The Oregon statesman., May 21, 1866, Page 2, Image 2

Democratic statesmen of the Jackson pattern
And wi ire utterly astounded that ilia professed
and acknowledged leaders of Ilia so-called Dem
ocratic party in Oregon should boo utiniiiuf'iilly
Ignorant of the history of the country to liluii.
(ii;r aloni; from one campaign loaniithor.stiipldly
falling into the old heresies of Calhoun, tn lio ox-
r. posed and put down by ilia wisdom of John
Marshall nnd tlm Iron patriotism of Andrew Jack
ion, in the uim order at was Citlhoun from 1W!)
to 183, by then) (treat statesmen, '1'he idea thnt
U. 8. credits could be taxed, originated with John
C. Calhoun of Smith Carolina, mid li but pnrt
1 ' and parcel of thii dangerous doctrine of Hinte
sovereignty, as i ntorpn tud aud Illustrated by
""" Jefferson Davis and the Southern Conffdoracy, '
Wohave the wnrrantof lite Constitution of the
" United Statue, and a decision of Hi Supreme
. Court, while Marshall, (a Democrat) wat Chief
r Justice, tluil these bonds cannot btlatm. Upon tho
Constitution, as Interpreted by that Court, the
. .Union rarty rest! tlie cnao. If Doniocrnt want
to make war upon tho Conetittitiou and the Hn
prome Court, it is nothing loss than what Jolf Da
' vis did, nothing less than what the Union party
has charged upon the Domocrnry, and they must
beheld responsible for tlieir course, In the ease
h i of lleston t: the City of Chorlutm, In Ibtt9, ro.
: ported on 173d pageof vol. Bt'urtls's Hiipronio
Court decisions, Chief Justice Marshall uso the
. following Innguagei '
, This brings us to the main n,uestlon. Is the
,, stock issued for loans made to the govern jiont of
the United States liable to be taxed by States
' and corporations!
' Congross has power " to borrow money on the
' credit of the United States." The nock it issues
Is the evidence of I dobt created by tho exorcise
of this power. The tax in question is o tax upon
) tho contract subsisting between tho government
and tho individual. It boars directly upon that
contract, while subsisting aud in full force. The
', ' power operates upon the contract the instant it is
framed, and muat imply A right tealfevt that eon.
' tract.
' If til States and corporations throughout tho
' Union, posaesa the power to tax a contract for the
' loan of money, what shall arrest this principle in
Its application to every other contract? What
, measure can government adopt which will not bo
. oxposed to its influence?
, llut it is unnecessary to pursuo this principle
through Ita diversified application tn all tho eon.
',' tracts, and to the various operations of govern
ment. Mo one enn be selected which is uf more
' vital interest to tho community thnn this of bur-
' rowing money on the credit of the United States.
No power fans been conferred by thu American
i people on their government, tho free and uiibur-
. dened oxerciso of which mora deeply affects every
member of our republic. . In war, when the hon
or, the tnfoty, the independence of the niiliun aro
to be defended, when ull its resources aro In be
' strained to Iho utmost, credit must he brought in
' aid of taxation, and the abundant revenue of ,
' pearo nnd prosperity must be anticipated to sup
ply tho exigencies, the urgent demands, of tho mo
Bient. Tho people, for objects the most impor
taut which can occur in tho progress of nations,
j have empowered their government to tiiuke those
, anticipations, "to burrow money on tho credit of
the United States." Can anything bo more dun
. gerona or more injurious, than the admission of a
principle which authorizes every Htutu and every
' corporation In the Union which possesses the right
of taxation, to burden the cxcrclso of this power
- at their discretion?
i ; If the right to impose the tax exists, It Is n right
,, which in its nature acknowledges no limits. It
may be carried to any extent within the juriidlc
' ticm of tho Stato ur corporation which imposes it,
, which the will of each Slate and coruuraiiou may
prescribe. A power which is given by the whole
American people for their common good, which is
to be exercised at the most critical periods, for the
most Important purposes, on the free exercise nf
..which tho interests certainly, perhaps the liberty
i of the whole may depend, may be burdened, lm
. peded, if not arrested, by auy of the organized
parts uf tho confederacy.
"The attempt to use the power of taxation on
' the means employed by tho government of the
' Union iu pursuance of the constitution, is itself
n abuse, because It la the usurpation of a power
which the people of a single State cannot glvo."
"The rlpht to tax the contract to any extent,
, when made, must operate npon the power to bor-
- row befora It is exercised, and havo a sensible in
fluence on the contract. The oxtent of this in
fluence depends on the will of a distinct govern
ment. To auy extent, however Inconsiderable, it
is a burden on the operations of government. It
may be carried to au extent which shall arrest
them entirely."
