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About Morning Oregonian. (Portland, Or.) 1861-1937 | View Entire Issue (May 14, 1908)
8 T1IE MORXING OREGOXIAN, ' THURSDAY, MAT 14, lOOS. SrBSCTUFTION KATES. INVARIABLY IN ADVANCE. (By Mall.) Daily. Sunday Included, one year Daily. Sunday Included, six months.... Dally. Sunday Included, three month., ita iJally, Sunday Included, one month.... Pally, without Sunday, ona year B.uo Daily, without Sunday, alx moatha.... 3.W Dally, without Sunday, three month.. 1 Dafly, without Sunday, one month...-- Sunday, one year .;" ,kh Weekly, one year (lsaued Thursday)... Jj Sunday and weekly, one year 8 0u BY CARRIER. Dally. Sunday Included, one year 8 00 Daily. Sunday Included, one month.... ' HOW TO REMIT Send poatottlce money order, expreaa ordjer or personal check on your local bank. Stamp, coin or currency are at the sender's risk. Give postoftlce ad dress In full, including county and state. POSTAGE RATES. Entered at Portland. Oregon. Poatottlce as Fecond-Class Matter. , 10 to 14 Pages nt lfl to 28 Page 80 to 44 Page J 46 to 60 Pages oents Foreign postage, double rates. IMPORTANT The postal lawa are strict. Newspapers on which pontage Is not tuny prepaid are not forwarded to destination. EASTERN BUSINESS OFFICE. The p. C. Brrknith Special Agency New Tork. rooms 4S-r0 Tribune building, -m-cago. rooms 610-512 Tribune building. KEPT OX SAIi. Chlrago Auditorium Annex: Postofrtce Hews Co., 178 Dearborn eHreet; Empire New Etand. St. Paul. Minn. N. Ste. Marie. Commer cial Station Colorado SKHngs. Colo. H. H. BelL Denver Hamilton & Kendrlck. 808-IH2 Seventeenth street; Pratt Book Store. 1414 Fifteenth atreet: H. P. Hansen, a Bice. George Carson. Kansas city. Mo. Rlcksecker Cigar Co.. Ulnth and Walnut; To ma. News Co. Minneapolis M. J.. Cavanaugn. 50 South Third. Cincinnati. O. Yoma, New Co. Cleveland. O. Jamsa Pushaw. 307 Super ior street. Washington. I. C Ebbltt House. Four teenth and F streets; Columbia News Co. Pittsburg. Pa. Fort Tltt News Co. Philadelphia. Pa. Ryan's Theater Ticket OfTlce. l'enn News Co.; A. P. Kemble. 873S Lancaster avenue. 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Wheatley; Falrmount Hotel News Stand; Amos News Co.; United News Agency, 14 H Eddy street; B. E. Amos, man ager three wagons; Worlds N. S.. 26.!5 A. butter street. Oakland. Cal. -W. H. Johnson, Fourteenth and Franklin streets; N. Wheatley; Oakland News Stand; B. E. Amos, manager nve wagons; Welllnghani, E. O. (oldfteld. Ner. Louie Follin. Eureka, Cal. Call-Chronicle Agency; Eu reka News Co. PORTLAND, THURSDAY, MAY 14, 1908. FORECAST. Mr. Roosevelt is supporting Mr. Taft for the Republican nomination for the Presidency, doubtless under the belief that Mr. Taft will as completely repre sent the Roosevelt policies, so-called, as well as any man could. Mr. Roose velt cannot be supposed t,o be utterly mistaken in Mr. Taft. It would seem, then, that the readiest and surest way to support the Roosevelt policies is to assist in Taft's nomination and elec tion. This should be an argument for Republicans. But Mr. Taft is not the man that Democrats want. He is not even the man that so-called or self-styled Roosevelt Democrats want. These people, in Oregon at least, want Bryan. "We may fear, therefore, that Mr. Chamberlain Is not in fact a sure Roosevelt man; and we may suppose that Mr. Cake, if elected to the Senate, would be more likely to support Mr. Taft, who is Roosevelt's candidate, than Mr. Chamberlain would, whose candidate will surely be Mr. Bryan. These words are written chiefly to convey the intimation that Mr. Cham berlain Is rather overworking his ad miration for Mr. Roosevelt and his policies. It Is not a bad Idea to look ahead a little, to get a forecast of things possible, say a year, hence. TO OPEN WIDE THE DOOR. Wisely the makers of the constitu tion of Oregon, well knowing from the experience of other states what evils of legislative log-rolling would arise from the demands of various localities in the state for establishment of state Institutions at one place and another. Inserted In the constitution a man date that all such Institutions should be placed at the seat of government. This mandate has been disobeyed, with the natural consequences. Location of state Institutions at places other than the capital was begun in 1872, in pur suance of a bargain that involved the election of a Senator. The way once opened, Bimilar acts followed, till pub lic institutions were dispersed widely over the state; and their struggle for appropriations has been part of the general combination In politics and against the treasury, at every session of the Legislature since the practice began. Years ago, when there was an effort to establish an additional asylum for the insane, at a point distant from the capital, appeal was taken to the Su preme Court to test the act. It was Impossible for the Supreme Court to authorize or confirm so distinct a vio lation of the constitution; so the act was set aside. But public Institutions had been .planted at many places al ready, and the considerable expendi tures of money that had been made for land, buildings , and equipment have caused them to remain where they were placed,, and to be supported by regular appropriations. Effort is now making, by proposal of initiative amendment, to remove the constitutional barrier to this policy and system; that is, to render constitu tional what has already been done, and to authorize the Legislature "to go as much further in