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PORTLAND, THURSDAY, MAY 14, 1908.
FORECAST.
Mr. Roosevelt is supporting Mr. Taft
for the Republican nomination for the
Presidency, doubtless under the belief
that Mr. Taft will as completely repre
sent the Roosevelt policies, so-called,
as well as any man could. Mr. Roose
velt cannot be supposed t,o be utterly
mistaken in Mr. Taft. It would seem,
then, that the readiest and surest way
to support the Roosevelt policies is to
assist in Taft's nomination and elec
tion. This should be an argument for
Republicans.
But Mr. Taft is not the man that
Democrats want. He is not even the
man that so-called or self-styled
Roosevelt Democrats want. These
people, in Oregon at least, want Bryan.
"We may fear, therefore, that Mr.
Chamberlain Is not in fact a sure
Roosevelt man; and we may suppose
that Mr. Cake, if elected to the Senate,
would be more likely to support Mr.
Taft, who is Roosevelt's candidate,
than Mr. Chamberlain would, whose
candidate will surely be Mr. Bryan.
These words are written chiefly to
convey the intimation that Mr. Cham
berlain Is rather overworking his ad
miration for Mr. Roosevelt and his
policies. It Is not a bad Idea to look
ahead a little, to get a forecast of
things possible, say a year, hence.
TO OPEN WIDE THE DOOR.
Wisely the makers of the constitu
tion of Oregon, well knowing from the
experience of other states what evils of
legislative log-rolling would arise from
the demands of various localities in
the state for establishment of state
Institutions at one place and another.
Inserted In the constitution a man
date that all such Institutions should
be placed at the seat of government.
This mandate has been disobeyed, with
the natural consequences. Location of
state Institutions at places other than
the capital was begun in 1872, in pur
suance of a bargain that involved the
election of a Senator. The way once
opened, Bimilar acts followed, till pub
lic institutions were dispersed widely
over the state; and their struggle for
appropriations has been part of the
general combination In politics and
against the treasury, at every session
of the Legislature since the practice
began.
Years ago, when there was an effort
to establish an additional asylum for
the insane, at a point distant from the
capital, appeal was taken to the Su
preme Court to test the act. It was
Impossible for the Supreme Court to
authorize or confirm so distinct a vio
lation of the constitution; so the act
was set aside. But public Institutions
had been .planted at many places al
ready, and the considerable expendi
tures of money that had been made
for land, buildings , and equipment
have caused them to remain where
they were placed,, and to be supported
by regular appropriations.
Effort is now making, by proposal
of initiative amendment, to remove the
constitutional barrier to this policy
and system; that is, to render constitu
tional what has already been done,
and to authorize the Legislature "to go
as much further in the like course as
it will, subject to ratification by the
electors of the state. This last pro
vision is a hindrance to legislative log
rolling, yet not a complete barrier.
The constitution would better remain
as rt is. There is a further provision
that when a public institution of th
state is located in any county, it shall
be placed at the county seat.
Should this amendment be adopted
we may expect a string of bills at
every legislative session, to authorize
the erection of state institutions here
and there; and this will result in polit
ical and legislative combinations, that
will give "a deal of trouble and do a
deal of harm: If the people are not
satisfied with the constitution as it is,
and desire more of the kind of thing
that has been censured and condemned
these many years, this amendment will
be Just about the thing they want.
If otherwise, thejy will do well to vote
It down. In any event, the institutions
already established in so many places
will not be disturbed, but will remain
as now. Rejection of this amendment
will keep the door closed against fur
ther extension of log-rolling in politics
and legislation, through this most
facile of all methods. Shall the door
be kept closed, or opened yet wider?
ON HARMONY HILL.
The contest for harmony in the Re
publican party of Oregon has achieved
excellent results. We haven't seen
anything that has given quite such as
surance of harmony since the time
when the daggers clashed together in
the corpus of Bill Furnish, and our old
friend Flaxbrake was Immolated on
the altar of peace and brotherhood.
For the sake of peace the lawgiver of
Oregon City is banished from . the
present councils of the party, and the
Senator of the second elective term is
reminded that brotherly love will find
freer course to run and be glorified, if
he will but take a furlough for a
while. In the midst of this all-pervading
harmony, Statement No. 1 is given
a rest from its labors. From the
swamps and miry places, therefore,
and from the thorns and brambles and
skunk cabbage of the Valley of Con
tention and Humiliation, the party has
made a rapid and easy flight to the
sunlit summit of Harmony Hill.