"The tax on government stock la thought hy
this court to be a lax on the contract, a tax on thu
power to borrow money on the credit of the Unit
ed Slates, aud consequently to be repugnant to
the constitution." ,
Such is the language nf the Supremo Court of
Iho United States, delivered hy Chief Justice
John Marshall, a distinguished Virginian, aud a
Democrat of the times when Democracy meant
fiatriotisin and devotion to the Union. We place
t against all the sophistries of the Jo Smiths and
Kellys of Oregon, nut only to satisfy the people
that the position of tho Union party on this ques
liuli is correct, but also to show tho people that
these fellows who are professing Democracy in
Oregon, are not genuine t they are spuriuua coin,
opposing tho principles uf true democracy, as
held by such men as Marshall and Jackson. Ap
plause The principle of taxation uf the Uove.ru
ment contract is not only repudiation iu itself, and
n violation of the Constitution, but at least two of
lha Democratic candidates havo declared In favor
uf repudiation: Col. Kelly, by repudiating the con.
tract with the bondholder, and Jaa. O'Mcara, hy
declaring that if the Democracy eel Into power "it
would pay tho whole publio debt in thirty days
without liny tax." I think this disposes of an
other one, of the " living issues."
. I'KtlTKITIII TO AMUIIl'AN I N III It l it V.
Although Utile or nothing is said by the political
speakers ou either side, on the question, of a I'm
leelive Tariff, and Frco Trade, yet 1 esteem it onn
nf the " living Issues'' of the day, and secuiid
only to the question of lircointrueiion. It ran
not be otherwise than that the question of tin
impoverishment nf American soil, or Its enrich
went, the building up of our Homo Mauuuie
Hues, or their destruction, is one of the niosl im
portant to tho prusHirily of the nation and thu
happiness of Its people Whou wtj roiled thai by
the present tariff (which the Democrat propose tu
lepeal) one hundred million dollars aro placed III
tho national ptirao annually, it la worth ivliilu
considering whether that amount ahull bo smirk
ut, and then, hy direct taica collected from I lie,
people, whose industry is hy the same act placed
uu a level with that uf all foreign nations, lie
carding our national debt not as a " national
blessing,'1 but as a aacred obligation to lie paid,
and scanning our pension lists, hich embrace al
most as many names as were found mi the muster
rolls of the contending armies at Waterloo, and
not forgetting tho widuwhuoil and orphanage,
which the nation and ita peoplo iiinal iu souid
way provide for, this question of the prosperity
uf Iho nation, ia no trilling question. In addition
tu these considerations ol patriotism, I know that
lha citiaens uf Oregon City, and, 1 can well add,
the whole of Oregon, are vitally interested in the
proerity uf our home manufactures
This campaign ia the first lime that the Doiuo.
crate have raised the Tariff question since leak'.
Why la lit Because (reason Iho Democrats) Iho
Southern Stale are coming back into the Union I
Ihey will want fn-sj trade with Kngland, acrord
iug to lb good old lime of Frank Pierce, and
tww let US get into ahap and have our platform
tu suit tlwui, Slaieiy luu) now been broken
down, there it no wore negro iu the wood pile,
but J democracy thinks thai Free liade, as in
I8SJ. will be the Soulhoru hobby, and therefore
Democracy makes haste to bow down to lha cot-ton-planting
chivalry. Iu the Atlantic Stales,
Democracy ha taken tbs same position aa it doc
here. Democrat are simply aetting up their
lake to b in lino with the old policy of lh
South, and what Ibey upect will b agam de
manded by Southern representative, when Ihev
got into the hall of t'ougre. Their aiiii-laritf
plank ia a mere party move, having no higher
motive than harmony with Southern politicians.
- So Important I Mils question uf a protective ta
riff, that many leading statesmen havo expresses!
tl opinion that if w had maintained the pro
tective policy a a nation) policy, in I lis past, wo
would not havo bad civil war. If you will re
vert to th history uf the last forty years, yon
will iud that whou we bad at protective tariff
comparative quiet prevailed Iu lha country t but
aa aooa as protection to free labor was withdrawn
sectional aacileuieut and animosity followed
llow Kicked la the eeltishnes that, right on tho
heels of the war that has so desolated lha South
and so huidened the North, seek to deprive tho
labor of both North and South uf protection,
chaining the latter down in ita poverty, and lisin
stringing lha former aa it eudeavor to eairy ita
load and save III nation's credit and prosperity.