the like course as it will, subject to ratification by the electors of the state. This last pro vision is a hindrance to legislative log rolling, yet not a complete barrier. The constitution would better remain as rt is. There is a further provision that when a public institution of th state is located in any county, it shall be placed at the county seat. Should this amendment be adopted we may expect a string of bills at every legislative session, to authorize the erection of state institutions here and there; and this will result in polit ical and legislative combinations, that will give "a deal of trouble and do a deal of harm: If the people are not satisfied with the constitution as it is, and desire more of the kind of thing that has been censured and condemned these many years, this amendment will be Just about the thing they want. If otherwise, thejy will do well to vote It down. In any event, the institutions already established in so many places will not be disturbed, but will remain as now. Rejection of this amendment will keep the door closed against fur ther extension of log-rolling in politics and legislation, through this most facile of all methods. Shall the door be kept closed, or opened yet wider? ON HARMONY HILL. The contest for harmony in the Re publican party of Oregon has achieved excellent results. We haven't seen anything that has given quite such as surance of harmony since the time when the daggers clashed together in the corpus of Bill Furnish, and our old friend Flaxbrake was Immolated on the altar of peace and brotherhood. For the sake of peace the lawgiver of Oregon City is banished from . the present councils of the party, and the Senator of the second elective term is reminded that brotherly love will find freer course to run and be glorified, if he will but take a furlough for a while. In the midst of this all-pervading harmony, Statement No. 1 is given a rest from its labors. From the swamps and miry places, therefore, and from the thorns and brambles and skunk cabbage of the Valley of Con tention and Humiliation, the party has made a rapid and easy flight to the sunlit summit of Harmony Hill. Harmony comes to the Republican party through the continuous efforts of all hands to "get even." The whirli gig of time is a harmony wheel, which now brings this semi-circle uppermost, now that; satisfying every section and segment of the party, in turn, and setting the other section or segment to biting its nails. 1 Look! In this place ran Casslus' dag ger through: See, what a rent the en vious Casca made! But air I; peace now. "Art thou in health, my brother?" is the greeting of every man to his fel low. Just as aforetime. TOO MANY CHURCHES. In its issue for April 9 the Inde pendent, of New Tork, published a sketch of the religious history of. a lit tle town in Minnesota which had four churches. AH together these four churches had 213 members and they paid their ministers a grand total of $2075 salary, about $500 apiece. This princely sum was eked out by prodi gal missionary societies to an average of some $700. There was financial and spiritual nutriment in the town for one strong church, but not for four. Accordingly a sordid struggle for existence arose among them. They could not unite for the betterment of the town because of their miserable sectarian differences. Each was jeal ous of all the others. Each Bought advantage in thwarting any effort which another set on foot. To raise the petty sums which they paid their ministers there was a continual round of sociables, strawberry festivals, grab bag parties, sanctified gambling proj ects and everlasting begging In all its protean forms. Of course the small salaries attracted only small men. None of the churches had anything to offer which would make it worth while for a sensible person to attend them, and therefore their congregations de clined, their resources diminished, until In each one there was nobody left but a band of sour and pig-headed zealots who kept up the hopeless struggle because they hated their rivals too much to drop it: But they could not keep on forever. First the Episcopalian church gave up the ghost. Eleven years afterward the Methodists succumbed. Then there were only two churches left, and one might have supposed that the down ward course would have been arrested. But the seeds of decay had been sown. The principle of religious vitality, in the town had ' been poisoned by long years of perverted effort, by jealousy, strife and hatred, and the fall of their rivals added nothing to the prosperity of the churches that remained. Three years after the fall of the Methodists the total church membership of the town had declined to 83, and the preachers were still receiving only $500 apiece from their stingy congre gations. The case of this Minnesota town was like that of a boy who spends all his manly vigor in prema ture vice and comes to the years of manhood with the seeds of death al ready ripening in his body. Had it set out in the beginning with one or two churches, all would have been well. through one church would have been better than two. The 213 members would have formed a single, compact, energetic, powerful body united in purpose, dom inant in the community, competent to Pfty expenses without resort to frivo lous devices. The one minister would have received $2000 salary. This sum Is not particularly opulent, but it would have attracted a young man of ability and ambition who might well have expected more as his work