Harmony comes to the Republican
party through the continuous efforts
of all hands to "get even." The whirli
gig of time is a harmony wheel, which
now brings this semi-circle uppermost,
now that; satisfying every section
and segment of the party, in turn, and
setting the other section or segment to
biting its nails. 1
Look! In this place ran Casslus' dag
ger through: See, what a rent the en
vious Casca made! But air I; peace
now. "Art thou in health, my brother?"
is the greeting of every man to his fel
low. Just as aforetime.
TOO MANY CHURCHES.
In its issue for April 9 the Inde
pendent, of New Tork, published a
sketch of the religious history of. a lit
tle town in Minnesota which had four
churches. AH together these four
churches had 213 members and they
paid their ministers a grand total of
$2075 salary, about $500 apiece. This
princely sum was eked out by prodi
gal missionary societies to an average
of some $700. There was financial
and spiritual nutriment in the town
for one strong church, but not for
four. Accordingly a sordid struggle
for existence arose among them. They
could not unite for the betterment of
the town because of their miserable
sectarian differences. Each was jeal
ous of all the others. Each Bought
advantage in thwarting any effort
which another set on foot. To raise
the petty sums which they paid their
ministers there was a continual round
of sociables, strawberry festivals, grab
bag parties, sanctified gambling proj
ects and everlasting begging In all its
protean forms. Of course the small
salaries attracted only small men.
None of the churches had anything to
offer which would make it worth while
for a sensible person to attend them,
and therefore their congregations de
clined, their resources diminished,
until In each one there was nobody
left but a band of sour and pig-headed
zealots who kept up the hopeless
struggle because they hated their
rivals too much to drop it:
But they could not keep on forever.
First the Episcopalian church gave up
the ghost. Eleven years afterward the
Methodists succumbed. Then there
were only two churches left, and one
might have supposed that the down
ward course would have been arrested.
But the seeds of decay had been sown.
The principle of religious vitality, in
the town had ' been poisoned by long
years of perverted effort, by jealousy,
strife and hatred, and the fall of their
rivals added nothing to the prosperity
of the churches that remained. Three
years after the fall of the Methodists
the total church membership of the
town had declined to 83, and the
preachers were still receiving only
$500 apiece from their stingy congre
gations. The case of this Minnesota
town was like that of a boy who
spends all his manly vigor in prema
ture vice and comes to the years of
manhood with the seeds of death al
ready ripening in his body. Had it set
out in the beginning with one or two
churches, all would have been well.
through one church would have been
better than two.
The 213 members would have
formed a single, compact, energetic,
powerful body united in purpose, dom
inant in the community, competent to
Pfty expenses without resort to frivo
lous devices. The one minister would
have received $2000 salary. This sum
Is not particularly opulent, but it
would have attracted a young man of
ability and ambition who might well
have expected more as his work flour
ished. Instead of blighting all good
effort by opposing each other, the re
ligious people would have co-operated
under the leadership of an able cap
tain. No wealthy individual, no de
signing politician, could have obtained
control of the "church influence" be
cause, the congregation would have
been too powerful to fear one man's
threats or to dwell in abject expecta
tion of one man's favor. A church
which includes an entire community
need bow to no member of that com
munity, whereas a church which in
cludes only a small fraction of the
godly people in a town must stand in
deadly fear cf losing the little strength'
it has. To him that hath shall be
given, but from him that hath not
shall be taken even that he hath. -We
may attribute the moral impotence
and religious decay of the churches
In small communities very largely to
their numbers.
In a succeeding issue, that of May 7,
the Independent publishes a set of let
ters commenting upon the. article we
have mentioned. Most of the letters
take the view of the situation which
we have sketched, but there is one.
from a "Home Missionary," which is
of the opposite opinion. The writer
takes the curious position that the
more churches there are in a place the
better for its religious life. He points
out that as the churches closed in' the
town we are speaking of the total
membership declined, which displays a
kind of perverted logic. The fact was,
of, course, that as the membership de
clined the churches closed. They
J would-iiave -kept oper forever. It tbey;-
had. not lost their congregations. The
Home Missionary goes on to argue
that "four men with salaries of $700
each can do more good than one man
with $2000." They might If they were
his equals, but it stands to reason that
a man who Is worth $2000 is not ex
actly of the same type as those who
are worth only $700. He will do more
work and do it better than they. More
over, he will think out methods whch
they could never have dreamed of, apd
he will venture upon enterprises which
would have frightened them out of
their feeble wits. We must not forget,
either, that .the $2000 man would have
behind him the momentum of a
strong, harmonious congregation, while
the four $700 men would find them
selves thwarted on almost every occa
sion by competing claims and petty
jealousies.