Industry alone can reconstruct the whole Union,
Pre Trail oppose this reconstruction. Tho
deadliest dieuniniiiat that now glide masked
through our politics is the opponent of Protection
to Homo Industry.
So far, In lit history of th country, and, wo
may safely say, In the history uf all' countries,
tho protective pulley has been vindicated by th
frosperity which it hae invariably produced.
he Union party has been, and I j et, in favor ol
tariff for protection, whil till present lim
ti.il'c I'T'r ! bitterly exposed, fay a tariff for
protection,' wt mean a land tiiat la tcunmao.a
and adopted to the capaelli'a aud ciicuinslancea
of the coiiuti v Wccoa niniiifactur all hind
of woolen, cotton, and flux goods, nil kind of
iron ana' hardware, cutlery, enppcrwarn, etc., just
as cheaply and Just ail woll in tlio United HtnK a
as they can bo manufactured In foreign countries
If we have not yet gut the median!" nnd ninnn
fucturors, or enough nf them, it Is plniiily our
duty a a nation to adopt such legislation as will
Induce thorn to come tu this country wllh their
tniuiiic, tlielr labor, and tholr wealth, wo would
not favor a law that would compel Oregon to raise
Its own tea and coffee, or do without them, irr
pay such prices as would render tho consumption
of such articles nil impossibility with tho dny-la-borer.
That would be plainly unreasonable, ns
Oregon can raise neither tea nor coll'eo, and can
not therefore in any way compete with foreign
countries in such articles. Tim trtto rule is to
protect the production und manufacture at homo
of all those articles which wo can as reasonably
and cheaply produce as foreign countries, having
due regard to tlio cost or transportation botweuu
countries.
With the farmer, the vital question is, where
can I buy the most iron, or tlio most cloth, or the
most coffee, with my crop of whont, or my crop of
wooii and not, wliura cnu J bur tho most of those
artlclo for so many dollars in cold! If the farm
er buys with money, bo must first convert hi
crop into money. If ho bus no home market, ho
must send t abroad to nnd a market t and when
he ships it out of his own country, it always goes
to lha manufacturing towns his cotton and wool
to the manufacturer and his flour noil bacon to the
operatives. I ho farmer loses the cost of the trans
portation, and again ho is compelled to pay the
coat ol transporting the iiiniuilucturcd nrtlelo
back to him. Now both these losses in transport
ation would be avoided if a proper tariff protected
and encouraged manufactures at homo. If we
lure our manufacturing done in England, we
must aond tho bread there tu support the opera
tive, and pay him for his labor, And between the
man who raises bread in tlio United States and
the man who eats in Enirlaud, there is a vast army
of commission men, common curriers, brokers,
shippers, etc, nil of whom must bo paid for the
mere Dusiness ut retting the products ur one mini s
labor nnd giving it to the other; nnd they all
muko money out of the man who ia separated
from his consumer, and, to the oxtent of their
f;es, they make Iho producer poor-r. Kreo trade
lotwccu the man who raises com in Illinois, anil
the man who make spades iu Kngland, is but n
cunning device to keep both men poor us long ns
they do
The e
i uiisiness Hint tur nnny ttoin each othe
great advantngos to bu derived from en-
couraging home mnuifncturcs, ariso from the fact
Hint siicn legislation keeps the prolils and pro
duct of our own industry nt home, nnd accumu
lates and invests it in now towns and cilios, nnd
in productive farina mid factories. It abolishes
tho losses consequent on cxpciwivo transportation
and the wages of thousands of mere middle-men.