flour ished. Instead of blighting all good effort by opposing each other, the re ligious people would have co-operated under the leadership of an able cap tain. No wealthy individual, no de signing politician, could have obtained control of the "church influence" be cause, the congregation would have been too powerful to fear one man's threats or to dwell in abject expecta tion of one man's favor. A church which includes an entire community need bow to no member of that com munity, whereas a church which in cludes only a small fraction of the godly people in a town must stand in deadly fear cf losing the little strength' it has. To him that hath shall be given, but from him that hath not shall be taken even that he hath. -We may attribute the moral impotence and religious decay of the churches In small communities very largely to their numbers. In a succeeding issue, that of May 7, the Independent publishes a set of let ters commenting upon the. article we have mentioned. Most of the letters take the view of the situation which we have sketched, but there is one. from a "Home Missionary," which is of the opposite opinion. The writer takes the curious position that the more churches there are in a place the better for its religious life. He points out that as the churches closed in' the town we are speaking of the total membership declined, which displays a kind of perverted logic. The fact was, of, course, that as the membership de clined the churches closed. They J would-iiave -kept oper forever. It tbey;- had. not lost their congregations. The Home Missionary goes on to argue that "four men with salaries of $700 each can do more good than one man with $2000." They might If they were his equals, but it stands to reason that a man who Is worth $2000 is not ex actly of the same type as those who are worth only $700. He will do more work and do it better than they. More over, he will think out methods whch they could never have dreamed of, apd he will venture upon enterprises which would have frightened them out of their feeble wits. We must not forget, either, that .the $2000 man would have behind him the momentum of a strong, harmonious congregation, while the four $700 men would find them selves thwarted on almost every occa sion by competing claims and petty jealousies. The Home Missionary also thinks that It would be a better example in thrift for the community to have four cringing, timid , ministers starving on $700 each than one strong, independ ent man with the -larger salary. "This Is a poor man's country," he says, and accordingly ministers ought to be poor men. Why not push this thought to its logical conclusion and say that no body in America ought to have enough to live on in comfort? The truth is that this is neither a poor man's nor a rich man's country, but one where everybody may live in comfort and reasonable luxury if we can only bring ourselves to manage our public busi ness with common sense. From this rule and its conditions religious affairs are no mora -exempt than any others. THE PRESIDENTS WELCOME. In opening the great conference upon, the conservation of our natural resources, President Roosevelt remind ed his distinguished audience that once before in the history of the country such a conference had assembled. . It was at the instance of Washington. The purpose was to deliberate upon the problem of Internal communica tions, and from the proceedings of the conference grew the germ which finally developed into the Constitution of the United States. It Is scarcely too much to hope that from the pres ent conference may proceed an influ ence comparable In durability and beneficence with the mighty fruits of Washington's forethought. , Mr. Roosevelt's speech of welcome was Interesting throughout, but for the hasty reader the gist' of its thought may be found in two or three sen tences. "We have become great be cause of the lavish ynse of our ' re sources. But the time has come to in quire seriously what will happen when our forests are gone, when the coal, the iron, the oil and the gas are ex hausted, when the soils' shall have be come still further impoverished and washed into the streams, polluting the rivers, denuding the fields, and ob structing navigation." In these words he stated the prob lem to be solved. A little later he suggested the. solution. "We are com ing to' recognize as never before the right of the Nation to guard its own future in the essential matter of nat ural resources. In the past we have admitted the right of the Individual to Injure the future of the republic for his own present profit. The time has come for a change." In other words, the time has come to subordinate the greed of the individual to the per manent good of the country. When the slave oligarchs were plotting the destruction of the Union theyacontend ed with desperate energy that the Na tion possessed no constitutional au thority to defend itself. With a para lytic imbecile in the Presidential chair, their claim barely missed being grant ed. Now, when the reckless spoilers of our natural resources threaten the existence of the country, the conten tion is again made that the Nation has no constitutional authority to defend its life. Fortunately for the 'country, the President who has had to deal with this problem Is not a hesitating, weak- kneed Buchanan, but a valiant cham pion of Justice, a far-sighted political philosopher. H knows what ought to be done and he has the courage to stand ' for suitable action. Nor