The Home Missionary also thinks
that It would be a better example in
thrift for the community to have four
cringing, timid , ministers starving on
$700 each than one strong, independ
ent man with the -larger salary. "This
Is a poor man's country," he says, and
accordingly ministers ought to be poor
men. Why not push this thought to
its logical conclusion and say that no
body in America ought to have enough
to live on in comfort? The truth is
that this is neither a poor man's nor
a rich man's country, but one where
everybody may live in comfort and
reasonable luxury if we can only bring
ourselves to manage our public busi
ness with common sense. From this
rule and its conditions religious affairs
are no mora -exempt than any others.
THE PRESIDENTS WELCOME.
In opening the great conference
upon, the conservation of our natural
resources, President Roosevelt remind
ed his distinguished audience that once
before in the history of the country
such a conference had assembled. . It
was at the instance of Washington.
The purpose was to deliberate upon
the problem of Internal communica
tions, and from the proceedings of the
conference grew the germ which
finally developed into the Constitution
of the United States. It Is scarcely
too much to hope that from the pres
ent conference may proceed an influ
ence comparable In durability and
beneficence with the mighty fruits of
Washington's forethought. ,
Mr. Roosevelt's speech of welcome
was Interesting throughout, but for
the hasty reader the gist' of its thought
may be found in two or three sen
tences. "We have become great be
cause of the lavish ynse of our ' re
sources. But the time has come to in
quire seriously what will happen when
our forests are gone, when the coal,
the iron, the oil and the gas are ex
hausted, when the soils' shall have be
come still further impoverished and
washed into the streams, polluting
the rivers, denuding the fields, and ob
structing navigation."
In these words he stated the prob
lem to be solved. A little later he
suggested the. solution. "We are com
ing to' recognize as never before the
right of the Nation to guard its own
future in the essential matter of nat
ural resources. In the past we have
admitted the right of the Individual to
Injure the future of the republic for
his own present profit. The time has
come for a change." In other words,
the time has come to subordinate
the greed of the individual to the per
manent good of the country. When
the slave oligarchs were plotting the
destruction of the Union theyacontend
ed with desperate energy that the Na
tion possessed no constitutional au
thority to defend itself. With a para
lytic imbecile in the Presidential chair,
their claim barely missed being grant
ed. Now, when the reckless spoilers
of our natural resources threaten the
existence of the country, the conten
tion is again made that the Nation has
no constitutional authority to defend
its life.
Fortunately for the 'country, the
President who has had to deal with
this problem Is not a hesitating, weak-
kneed Buchanan, but a valiant cham
pion of Justice, a far-sighted political
philosopher. H knows what ought
to be done and he has the courage to
stand ' for suitable action. Nor is
there much doubt that the assembled
Governors of the states will uphold his
hands. The President's position was
fortified by two excellent court decis
ions, which he cited, one from the Su
preme Court of Maine, the other from
the Supreme Court of the United
States. Both decisions sustain the
right of the public to restrict the indi
vidual in the use of his private prop
erty for the good of the state or Na
tion. It is a fundamental principle of
law that the right of the public is
paramount, but this principle has been
too often overlooked in handling our
natural resources. Up to the present
these essentials of National life have
been recklessly sacrificed to Individual
greed, but unless all the signs are de
ceptive, a change of policy Is at hand.
VOTE DOWN TICK FISHERY BILLS.
The only safe course for the people.
of Oregon, in votIn upon the two
fishery measures now before the people
under the initiative, is to vote "No"
upon both bills. . One was drawn by
upper river fishing interests, for the
purpose of putting the lower river fish
eries out of business. The other was
drawn by lower river fishing interests
for the purpose of protecting salmon
to the detriment of upper river fis'her-
men. Neither bill was prepared with
an unselfish desire to promote the de
velopment of the salmon fishing indus
try of the state. Both bills should be
defeated, and the next Legislature
should gather courage enough to grap
ple with the problem fearlessly and
effectively.
One difficulty in enacting laws by
direct vote of the people is that there
Is no opportunity for amendment. If
the two fishery bills now pending could
be altered before being voted .upon,
there can be no doubt that a commit
tee of intelligent business men could
frame from the two measures one
which would be fair to the fishing in
terests, and yet afford protection to
salmon. But the bills stand before
the people in their entirety. They
must be adopted or rejected as they
are. Doubtless each of them has its
commendable features, but to vote in
the affirmative upon either or both
of them Is to court trouble. Under
the act of 1907 prescribing the manr
ner of exercising the initiative and
referendum powers, it Is provided that
when two measures upon the same
subject are submitted at the same
time, and both are adopted, the one
receiving the highest affirmative vote
shall prevail wherever the two may be
in conflict. Here are two fishery bills
relating to an industry which com
paratively, few people, of. -the stata -un-.
derstand; . It would take much study
and probably litigation to determine in
what particulars they are in conflict;
If both should be adopted, a question
would then arise as to conflicting pro
visions and the extent of the conflict.