A protective policy which secures thu manufac
ture of home tuadu cloth, furnishes cheaper cloth
n reality than any foreign rival nltlinuirh the for
eign goods might be olfured for less money. How
hist Horace Uroolny answers this question as
follows: "ilccaiisn the fabrication of his cloth in
Euroiiu necessitate the exportation of his grain,
and tho cotiseqiiont graduation of ita prico by
that ruling ill Kiiropc, deducting from his returns
tho cost of transporting it tliilher. Let us sup
pose that Iowa grows mainly wheat for sale, and
must send the larger portion of hr surplus across
Iho Atlantic to find consumers, selling it iu Jlirm
inghnui orSlieflield nt two dollars per hnxhol,
whereof one dollar and lifty cents is absorbed in
the cost and charges nf transmission. Of course,
her farmers can receive, iu Iho average, but fifty
cents per bushel. Hut transfer the production of
her fabrics from Europe to America, and much of
It lo Iowa and its vicinity, and now tho price of
grain in Iowa rise by a law inexorable as that of
gravitation. It ia no longer depressed by tho
uessity of finding a market for a good part of it
four thousand miles away, hut rises to a fur high
er level. And not only is wheat dourer to tho
farmer and cheaper to the manufacturer thnn it
was, hut the farmer now finds n ready inarliut for
fruit, vegetables, hay, etc., which he could scurco
ly sell at any price, ao long aa our people's pro
ductive energies were devoted tu agriculture
alone"
What we seek by protection is lo shorten thu
distance which separates farmers from manufac
turers, and thereby diminish tho too heavy cost
of exchanging their products respectively. If a
thousand farmer growing grain in Iowa, and a
thousand luanuiacturois making wares and fab
ric in Kngland, exchange their products across
four thousand mile of land and wntnr, employing
Iho services and consuming I lie time uf three
thousand forwarders, boatmen, railroad hands,
seamen, elc, iu ao doing, it ia man i lest that the
whole Ave thousand must be subsisted ou the pro
duels of tho two thousand actual producers.
Now, bring the manufacturers so uear I lie farmers
that ens thousand men can easily perforin nil Iho
labor required to exchange their products, nnd it
i clear that wo have liberated two thousand from
vnrious lion productive employment) or func
tions, and added them to Die number of produ
cer. We have more grain grown and mure cloth
made, more wealth created and Insa capacity ab
aorbed in pnrauita which, however necessary un
der certain circumstances, add nothing tu tlio sum
of human comforts.
Tho true protective policy is simply the saving
of human labor. Instead of sending wool, grain,
and meat from America to Kurope, and bringing
back fabric In return, it is cheaper and better lo
bring the manufacturer, onco for all, from Kurnpo
lo America, hero feed him from thu products of
our generous soil. W hold that the farmer and
manufacturer ar nliko beuelited by this course;
and 111 nt it insures to each a fuller reward for his
labor, and a larger measure of uatouanca nnd
enioyuieut.
ll'il the heal illustration of the benefits of a pro-
inciive larin ia nero in our own Htate. Iu ImjD.
we had but one woolen faclorv, and that one
could scarcely pay running expenses by peddling
nuiiisgooas. in "U, when the. Union parly
came into power, I ongress passed a protective
tariff act, and Immediately our Oregon factory
commenced making money. It nut only paid off
ail nsoiu deuis, but mult a large nildllioii, tilled it
with new machinery, and followed that up hy
building In falein the largest and liuest flouring
mill on the I'aciHo coast ; and, not stopping at
this, the principal stockholders in the concern
have accumulated so much thai, with singular in
gratitude aud Uu consistency, they now alford the
time aud money to go around over Oregon mak
ing copperhead speeches, and trying to convince
the people that the policy of til is Union party,
which baa uiado (Arm rich, will now make every
body poor. This protective tar iff law ol tho Un
ion parly, which put a proper tax on the coeds of
lurviKii mauuiaciiires, uas noi omy orotigli! groat
prosperity lo th Salem Woolen Vactory but it
raised th price uf wool in Oregon Iroui III cents
in imiv to annul Vo cents in l-til. More than this,
il has so encouraged our wool growers, that from
one factory in I noil, the business now demands
the services of four fncloiiea. l'or the great value
uf home manufactures, we need not go uut nf
imr own Stale for proof. Ilefuro theerecli f
the Salem Factory, Oregon wool was a iiaelos
commodity, in a great measure. When any price
was placed upon it, it n as a nominal one nf H or
lOccutsi but Ilia erection uf Ihia Factory gave
lh arliel a alandiug on tho market report at
soiiiellnng about IU cents, ami gave hope lo the
wool grower. Now we have tlueo factories iu act
ive operation, and a fourth almost ready to turn
the water on the wheel. Lot lis make a little nil
culstien, and ace what these four factories will do
for Oregon under tlm present protective tariff
Til Salem Mili employs an average of Ml men, nt