is there much doubt that the assembled Governors of the states will uphold his hands. The President's position was fortified by two excellent court decis ions, which he cited, one from the Su preme Court of Maine, the other from the Supreme Court of the United States. Both decisions sustain the right of the public to restrict the indi vidual in the use of his private prop erty for the good of the state or Na tion. It is a fundamental principle of law that the right of the public is paramount, but this principle has been too often overlooked in handling our natural resources. Up to the present these essentials of National life have been recklessly sacrificed to Individual greed, but unless all the signs are de ceptive, a change of policy Is at hand. VOTE DOWN TICK FISHERY BILLS. The only safe course for the people. of Oregon, in votIn upon the two fishery measures now before the people under the initiative, is to vote "No" upon both bills. . One was drawn by upper river fishing interests, for the purpose of putting the lower river fish eries out of business. The other was drawn by lower river fishing interests for the purpose of protecting salmon to the detriment of upper river fis'her- men. Neither bill was prepared with an unselfish desire to promote the de velopment of the salmon fishing indus try of the state. Both bills should be defeated, and the next Legislature should gather courage enough to grap ple with the problem fearlessly and effectively. One difficulty in enacting laws by direct vote of the people is that there Is no opportunity for amendment. If the two fishery bills now pending could be altered before being voted .upon, there can be no doubt that a commit tee of intelligent business men could frame from the two measures one which would be fair to the fishing in terests, and yet afford protection to salmon. But the bills stand before the people in their entirety. They must be adopted or rejected as they are. Doubtless each of them has its commendable features, but to vote in the affirmative upon either or both of them Is to court trouble. Under the act of 1907 prescribing the manr ner of exercising the initiative and referendum powers, it Is provided that when two measures upon the same subject are submitted at the same time, and both are adopted, the one receiving the highest affirmative vote shall prevail wherever the two may be in conflict. Here are two fishery bills relating to an industry which com paratively, few people, of. -the stata -un-. derstand; . It would take much study and probably litigation to determine in what particulars they are in conflict; If both should be adopted, a question would then arise as to conflicting pro visions and the extent of the conflict. To enact the bills as they stand before the people is to breed litigation and uncertainty. . It must be admitted that the Leg islatures of the past have not shown a disposition to protect the Ashing in dustry -properly by rigid laws regulat ing fishing. That neglect furnishes some argument in behalf of resort to the Initiative for the purpose of se curing laws that will .prevent the threatened extermination of the wealth-giving salmon. But when laws are drawn for submission under the initiative they should be prepared either by persons having no direct and selfish interest or by representatives of conflicting interests. There can be no hope of satisfactory results when op posing interests prepare bills in their own behalf and submit them for adop tion or rejection entire. The initiative power was not intended to be used for such purposes. The procedure is dan gerous as a precedent, and the stamp of disapproval should be put upon it by a large negative majority in June. "The early robin must feel like going up to Greenland to see If the weather is not warmer up there," re marks .the Des Moines (la.) Capital, by way of comment upon the exceed ingly cold condition of the atmosphere in Iowa.-Mistaken you are. The Iowa robin feels like coming to Oregon, where the weather never gets uncom fortably cold. But the robin, held by the mysterious bonds of old associa tion, stays in Iowa and suffers, just as many Iowa people do. Some of the most industrious, most prosperous and most highly esteemed resldents of Ore gon formerly lived In Iowa, but they had the good Judgment to break away from old associations and thus relieve themselves from the discomfort of an erratic climate. Judging by the char acter of men . and women who have come from there to this state, the peo ple of Iowa must be a very intelligent and progressive people. Of necessity they are a hardy aria courageous peo ple, else they could not endure the blizzards of Winter and thetyclones of Summer In that unfortunate state. We trust that Iowa people will Imbibe the spirit of the Iowa robin and feel like going to Oregon to find a better climate. .' - At the time the Police Commission ers of Kansas City were about to close up an ' amusement resort known as Electric Park a Are destroyed the place, whereupon the Kansas City Journal declares that the managers were between the devil an the deep sea. That was a figure of speech not at all appropriate. Very likely if the editor of the Journal had turned to his Bible and read the story of the de struction of two cities notorious for their wickedness, he might have found material for an allusion that would have informed his readers of the ac tual reason for the destruction of Elec tric Park. Many are the powers of man that have been acquired