To enact the bills as they stand before
the people is to breed litigation and
uncertainty. .
It must be admitted that the Leg
islatures of the past have not shown a
disposition to protect the Ashing in
dustry -properly by rigid laws regulat
ing fishing. That neglect furnishes
some argument in behalf of resort to
the Initiative for the purpose of se
curing laws that will .prevent the
threatened extermination of the
wealth-giving salmon. But when laws
are drawn for submission under the
initiative they should be prepared
either by persons having no direct and
selfish interest or by representatives of
conflicting interests. There can be no
hope of satisfactory results when op
posing interests prepare bills in their
own behalf and submit them for adop
tion or rejection entire. The initiative
power was not intended to be used for
such purposes. The procedure is dan
gerous as a precedent, and the stamp
of disapproval should be put upon it
by a large negative majority in June.
"The early robin must feel like
going up to Greenland to see If the
weather is not warmer up there," re
marks .the Des Moines (la.) Capital,
by way of comment upon the exceed
ingly cold condition of the atmosphere
in Iowa.-Mistaken you are. The Iowa
robin feels like coming to Oregon,
where the weather never gets uncom
fortably cold. But the robin, held by
the mysterious bonds of old associa
tion, stays in Iowa and suffers, just as
many Iowa people do. Some of the
most industrious, most prosperous and
most highly esteemed resldents of Ore
gon formerly lived In Iowa, but they
had the good Judgment to break away
from old associations and thus relieve
themselves from the discomfort of an
erratic climate. Judging by the char
acter of men . and women who have
come from there to this state, the peo
ple of Iowa must be a very intelligent
and progressive people. Of necessity
they are a hardy aria courageous peo
ple, else they could not endure the
blizzards of Winter and thetyclones of
Summer In that unfortunate state. We
trust that Iowa people will Imbibe
the spirit of the Iowa robin and feel
like going to Oregon to find a better
climate. .' -
At the time the Police Commission
ers of Kansas City were about to close
up an ' amusement resort known as
Electric Park a Are destroyed the
place, whereupon the Kansas City
Journal declares that the managers
were between the devil an the deep
sea. That was a figure of speech not
at all appropriate. Very likely if the
editor of the Journal had turned to his
Bible and read the story of the de
struction of two cities notorious for
their wickedness, he might have found
material for an allusion that would
have informed his readers of the ac
tual reason for the destruction of Elec
tric Park.
Many are the powers of man that
have been acquired by woman. In
fact, it sometimes seems that eventuai
ly woman's mind and hand will be
trained to all the activities mastered
by man. But a Kansas paper has dis
covered one mysterious power pos
sessed by woman which, it is asserted,
man can never hope to acquire. This
is the power to see a woman without
looking at her, or look at her without
seeing her. Truly a man can't do
that, while a woman can.
It seems strange that newspapers
will persist In calling things by wrong
names. The approaching gala occa
sion in Portland is neither a "fiesta"
nor a 'carnival," but a Rose Festival.
Fiestas may do very well for Califor
nia, where the English language has
been corrupted by Spanish, and carni
vals are entirely proper In their proper
places. But when Portland has set
out to have a Rose Festival, and noth
ing else, why not call it a festival?
It Is to be hoped that the assaults
on pawnbrokers, second-hand dealers
and the like will cease with the arrest
of La Rose. But suppose they should
not? Everybody except the sleuths
who know all about it would be more
confused than ever as to whether Mar
tin really murdered Wolff.
The Third California Congressional
District instructs for Taft, and the
great California scheme for a compli
mentary vote for Roosevelt appears to
be sagging a trifle. There are those
in California who know a bandwagon
when they see it.
"I hope," says the conciliatory Mr.
McCusker, while inserting the bolo
Into the vitals of his political enemies,
"that no one will construe this as a
threat." Certainly not; it's just one of
Sambo's noises, for it only sounds like
one.
A Democratic newspaper prints a
large photograph of Hon. George C.
Chamberlain, candidate for United
States Senator! Handsome, though a
little fat and sleek, as if he had held
office a long time. But who is George
C. Chamberlain?
Roy Lamphere, the late Mrs. Gun
ness' accomplice, denies that he has
confessed , to her murder. Like some
others charged with sljnllar crimes,
Lamphere doesn't see the peculiar per
sonal benefits of owning up to a hang
ing offense.