an aveiage yearly pay of ?iKt and worka up
HoiMSHI lb, wool annually. Tho Oregon City
Factory will do ahniii th same work, wuh alioul
Iho same force. The llrowusvillo Factory will
employ about 40 men, and wurk up about kMl.UtD
Ilia. Wool, Tho Kllendal Faclorv will employ
about twenty men, and woik up about 75,Otsj lb,
wool annually. The pay of rmploveea averagea
the same at each factory. Hero, ilien, w hav
our four lactone working up annually over
euO.IHaj lb, uf Oregon wool I paying $7tH per
year lo a small brigade of two hundred and twen
ty operative) and paying out in Oregon fur wool
nd labor alone nearly $ I.K'.tHHl per annum. In
this calculation no reference is made lo the cost
of lh buildings, ar the employment which these
operative furnish to th butchers, shoemakers,
ami all other mechanic. Now, we ask lh wool
grower, farmers, mechanic, nierchanta, and
mannfaclurara uf Oregon, whether yon want to
aro Iheae Oregon woolen faclorie broken down,
by removing lh tariff from English geoda, and
thus permit English manufacturer lo Hood lb
country with goods msd by labor at Ml cent per
day, out uf wool raised by the half naked horde
men of Austialia and other peual colonies, at live
cents per puund. If you do want to hre.tk down
these Oreguu factories, and destiny tho business
of growing wool iu Oregon, tlmn support tba
Democratic party, aa that party ia pledged tn
llritlsh frv trade, and wiil nii certainly repeal
lh present protective tariff, if it gets lh control
of Congress Hut if lh wool grower of Oregon
dealr to maintain their business, and aid our
heme factorio to pay them living prices for wool,
lei them vol for lh conlinnalion of our promo
tive tariff by voting for Mallurv for Coiigrwa, and
lor Union niKWr of tho I-eislatnr. Wool
grower must not only vol for protection for Iho
nuniifselurvr, but also for Ihemaelvc. Foreign
wool ia now taxed, and should he even Dior) o
Ihanit is. Suppose th tax on foreign wool waa
Iskenutf. a il will b If th Democrat obtain
control of Congress. Tlies factories here in Or
cr,l) twy vonrwhal at a low pric. ship it
te Austral., and eaehadgo It lor Australian wool
at & and IU cents per pound, and briug il her, for
leas than you can ruis-i wool in Oregon. Now.
aro you Oregon wool growers willing to be placed
in couipeiiiion on a luvel wilh tho labor of the
hiilf-uiiKoil herdsmen, liotauy liny convicts, nnd
Loudon thieves of Australia? You must reflect
seriously upon ihesi) matters before election day.
The present tariff law is nil that has protected
you from thnt competition hurctofore, nnd our
Dcuiocrntlc politicians boldly put it in their plat
form tlmt they will repeal that law, if they got a
chance i nnd if they ahould succeed, and get the
law repealed, Oregon wool voM not be worth ten
centittf)tunil,or uhrtp four bitt a haul. Tho wool
growers of tho Oreat West and nf tho Atlantic
.States aro fully aroused on this question, and aro
buttling manfully for protection for morn pro
tectionand, for one, 1 am in favor of granting it.
Tho Wool Growers' Convention, of South
ern Wisconsin and Northern Illinois, recently
assembled nt liurlington, Wisconsin, adopted
the following resolutions:
I, llctohed, Thut it is tho duty nf Cmtgresa
to proviili) aiifTioicnt protection against tho low
prices nf foreign wool grown in nuriii latitudes
wltcro tlio raising uf fund for sheep is niniecea-
snry, und where wool cm lie grown for from
live tn twelve cents per pound.
'Z.'Jieeolvcd, Thut it ta the duty of Congress
tn impose a specific, duty upon foreign wools
competing willi American wools, ut the rate nf
liltcon Dents per pound upon nil unwashed wool
thirty cents per pound on nil washed wool,
forty-five cents per pound on all icourcd wool,
and tivenly five vents per pound on all elioildy
and woollen rugs.
Oregon wool growers ought to resolve nn this
question by llieir most effective liullot. While
tlio honest yeomanry, the laboring man, at
liiuiiii with hia flocks, ia asking protection, Ore
guu nomocracy is declaring lie shall nut have
it. lliv great nilvnniiigea to a nation urtsttig
from protective lariU's wita discovered long agu.
Athens with bur iiiioiejr nt HMiiulitcturiug,
(rovorncd Greece. Curlhago. largely engaged
in iiiiiiiiifuctuies, controlled tho commerce of
hull the then discovered globe. Holliind
whs unstress if tin commercial world in those
days when the people of the Khine cities Imitat
ed thut they "bought uf the stupid Englishman
kins ut u sixpence, and paid lor tlietu in tails
at u shilling." The English, wiser grown,
live got into tho place ol lite Dutch in tins
relation uf skin nnd lails. and ptench Free
Truilo tn the World. Their gospel is, "let the
ilnliuli do your manufacturing; confine your
selves tu raising raw proline's sell them to us
and tn ku your pay iu finished goods." If the
United Mates have yet nnv hunkering to swap
skins at a sixpence for tails ut u shilling, they
had lit'lter mid up tliestnrs and stupes tiiul re
turn to British Cnlnniiil vassiilngn. Fur thut
trade, wniuli ia British Free Trade, will make
litem slaves slaves in dependence, slnves iu
poverty.