by woman. In fact, it sometimes seems that eventuai ly woman's mind and hand will be trained to all the activities mastered by man. But a Kansas paper has dis covered one mysterious power pos sessed by woman which, it is asserted, man can never hope to acquire. This is the power to see a woman without looking at her, or look at her without seeing her. Truly a man can't do that, while a woman can. It seems strange that newspapers will persist In calling things by wrong names. The approaching gala occa sion in Portland is neither a "fiesta" nor a 'carnival," but a Rose Festival. Fiestas may do very well for Califor nia, where the English language has been corrupted by Spanish, and carni vals are entirely proper In their proper places. But when Portland has set out to have a Rose Festival, and noth ing else, why not call it a festival? It Is to be hoped that the assaults on pawnbrokers, second-hand dealers and the like will cease with the arrest of La Rose. But suppose they should not? Everybody except the sleuths who know all about it would be more confused than ever as to whether Mar tin really murdered Wolff. The Third California Congressional District instructs for Taft, and the great California scheme for a compli mentary vote for Roosevelt appears to be sagging a trifle. There are those in California who know a bandwagon when they see it. "I hope," says the conciliatory Mr. McCusker, while inserting the bolo Into the vitals of his political enemies, "that no one will construe this as a threat." Certainly not; it's just one of Sambo's noises, for it only sounds like one. A Democratic newspaper prints a large photograph of Hon. George C. Chamberlain, candidate for United States Senator! Handsome, though a little fat and sleek, as if he had held office a long time. But who is George C. Chamberlain? Roy Lamphere, the late Mrs. Gun ness' accomplice, denies that he has confessed , to her murder. Like some others charged with sljnllar crimes, Lamphere doesn't see the peculiar per sonal benefits of owning up to a hang ing offense. Those second-hand men at Grants Pass who say they are taking, pure gold out of an accommodating quartz mine are either very lucky second hand men, or first-class but we won't say it. Roosevelt says he won't run again; Senator Bourne says he will. Is the Junior Senator from Oregon trying to add Teddy's name to the list of mem bers of the Ananias Club? The New York Herald says' "every one of our new battleships is a mes senger of peace." Might be a minis ter of peace, too, in a pinch. Judge McBride intimates that the late bank holidays were illegal. Rut we'peally don't see what anybody is going to do about it. Cheer up, Mr. McCusker. There are other National conventions one at Denver In July, for example. As tof Taft, It's merely a case of survival ot-the fattest. "IXHEREST WEAKNESS" OP TAFT Snail or Shall There Xot Be Instructed Delegation for Him f ' SALEM. OK, May 12. (To the Editor.) In a recent issue of The Oregonian there appears a communication from Hon. John C. Young, the private secre tary of Senator Bourne, protesting; against any instructions being given for Secretary Taft in the coming state con vention. Coming as this does from one of the most radical champions of State ment No. 1, it has attracted more than usual attention. So far as it is possible under existing conditions to determine, the sentiment of the Republicans of Ore gon is overwhelmingly for Taft. Mr. Young would allow no man to go to the Oregon Legislature who would not- bind himself to support the people's choice for Senator. The Presidency is an office of vastly greater power and responsibil ity. Why should any man be allowed to go to the National Republican Convention without similar Instructions and a similar pledge? Why Is there so much maneu vering to secure an uninstructed delega tion, and why Is all of this maneuvering in the camp of the enemies of Secretary Taft? Is there a boss and a machine attempt ing to manipulate the vote of this state? If the friends of "a second elective term" were in control of the convention does any one suppose they would oppose instructions? If they could control a ma jority of the delegates does anyone sup pose that Mr. Young and Senator Bourne would even permit the sending of an un instructed delegation? Have the friends of Hughes, of Knox, or Cannon, or Fair banks, or La Follette, ever protested against Instructions where they were InJ control, and have they ever failed to pro test against instructions where they were in the minority? The real issue in this state is whether Senator Bourne's declaration that Oregon must send an uninstructed delegation is to be verified. If he succeeds in prevent ing Instructions he will add to his pres tige and his reputation as the most adroit political manipulator in the state of Ore gon, and will be entitlede accordingly to the most enthusiastic congratulations. Is Oregon for Taft, or is she not? Do the friends of Taft, who are in control of the convention, represent the predomi nant Republican sentiment of this state, or do they not? Will the delegates who are sent to our state convention as the friends of Taft, and to represent that sentiment, attempt to dodge the issue, and give comfort and satisfaction to those who are doing everything In their power to discredit Taft, by refusing in structions? Secretary Taft and every other candidate may well pray to be de livered from such support and such freindship as that. A divided delega tion. In the