Those second-hand men at Grants
Pass who say they are taking, pure
gold out of an accommodating quartz
mine are either very lucky second
hand men, or first-class but we won't
say it.
Roosevelt says he won't run again;
Senator Bourne says he will. Is the
Junior Senator from Oregon trying to
add Teddy's name to the list of mem
bers of the Ananias Club?
The New York Herald says' "every
one of our new battleships is a mes
senger of peace." Might be a minis
ter of peace, too, in a pinch.
Judge McBride intimates that the
late bank holidays were illegal. Rut
we'peally don't see what anybody is
going to do about it.
Cheer up, Mr. McCusker. There are
other National conventions one at
Denver In July, for example.
As tof Taft, It's merely a case of
survival ot-the fattest.
"IXHEREST WEAKNESS" OP TAFT
Snail or Shall There Xot Be Instructed
Delegation for Him f
' SALEM. OK, May 12. (To the Editor.)
In a recent issue of The Oregonian
there appears a communication from
Hon. John C. Young, the private secre
tary of Senator Bourne, protesting;
against any instructions being given for
Secretary Taft in the coming state con
vention. Coming as this does from one
of the most radical champions of State
ment No. 1, it has attracted more than
usual attention. So far as it is possible
under existing conditions to determine,
the sentiment of the Republicans of Ore
gon is overwhelmingly for Taft. Mr.
Young would allow no man to go to the
Oregon Legislature who would not- bind
himself to support the people's choice for
Senator. The Presidency is an office
of vastly greater power and responsibil
ity. Why should any man be allowed to
go to the National Republican Convention
without similar Instructions and a similar
pledge? Why Is there so much maneu
vering to secure an uninstructed delega
tion, and why Is all of this maneuvering
in the camp of the enemies of Secretary
Taft?
Is there a boss and a machine attempt
ing to manipulate the vote of this state?
If the friends of "a second elective
term" were in control of the convention
does any one suppose they would oppose
instructions? If they could control a ma
jority of the delegates does anyone sup
pose that Mr. Young and Senator Bourne
would even permit the sending of an un
instructed delegation? Have the friends
of Hughes, of Knox, or Cannon, or Fair
banks, or La Follette, ever protested
against Instructions where they were InJ
control, and have they ever failed to pro
test against instructions where they were
in the minority?
The real issue in this state is whether
Senator Bourne's declaration that Oregon
must send an uninstructed delegation is
to be verified. If he succeeds in prevent
ing Instructions he will add to his pres
tige and his reputation as the most adroit
political manipulator in the state of Ore
gon, and will be entitlede accordingly to
the most enthusiastic congratulations.
Is Oregon for Taft, or is she not? Do
the friends of Taft, who are in control
of the convention, represent the predomi
nant Republican sentiment of this state,
or do they not? Will the delegates who
are sent to our state convention as the
friends of Taft, and to represent that
sentiment, attempt to dodge the issue,
and give comfort and satisfaction to
those who are doing everything In their
power to discredit Taft, by refusing in
structions? Secretary Taft and every
other candidate may well pray to be de
livered from such support and such
freindship as that. A divided delega
tion. In the National Convention, work
ing at cross purposes, will bo utterly
without Influence. It should be some
body's friend, and not the friend of
everybody and nobody.
Mr. Young allows his zeal to outrun
his discretion, when he says that the
friends of Mr. Taft "are extremely anxi
ous that the Denver convention shall
name some other Democrat than Bryan,
and are even charged with the responsi
bility of booming both Johnson and Judge
Gray for the Democratic nomination in
order to get an easier mark for Mr. Taft
in November. This activity and Inter
meddling by Mr. Taffs 'boomers' "comes
from the perfectly well recognized inher
ent weakness of the War Secretary with
the plain people of all parties, and the
equally well recognized inherent strength
of Mr. Bryan," etc. The "inherent weak
ness" of a strong candidate is always
apparent to those who favor someone
else, and the "Inherent strength" of Mr.
Bryan is always apparent at all times
except on the day of election.
Where lias Mr. 'Young discovered any
where tho slightest evidence that the
friends of Secretary Taft care a rap
whether the Democratic nominee Is John
son, or Gray, or Bryan? Who Is it that
charges ' them with the responsibility of
booming Johnson and Judge, Gray? Who
is the discoverer of the "inherent weak
ness" of the War Secretary with the
plain people? On the contrary, where
has there been in our entire history any
Presidential candidate who possessed
more of that quality of personal magnet
ism that attracts the multitude,, while
scorning all of the arts of the time
serving demagogue?