It is eu'-ily explained why the South wanted
Free Trade lielurw the wur. 1'iof. Ellinlt, uf
the rianter's college, in Mississippi, explains
it iu his hunk, published in 1801), entitled
"Cotton is King." us follows;
"The opposition to the protective tnrilF by
the .South arose from two causes; the first
openly avowed af. Ihu time, and the second
clearly dcduuililu from Iho policy it pursued.
The ono tu secure the foreign innrliet fur its
cotton, the other tu obtain a bountiful supply
of prevision nt. chcup rates."
Uut they could nut monopolize the market un
less they could tilitain a clieup rupply uf food
and cliithiug for their negroes, and raise their
cotton nt such reduced prices us tn uni'eree
their rivals. A mnuufauturiiig population, with
ita uicchaiiicul ciunljitlurs iu the midst uf the
provision growers, ou a scale audi as the pro
tecttve policy cuuteiuphited, it was conceived
would create a pei'iuanciit market lor their pro
ducts, and enhance tlio price: whereas, if this
manufacturing could he prevented, ami n svs
turn uf free trade he adopted, the 8 mtli would
constitute the principal provision market nf the
ooiiutry, und the fertile Ju ml of the North sup
ply the cheap mud iieuiiiinieci lor its slaves.
Wool growers ami wool manufacturers, you
may he told that there is no danger; but I cnu
titiu you tu beware uf the movements uf these
iinti protect iuti democrats ! Tln-y are pushing
their views uu Hits subject lor some purpose ur
oilier. A few days ago, the deiiiocruiiu Daily
Herald, uf 1'urlhiud, declared I lit following':
"Hut again, iu ucvord with their old lime luitli
uf hosiihiy tn high tariffs, and protection for
prutccllou's sake, the demucriiey are culling
upon thu people tu niovu upon the present tur
ill.'" This unli-priitcutioii movement, so soon
alter tlio war. is hut a poor disguise for liiinlt
ruplcy and repudiiiliuu. Kept-ul the l'ruteut
ivo I'unir, Hood the country with British goods,
druiu ull the coin from iho country to pay fur
lliein, break iliiwn ull the homo iiiaiiiifae.tures
uf iron, hardware, cotton und woolen goods,
stop your factories mid raise sheep only fur the
mutton, nnd it requires but little foresight tn
sen lint n universal crush would follow ; the
entire support uf the government, wit li nil the
ititeiest uu the national debt, would then huve
Iu he wrung from the people by direct taxes;
anil iu such a deplorable slate uf a Hairs it is
euiy to see thnt Southern Congressmen would
bu joined liy ivirllioru democrats in one urn
versnl howl fur itKt'lllilATloN. Aud in such a
stain uf affairs, we are not certain uf ihe result
nf such ti cry. To forever prevent such a na
tional dishonor, tvo must stick lo " I'rnteution
and prosperity." One miiro thi nght nu this
subject, before we leave it. I assert that this
anil protection free trade move nf democracy
has been urigiuntcd iu England by the same
men who contributed money tu lit tint tho Ala
bama, and other pirates tn prey upon Ameri
can commerce, and aid the Soul hern Confeder
acy, by privateering nud blockade running ;
nnd thut these enemies nu British roil, tlio
Southern Secessionists, and Ihe Northern cop
perheads, huve perlectly agreed ami prilled In
gei her during the whole war, in iiiiling the re
bellion, ninl tlmt Ihey are now in perfect ac
cord ou this iiiiesliou. nnd hcarlilr working to
gether, to the iliiuiuge nud imminent ilunger uf
American prosperity, und American Industry.
In proof this, I lulnuit Ihe following extract
from the London Miners' Journal, uf Janu
ary Oil :
"ItKI'OKT most NOHTII AM) SOUTH 8TAFF01U)
HII11IK. Orders nre nnt yet coming in tn such nn ex
tent; but there is pretty well tn do, and deci
ded eotilidenee Iu the future. The fear thnt
the Anierio in Congress may yet raise the du
ties nn tho Import ol Iron Into the ntnte is al
most tho only speck in the lioriion. Should
that however, be done, it will probably give
rigor tn Ihe free trade agitation, of which there
are some signs, though there seems nn hope uf
the speedy strengthening in Congress of the
voice uf that parly by the admission ur the rep
resentative uf the Cniifederaey."