National Convention, work ing at cross purposes, will bo utterly without Influence. It should be some body's friend, and not the friend of everybody and nobody. Mr. Young allows his zeal to outrun his discretion, when he says that the friends of Mr. Taft "are extremely anxi ous that the Denver convention shall name some other Democrat than Bryan, and are even charged with the responsi bility of booming both Johnson and Judge Gray for the Democratic nomination in order to get an easier mark for Mr. Taft in November. This activity and Inter meddling by Mr. Taffs 'boomers' "comes from the perfectly well recognized inher ent weakness of the War Secretary with the plain people of all parties, and the equally well recognized inherent strength of Mr. Bryan," etc. The "inherent weak ness" of a strong candidate is always apparent to those who favor someone else, and the "Inherent strength" of Mr. Bryan is always apparent at all times except on the day of election. Where lias Mr. 'Young discovered any where tho slightest evidence that the friends of Secretary Taft care a rap whether the Democratic nominee Is John son, or Gray, or Bryan? Who Is it that charges ' them with the responsibility of booming Johnson and Judge, Gray? Who is the discoverer of the "inherent weak ness" of the War Secretary with the plain people? On the contrary, where has there been in our entire history any Presidential candidate who possessed more of that quality of personal magnet ism that attracts the multitude,, while scorning all of the arts of the time serving demagogue? It is a singular logic that makes Roose velt the most popular and Taft, his par ticular friend, the least popular of all the candidates, when they are perfectly in unison as to all leading policies. Roose velt, the -principal in the Brownsville in cident, would lose no negro votes. Taft would lose them all, In spite of the fact that a number of negroes have already been elected delegates to the Chicago convention pledged to his support. Who seriously believes that the nomination of Taft will send all of the negroes into the arms of the Democratic party? ' Mr. Young further suggests that: "Mr. Taft is recognized for Just what he is, and but for the 'big stick' pushing him to the fore he would long since have dropped out of the race as an impossible candi date." Mr. Roosevelt has been intimately associated with Mr. Tart for years, yet his judgment of . the man is utterly at fault, although it is absolutely Infallible as to every other question. How can we account for it? Who discovered the al leged fact that Mr. Taft would have been an "impossible candidate," except for the influence of the "big stick?" What Presi dential candidate has the country ever had with the antecedent experience of handling greater problems and handling them with greater success? Where has he ever failed to make good, whether as United States District Judge, as Solicitor General, as Secretary of War, in Wash ington, in Cuba in Panama or in the Philippines? Mr. Roosevelt had no such varied experience In handling and mas tering great problems prior to his eleva tion to the Presidency. Mr. Hughes, a strong man and a deservedly popular one, has had no such experience. . Secretary Taft has not only had greater experience than the New York Governor, but he has always been animated by the same high ideals, and he has the added advantage of a more magnetic personality. Fair banks and Knox and Cannon and La Follette have practically nq following out side their respective states and are hope lessly out of the race. While Governor Hughes has the qualities of a great Pres ident, and has a wide personal following, the lack of earnest and united support from his own state has destroyed his ' chances. Mr. Roosevelt has reiterated that he win not toe a candidate "under any cir cumstances." He has shown his personal preference for Secretary Taft. The peo ple and all of the Presidential candidates have taken him at his word, and acted accordingly. If he should now be offered and accept the nomination, we would soon hear the Democratic press. In the style which Is common in political campaigns, denouncing him as a liar and a bluffer and a hypocrite, ana a wretcn guilty or an act of shameless treachery against his friend, the Secretary of War. And what effective response could be made. It is an undeserved imputation upon American citizenship and American statesmanship to assume that America has only one man who is fit for the Presidency, and it is an unwarranted and inexcusable reflection upon the honesty and .sincerity of the President to assume that he would . ac cept the nomination after he has solemn ly and repeatedly declared, upon his word of konor, that he will not accept the nom ination "under any circumstances." x CHAS. B. MOOEES. There Waa a Man, Etc Louisville Courier-Journal. While some of his enemies Jeer at Gov ernor Hughes for calling an extra ses sion of the Legislature, it should not toe forgotten that while the man who Jumped back into the bramble bush seemed rash he went down in history as wondrous- -wise- KO CHANCE FOR HCGHE5. New York Republican Paper CalU on Him to Retire. New York Tribune It is our conviction, based on the facts which we have published, and on probabilities so strong as to be scarcely distinguishable from facts. that the choice of the Republican con vention for President of the United States has now been determined and that the nomination of Mr. Taft has been foreordained. And we may add for the