth tour construction sites
more deeply involved than ev er in
southern Africa. Kissinger's plea for “an
The Urban League's Labor Education
African solution to Rhodesia" voiced in
Lusaka is little more than polite rheto Advancement Program (L E A P ) an af
ric. Despite the African leaders' strong filiate of the United Way, has just
will for independence, their lands are completed its first annual high school
too important to the big powers to be "hard hat" construction tour. The con
left to themselves.
struction site was PGE's new tri build
IFraaz Schurmana, author of Ideology ing complex on Main between 1st and
2nd Streets.
and Organization in Communist China
Assisting the L E A P staff was Donald
(U.C. Press. 19641 and logic of World
Power ¡Pantheon Press, 19751, is a noted Leugacher. PGE's project manager, and
training coordinators of the electrical,
foreign policy analyst now teaching at
U.C., Berkeley. John Stewart is an editor pipe and cement mason trades.
Twenty two students and five coun
of Pacific News Service.)
selors representing six high schools took
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C harles Jordan represents those in our c o m m u n ity w ho
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