There ia a test for reflection, anil I hope ev.
ery lover uf his country will lllluk over it seri
ously, before election day.
English capitalist expended fl&iO.IKX) in
Washington Cily to procure the repeal uf the
protect no luritf nf ISl'l; and Ihey have now
reiirgamxeil their Free trade League, and are
scnliering llriltsh gold; nud every copperhead
newspaper i advocating their cause and ma
king war nu American industry. In reply
tu all tin, the Democrat tsv that ne aro but
asking pintectioii fur New England, and that
New Lugland la making fortune nut ol Wes
tern consumers. It is diitihllcss true Hint .ew
England manufacturers nro making nioner,
but it is rii'iully true I hut during the past four
years, the liumers, coil diggers, iron puilillcrs.
ami spinner hate also made money. When
one factory uiakes more thau reasonable profits
anullier factory will be started np tu divide
wilh thu first, just a we hive seen it with the
woolen facilities iu Oregon. I am niuel heart
ily in favor of free trade among Ameiicau
Cilixeiia, but not wilh foreigners who havo no
interest in our laws, or prosperity.
On Ihu niicsliuii alsu, ol a protective innll.
t undertake tn say that the present so-called
Dcnncrnlio party, I in direct nppnaitiou to
Ja ics Mad is "the Father of tho Constitu
tion." Thus. Jefferson. James Motiror, and in
(act all tho best men nf tho Democratic paity
prior tu the days uf Jackson; i ml in conflict
with the political principles ul tlio tattlers oi.
th tie pn hi ic.
In 17111 Cong reus adopted an act for
imposing duties on Imports, the preamble of
nhich contains tho following language:
"Whereas ills necessary forth) rnppottof
i lie Guietuti.eal, for the din-har? nf Ihe i rln
nl the I'nitid Stales aid tkf mmnrnprmrnt I
and pruUU'wn of manufacturer!, that duties
lie lam on gauds, wures, and iiicrcnunuieu im
ported.
In a commiinicntinn five years Inter than
this, Washington said:
"Congress have repeatedly directed their
attention to the encoiirngemeni ut iiiaiiuinu
furors. The nhjeot is nf too much importance
nf these efforts 'iu every way wliich shall ap
pear eligible."
In a special Message tn Congress, dated
Fell Utnil, 1813, Mnilisoii says:
But there is nn suliiect that can enler witli
greater force nnd merit into the del herntiens
uf congress, than a consideratiou uf the mentis
tn preierve ami promote tlio tiiaiiuiuciures
which huve sprung into existence and attained
an unpaiiillud inutnrity throughout the United
States diirimr tlm uoriod if the European wtirs.
This source, uf national xndrptnden.ee and
wealth I anxiously recommend, therefore, tu
tho prompt nnil constant guardianship m con
gress.
Iu a letter tn Bctijatnin Austin, dated Jan
18th, Ibid Thiimus Jelfcrsou says:
"You tell mo I am limited by tlmso who
wish tn cniitiiiue our dependence nn JMigi.imi
for manufactures. There was u timo when I
might have been so quoted with more candor."
. "o have since expericnceu
what wo did nut then believe, that there ex
ists both urufliuacv and power enough to ex
elude us from the field of interchange with
other nations that to be independent fur the
comforts of life, we must fabricate them our
selves. We mutt now place the manufacturer
by me side oj lite agriculturist. .
"lie, therefore, who is now against dnmestio
manufacture must be fof rc(luciug us cither
to dependence an that foreigri nation, or tu he
clothed in skins nud to live like wild beasts in
dens and ouverns. I am proud to sny that I
am not one uf these. Experience has taught
me thai manufactures are now as necessary lo
our independence as lo our comfort; anil if
those who quote rne us ot a uiiicrent opinion
will keen inc wilh me in purchasiae nothing
foreign where an equivalent of domestic fabric
can be obtained, without any regard to dif
ference of price, it will not be nur molt if we
do not have u supply at Home equal to nur de
mand, and wrest Ihul weapon (it distress limn
the hand which bus so loug wantonly violated
it,"
Iu his first annual Message, James Monroe
savs ulmuinifncturcs.
Their prosecution, which depends on due
encouragement, is connected WUH the high in
. ., .... .
Uresis of the nation.'' (Born, ruised, lived
und died in Virginia, he was no New Englaiiil-
er, ur Yankee.)