benefit of those, who are con jecturing the result of expected con tests, that control of the committee on credentials by the Taft forces is al ready absolutely assured. On the morning after the New York Republican State Convention we said, in referring to its action, that Gov ernor Hughes, as the official candidate of this great State, must be regarded at that stage in the preliminary can vass as an Invaluable reserve force on which the National Convention could draw under conditions which might be found to exist at Chicago. That stage has passed, and witlj It. in our opinion, the chance of any nomination except that or Mr. Tart. The people or New York might generally regret the im possibility of avoiding this conclusion if it necessarily meant even a tempo rary retirement of Mr. Hughes from public life at the expiration of his term as Governor. But that Is not Its necessary meaning. On the contrary. unless the public misconceives the spirit In which he construes his duty, he will not resist an overwhelming public demand that he continue the work he is now doing until it has been more, nearly done. It Is a consideration not dtrectly re lated to the fulfillment of that duty, but honorably to be taken Into ac count in the sphere of practical poli tics, that Governor Hughes as a can didate for re-election would arouse an enthusiastic Interest In the whole Re publican campaign In this State which could not fall to be of great advan tage to the National ticket. Doubtless the same element of strength would be measurably added If Mr. Hughes at the demand of the National Conven tion should accept the nomination for Vice-President, but It is our conten tion that he could not be persuaded to regard that as a claim which he was bound to acknowledge at the sacrifice of what lTe considers to be the higher obligations. Eloquence as Ia Eloquence. From, Recent Speech In the Senate by Senator Davis, of Arkansas. Here and there, it is true, a brave soul cries from the watchtowers, and his great eloquence, like the voice of a bell at sea, is resonant, clear and loud, amidst the befogged and rolling wa ters. But. sir, would you hear the muffled swish and sob of the under tow, hear the moan, the deepening roar, the fitful slash; hear the grinding, thudding beat upon dark and desolate shores? Exhilarated by the inexplicable efflu vium characteristic of pageantry and pomp, the mind passes rapidly through increasing stages of intoxication, the heart glows, the head rings with sub dued, though altogether pleasurable, sounds, while the victim sinks, pain lessly, if not joyfully. Into a sort of stupefaction.- It, sir, is the hypnotism of worldliness the spell of wealth. Diminutive editors. In paroxysms of frenzy, grimaced and gesticulated. Puniest of creatures, miserable, mono carpous, misnamed men, pressed trous ers and all, slinking cravens of the golden fleet of Mammon, frothed madly upon seeing my words; their little, weak bodies trembled, the ' limbs twitched and jerked as in spasm; the eyeballs rolled nervously, and the eyes emitted a greenish light, while the poor, brainless creatures snarled and snapped aimlessly, as do ordinary dogs, as It . is said, affected with hydro phobia . The 'Vaetful Shopman. Detroit Free Press. "Let. me see some of your black kid gloves," 'said a lady to a shopman. "These are not the latest style, are they?" she asked, when the gloves were pro duced. "Yes, madam," ' replied the shopman; "we have had them In stock only two days." "I didn't think, they were, because the fashion paper says black kids have tan stitches and vice versa. I see the tan stitches, but not the vice versa." The shopman explained that vice versa was French for, seven buttons, so she bought throe pairs. . In Maaaachuaetta, Too. New Bedford Standard.' Few citizens of the commonwealth of Massachusetts can see any good reason why the members of the present Legis lature should raise their own pay. s - A FEW BQC1B3. Caller (to child) Is tht napa'a little boy or mamma's little boy? "Imnno; the judge hasn't decided yet." Life. In politics there is quite a difference be tween, the uplift of the amateur and the hold up of the professional. Philadelphia Record. Sunday erhool teaeher Can you tell me the names of Noah's three sona? Little Willie Ham Noah, Sam Noah -and Jeff Noah. JudRe. "Ootne? to run again. Senator?" "Nope. Fact is, I was hit pretty hard by the panic, and these vindications come hig-h." Phila delphia Public Ledger. Nan I don't see wtiy MIhs Munley should want to marry him, with all her money. Dick I guess she had to. I don't believe he'd have taken her without It. Philadelphia Press. Bystander Did you sea ow It 'appened, lady? Fair motorist Oh dear, no! I was asleep Just then. Bystander Ah. then you'll be able to prove a lullaby! Punch. Little Margie (after watching her small brother devouring several large sections of chocolate cake) Mamma. Isn-'t It funny how much .larger Jimmy really is than he appear to be from the outside? Judge. "I'll bet that fellow h a poet." remarked the ctm-p who reads the patent medicine al manac Jokes." "you lose." rejoined the wise guy. "He is the 'after using part of a hair tonic advertisement." Chicago Daily News. GOOD THINGS IN THE MAGAZINE SECTION OF THE SUNDAY OREGONIAN By M. B. Wells: QUEER GHOSTS I HAVE MET. Some Portland experiences, including verbatim conversations with his wife's great grandmother, and his old friend Mike. By Dexter Marshall: 'FAMOUS LINKS WITH OUR GRANDSIRES. Living men and women -who did impoVtant work and won world fame in the '30s, '40s and '50s. By Sewell Ford: " TANGLED UP WITH MIRIAM. More incidents in the busy life of Professor Shorty McCabe. By Alma A. Rogers: BABIES AS EVIDENCE OF SPRINGTIME. Letter from Vienna about them, together with stories of Francis Richter, vagaries of language and Russian music. By Two Experts: HALF-HOUR GARDENING FOR AMATEURS. Several topics of valuable and timely interest to folk who are cul- tivating" vegetables and flowers. By Irving S. Cobb: "IF ANY NATION EVER LICKED US, THE NAME ESCAPES ME," says the Hotel Clerk. ORDER EARLY FROM YOUR NEWSDEALER v Initiative and Referendum Measures For the information of voters there will be published on this page from day to day brief summaries of the initiative and referendum measures to be seubmitted to the people at the June election, together with :t rhort statement of the arguments tor and agiiinst each. NUMBER 12. The Single Tax Amendment.. The proposed constitutional amend ment, commonly called the single tax amendment, Is designed to exempt from taxation nearly all property ex cept land, and is a movement in the direction of the single tax Idea. The measure proposes to amend Section 1 of Article 9 of the Constitution, which now requires that the Legislature shall provide for the uniform and equal rate of assessment and taxation of all property, both real and personal, except such only for educational, charitable, and similar purposes, as may be exempted by law. The amend ment proposes to enlarge the except ing clause so as to include dwelling houses, barns, sheds, out-houses, and all other appurtenances thereto, all machinery and buildings used exclu sively for manufacturing purposes and the appurtenances thereto, all fences, farm machinery and apnliancos used as such, all fruit trees, vines, shruiis and all other improvements on farms, . all livestock, all household furniture in use, and all tools owned by workmen and In use. The classes of property exempted by the Constitution as rt reads at present would be exempted if the amendment were adopted. The amendment was proposed by the Ore gon Tax Reform Association and that organization asserts that the measure has in view that ultimately all per sonal property and improvements on land shall be exempted from taxation. Supporters ht the amendment con tend that the present system is unfair, for the reason that an attempt is made to tax all classes of property tut many property-owners are able to con ceal part of wha. they own or secure sm inequitable assessment. The amend ment would place the tax upon prop erty that cannot be concealed, and the value of which may be equitably fixed for the purpose of taxation. It is as serted that the present system dis courages thrift by taxing the im provements a man makes upon his land. The amendment, if adopted, will they argue, relieve the farmer by per mitting improvements , to be made without increasing taxes of the im prover, and the burden would be shifted to the most valuable land in the city. The present system dis courages the investment of capital in manufacturing enterprises, though Oregon is clamoring for enterprises of that sort and has paid bonuses which amount to a purchase of the sites anil the payment of taxes for a number of years. Shifting the burden of taxa tion to land 'and relieving improve ments would, according to this argu ment, encourage Improvement, there by furnishing more employment to la bor and enabling a larger number of persons to own their homes. Under such a system land would be' held by those who use It and not by specula- tors who let it lie idle in order that they may profit by an increase in value to which they- contribute noth ing by their own efforts. The adop tion of this amendment, It is urged, would be a great advertisement for Oregon and attract new capital and new settlers here. Opposition to the measure is based chiefly on the broad proposition that all property, of whatever kind, should be taxed, and that all exemptions, other than those now permitted, are inequitable. To shift the burden of taxation to land alone would increase the taxes of the farmer. All classes of property get the benefit of the pro tection afforded by city, county and state government, and all should bear a proportionate share of the burden. Each person should contribute to the cost of maintaining the government according to his wealth, whether his property be of one class or another. Men have Invested In unimproved property in this state with the under standing that the system of taxation would remain unchanged and it would be unjust to establish a new system now which would increase their taxe3 and relieve others. It is also asserted that the proposed amendment Is not clear as to the property to be ex empted, and that litigation, would en sue for the purpose of settling many questions that will arise if the amend ment be adopted. A Card of Thanks. Emporia (Kan.) Gazette. Referring again to the chickens which were stolen from our pagoda last night, it Is timely toasay that a card of thanks is being prepared, directed to those neigh bors who lent their sympathy and en couragement in the dark hour of bereave ment. When one's chickens have been swiped, and life's horizon is overcast with clouds through which the effulgence of hope cannot penetrate, it Is indeed sweet to know that She sad splashing of our tears finds an echo in the hearts of our friends. And they were darned good chickens, too, laying right along.