It is a singular logic that makes Roose
velt the most popular and Taft, his par
ticular friend, the least popular of all the
candidates, when they are perfectly in
unison as to all leading policies. Roose
velt, the -principal in the Brownsville in
cident, would lose no negro votes. Taft
would lose them all, In spite of the fact
that a number of negroes have already
been elected delegates to the Chicago
convention pledged to his support. Who
seriously believes that the nomination of
Taft will send all of the negroes into
the arms of the Democratic party?
' Mr. Young further suggests that: "Mr.
Taft is recognized for Just what he is,
and but for the 'big stick' pushing him to
the fore he would long since have dropped
out of the race as an impossible candi
date." Mr. Roosevelt has been intimately
associated with Mr. Tart for years, yet
his judgment of . the man is utterly at
fault, although it is absolutely Infallible
as to every other question. How can we
account for it? Who discovered the al
leged fact that Mr. Taft would have been
an "impossible candidate," except for the
influence of the "big stick?" What Presi
dential candidate has the country ever
had with the antecedent experience of
handling greater problems and handling
them with greater success? Where has
he ever failed to make good, whether as
United States District Judge, as Solicitor
General, as Secretary of War, in Wash
ington, in Cuba in Panama or in the
Philippines? Mr. Roosevelt had no such
varied experience In handling and mas
tering great problems prior to his eleva
tion to the Presidency. Mr. Hughes, a
strong man and a deservedly popular one,
has had no such experience. . Secretary
Taft has not only had greater experience
than the New York Governor, but he has
always been animated by the same high
ideals, and he has the added advantage
of a more magnetic personality. Fair
banks and Knox and Cannon and La
Follette have practically nq following out
side their respective states and are hope
lessly out of the race. While Governor
Hughes has the qualities of a great Pres
ident, and has a wide personal following,
the lack of earnest and united support
from his own state has destroyed his
' chances.
Mr. Roosevelt has reiterated that he
win not toe a candidate "under any cir
cumstances." He has shown his personal
preference for Secretary Taft. The peo
ple and all of the Presidential candidates
have taken him at his word, and acted
accordingly. If he should now be offered
and accept the nomination, we would soon
hear the Democratic press. In the style
which Is common in political campaigns,
denouncing him as a liar and a bluffer
and a hypocrite, ana a wretcn guilty or an
act of shameless treachery against his
friend, the Secretary of War. And what
effective response could be made. It is an
undeserved imputation upon American
citizenship and American statesmanship
to assume that America has only one man
who is fit for the Presidency, and it is
an unwarranted and inexcusable reflection
upon the honesty and .sincerity of the
President to assume that he would . ac
cept the nomination after he has solemn
ly and repeatedly declared, upon his word
of konor, that he will not accept the nom
ination "under any circumstances."
x CHAS. B. MOOEES.
There Waa a Man, Etc
Louisville Courier-Journal.
While some of his enemies Jeer at Gov
ernor Hughes for calling an extra ses
sion of the Legislature, it should not toe
forgotten that while the man who
Jumped back into the bramble bush
seemed rash he went down in history as
wondrous- -wise-
KO CHANCE FOR HCGHE5.
New York Republican Paper CalU on
Him to Retire.
New York Tribune
It is our conviction, based on the
facts which we have published, and on
probabilities so strong as to be
scarcely distinguishable from facts.
that the choice of the Republican con
vention for President of the United
States has now been determined and
that the nomination of Mr. Taft has
been foreordained. And we may add
for the benefit of those, who are con
jecturing the result of expected con
tests, that control of the committee on
credentials by the Taft forces is al
ready absolutely assured.
On the morning after the New York
Republican State Convention we said,
in referring to its action, that Gov
ernor Hughes, as the official candidate
of this great State, must be regarded
at that stage in the preliminary can
vass as an Invaluable reserve force on
which the National Convention could
draw under conditions which might be
found to exist at Chicago. That stage
has passed, and witlj It. in our opinion,
the chance of any nomination except
that or Mr. Tart. The people or New
York might generally regret the im
possibility of avoiding this conclusion
if it necessarily meant even a tempo
rary retirement of Mr. Hughes from
public life at the expiration of his
term as Governor. But that Is not Its
necessary meaning. On the contrary.
unless the public misconceives the
spirit In which he construes his duty,
he will not resist an overwhelming
public demand that he continue the
work he is now doing until it has been
more, nearly done.
It Is a consideration not dtrectly re
lated to the fulfillment of that duty,
but honorably to be taken Into ac
count in the sphere of practical poli
tics, that Governor Hughes as a can
didate for re-election would arouse an
enthusiastic Interest In the whole Re
publican campaign In this State which
could not fall to be of great advan
tage to the National ticket. Doubtless
the same element of strength would
be measurably added If Mr. Hughes at
the demand of the National Conven
tion should accept the nomination for
Vice-President, but It is our conten
tion that he could not be persuaded to
regard that as a claim which he was
bound to acknowledge at the sacrifice
of what lTe considers to be the higher
obligations.
Eloquence as Ia Eloquence.
From, Recent Speech In the Senate by
Senator Davis, of Arkansas.
Here and there, it is true, a brave
soul cries from the watchtowers, and
his great eloquence, like the voice of a
bell at sea, is resonant, clear and loud,
amidst the befogged and rolling wa
ters. But. sir, would you hear the
muffled swish and sob of the under
tow, hear the moan, the deepening roar,
the fitful slash; hear the grinding,
thudding beat upon dark and desolate
shores?
Exhilarated by the inexplicable efflu
vium characteristic of pageantry and
pomp, the mind passes rapidly through
increasing stages of intoxication, the
heart glows, the head rings with sub
dued, though altogether pleasurable,
sounds, while the victim sinks, pain
lessly, if not joyfully. Into a sort of
stupefaction.- It, sir, is the hypnotism
of worldliness the spell of wealth.
Diminutive editors. In paroxysms of
frenzy, grimaced and gesticulated.
Puniest of creatures, miserable, mono
carpous, misnamed men, pressed trous
ers and all, slinking cravens of the
golden fleet of Mammon, frothed madly
upon seeing my words; their little,
weak bodies trembled, the ' limbs
twitched and jerked as in spasm; the
eyeballs rolled nervously, and the eyes
emitted a greenish light, while the
poor, brainless creatures snarled and
snapped aimlessly, as do ordinary dogs,
as It . is said, affected with hydro
phobia . The 'Vaetful Shopman.
Detroit Free Press.
"Let. me see some of your black kid
gloves," 'said a lady to a shopman.
"These are not the latest style, are they?"
she asked, when the gloves were pro
duced. "Yes, madam," ' replied the shopman;
"we have had them In stock only two
days."
"I didn't think, they were, because the
fashion paper says black kids have tan
stitches and vice versa. I see the tan
stitches, but not the vice versa."
The shopman explained that vice versa
was French for, seven buttons, so she
bought throe pairs. .
In Maaaachuaetta, Too.
New Bedford Standard.'
Few citizens of the commonwealth of
Massachusetts can see any good reason
why the members of the present Legis
lature should raise their own pay.
s
- A FEW BQC1B3.
Caller (to child) Is tht napa'a little boy
or mamma's little boy? "Imnno; the judge
hasn't decided yet." Life.
In politics there is quite a difference be
tween, the uplift of the amateur and the hold
up of the professional. Philadelphia Record.
Sunday erhool teaeher Can you tell me the
names of Noah's three sona? Little Willie
Ham Noah, Sam Noah -and Jeff Noah.
JudRe.
"Ootne? to run again. Senator?" "Nope.
Fact is, I was hit pretty hard by the panic,
and these vindications come hig-h." Phila
delphia Public Ledger.
Nan I don't see wtiy MIhs Munley should
want to marry him, with all her money. Dick
I guess she had to. I don't believe he'd
have taken her without It. Philadelphia
Press.
Bystander Did you sea ow It 'appened,
lady? Fair motorist Oh dear, no! I was
asleep Just then. Bystander Ah. then you'll
be able to prove a lullaby! Punch.
Little Margie (after watching her small
brother devouring several large sections of
chocolate cake) Mamma. Isn-'t It funny how
much .larger Jimmy really is than he appear
to be from the outside? Judge.
"I'll bet that fellow h a poet." remarked
the ctm-p who reads the patent medicine al
manac Jokes." "you lose." rejoined the wise
guy. "He is the 'after using part of a hair
tonic advertisement." Chicago Daily News.
GOOD THINGS IN THE
MAGAZINE SECTION OF
THE SUNDAY OREGONIAN
By M. B. Wells: QUEER GHOSTS I HAVE MET. Some Portland
experiences, including verbatim conversations with his wife's great
grandmother, and his old friend Mike.
By Dexter Marshall: 'FAMOUS LINKS WITH OUR GRANDSIRES.
Living men and women -who did impoVtant work and won world
fame in the '30s, '40s and '50s.
By Sewell Ford: " TANGLED UP WITH MIRIAM. More incidents
in the busy life of Professor Shorty McCabe.
By Alma A. Rogers: BABIES AS EVIDENCE OF SPRINGTIME.
Letter from Vienna about them, together with stories of Francis
Richter, vagaries of language and Russian music.
By Two Experts: HALF-HOUR GARDENING FOR AMATEURS.
Several topics of valuable and timely interest to folk who are cul-
tivating" vegetables and flowers.
By Irving S. Cobb: "IF ANY NATION EVER LICKED US, THE
NAME ESCAPES ME," says the Hotel Clerk.
ORDER EARLY FROM YOUR NEWSDEALER v
Initiative and Referendum
Measures
For the information of voters there will be
published on this page from day to day brief
summaries of the initiative and referendum
measures to be seubmitted to the people at
the June election, together with :t rhort
statement of the arguments tor and agiiinst
each.
NUMBER 12.
The Single Tax Amendment..
The proposed constitutional amend
ment, commonly called the single tax
amendment, Is designed to exempt
from taxation nearly all property ex
cept land, and is a movement in the
direction of the single tax Idea. The
measure proposes to amend Section 1
of Article 9 of the Constitution, which
now requires that the Legislature
shall provide for the uniform and
equal rate of assessment and taxation
of all property, both real and personal,
except such only for educational,
charitable, and similar purposes, as
may be exempted by law. The amend
ment proposes to enlarge the except
ing clause so as to include dwelling
houses, barns, sheds, out-houses, and
all other appurtenances thereto, all
machinery and buildings used exclu
sively for manufacturing purposes and
the appurtenances thereto, all fences,
farm machinery and apnliancos used
as such, all fruit trees, vines, shruiis
and all other improvements on farms, .
all livestock, all household furniture in
use, and all tools owned by workmen
and In use. The classes of property
exempted by the Constitution as rt
reads at present would be exempted
if the amendment were adopted. The
amendment was proposed by the Ore
gon Tax Reform Association and that
organization asserts that the measure
has in view that ultimately all per
sonal property and improvements on
land shall be exempted from taxation.
Supporters ht the amendment con
tend that the present system is unfair,
for the reason that an attempt is
made to tax all classes of property tut
many property-owners are able to con
ceal part of wha. they own or secure sm
inequitable assessment. The amend
ment would place the tax upon prop
erty that cannot be concealed, and the
value of which may be equitably fixed
for the purpose of taxation. It is as
serted that the present system dis
courages thrift by taxing the im
provements a man makes upon his
land. The amendment, if adopted, will
they argue, relieve the farmer by per
mitting improvements , to be made
without increasing taxes of the im
prover, and the burden would be
shifted to the most valuable land in
the city. The present system dis
courages the investment of capital in
manufacturing enterprises, though
Oregon is clamoring for enterprises of
that sort and has paid bonuses which
amount to a purchase of the sites anil
the payment of taxes for a number of
years. Shifting the burden of taxa
tion to land 'and relieving improve
ments would, according to this argu
ment, encourage Improvement, there
by furnishing more employment to la
bor and enabling a larger number of
persons to own their homes. Under
such a system land would be' held by
those who use It and not by specula-
tors who let it lie idle in order that
they may profit by an increase in
value to which they- contribute noth
ing by their own efforts. The adop
tion of this amendment, It is urged,
would be a great advertisement for
Oregon and attract new capital and
new settlers here.
Opposition to the measure is based
chiefly on the broad proposition that
all property, of whatever kind, should
be taxed, and that all exemptions,
other than those now permitted, are
inequitable. To shift the burden of
taxation to land alone would increase
the taxes of the farmer. All classes
of property get the benefit of the pro
tection afforded by city, county and
state government, and all should bear
a proportionate share of the burden.
Each person should contribute to the
cost of maintaining the government
according to his wealth, whether his
property be of one class or another.
Men have Invested In unimproved
property in this state with the under
standing that the system of taxation
would remain unchanged and it would
be unjust to establish a new system
now which would increase their taxe3
and relieve others. It is also asserted
that the proposed amendment Is not
clear as to the property to be ex
empted, and that litigation, would en
sue for the purpose of settling many
questions that will arise if the amend
ment be adopted.
A Card of Thanks.
Emporia (Kan.) Gazette.
Referring again to the chickens which
were stolen from our pagoda last night,
it Is timely toasay that a card of thanks
is being prepared, directed to those neigh
bors who lent their sympathy and en
couragement in the dark hour of bereave
ment. When one's chickens have been
swiped, and life's horizon is overcast
with clouds through which the effulgence
of hope cannot penetrate, it Is indeed
sweet to know that She sad splashing of
our tears finds an echo in the hearts of
our friends. And they were darned good
chickens, too, laying right along.