In his second (November 17, 1818,) lie
says:
Tho strict executiun of the revenue laws,
resulting principally from the salutary provis
ions uf the net of the 20tll nf April last amend
ing the several collection laws, bus, it is pre
sumed, secured tn domestic, manufactures nil
the relief that cnu be derived from the duties
nhich have been imposed upon foreign uicr-
cliandise for their protection. Under the in
fluence nf this relict, several branches ul this
important national interest hnve assumed
greater activity, and although it is hoped that
others will gradually revive nud ultimate,)' tri
umph over every obstacle, yet tile expediency
of grantitigurfier protection is submitted to
your consideration.
In 1821 Gen. Jackson wrnto a letter tn Dr.
Coleinaii uf North Curolinn, of which the fol
lowing is tin extract, in relation to the free
trade ideus that Calhuuti was then promulga
ting in the South:
"I w ill usk, w hat is the real situation of tin
agriculturist Where has tho American far
liter a market for his surplus products? Ex
cept for ootton, he has ueii her a foreign nor a
home market. Does nnt this clearly prove,
when thnre is no market, either at home ur
abroad, that there is tuo much labor employed
in agriculture, and that the channels nl labor
should be multiplied? Common sense points
out nt once the remedy. Draw from agricul
ture the superabundant labor; employ it in
uiecliaiiiriii and manufactures, theruby creating
a home market for your breadstuff's, and die
tiiliuling labor tn a most pioliuiblc account;
and benefits tn the country will mailt. Take
from agriculture in the United States six hun
dred ihuusauil men, women, ' utitl children, and
you nl once give a luniie inniket fur mare
iireiiilt luffs thau all Europe now furni lies us.
In short, sir, wo have been tun lung subject tn
the policy of thu British merchants. It is
time we should become a little more American
izeil, nnd instead uf feeding the paupers and
laborers nf Europe, feed our own; or else, in a
short time, by continuing onr present policy,
lie shall ull be paupers ourselves,"
There is the tcsliinony nf the Father of his
Country, uf four Virginians, uf the four great
est statesmen the Democratic, party hns
ever produced, af live Southern men, hav
ing no connections with, or interests in New
England, directly against the present position
ol Democracy ou this question. Nu, l.dlmv
citizens, the Joe. Smiths, Kellys, O'Mciirns
and Fays, arc not Democrat uf the uld school
They have no right to the name uf Democracy.
They havo not got a single drop uf true De
mocracy iu their veins. The Union party now
represents thu principles of the true Democra
cy, and these lellows that aro now dunning
the name uf Democracy in Oregon are bas
tards nud spurious coin. Let the country bo
true to its own citizens and protect its own in
terests, and we will not hull on the road tn
pence und prosperity. Let it be settled that
1'rotectiuu is the policy ul lite Country, und
ne will yet see every drop of water now idly
pouring over your majestic Fulls, tinned upon
tireless wheels, factories and nulls uf every
kind being multiplied, and Oreguu City number
its population of industrious and prosperous citi
tens, by scores of lliuusnnds.
1 may have been tedious in treating this
quest ion, but il great importance, as one nf
Ihu "living issues" nf American politics at this
time, must Do my aputogy.
ItKCOSSTHL'CTlON.
On the subject uf reconstructing, or restor
ing the Southern Slates, tn their proper rela
tions with the Union, much misapprehension
and contusion nf ideas h is doubtless been cre
ated li v the terms "iu tho Union," and nut
ol tho Union. So far a the proper legisla
tion is concerned, it is a mutter nl little con-
si iineiice whether these rebel states bo con
sidere.t in Ihe Union ur nut uf it. That the
actual relations existing between these State
aud the Union have In en altered and inltu
encrd by lh act of eceesinn, rebellion and
war, cannot he reasonably denied. It would
be simply ridiculous tn assert that South Car
olina maintained the same relations with thu
Union in It'ti:!, as did Oregon; and to some ex
tent the condition of South Carolina in Il,'t,
tti laches to the State, until her former rela
tions with the Union nro completely restored.
In hi Into able speech in Congress Judge
Williams says that Ihe rebel States nre not out
of the Union iu the sense in which Canada, a
foieign nation, ia ont. nud yet it is nut in the
l.iiion a Oregon i. 1'mlmlily the host of all
definitions nf this unsettled iiuestioil, is Ihe
cue given by the lamented martyr President in
a speech made to some soldiers after the fall of
Kiclimuud, and a day or twu before bu assas
sination, where ho spoke of the next great du
ty as lieuig that ol restoring these rebel Slates,
tn their proper, praolic.il relations wilh the
Union." President Johnson recognised this
disturbance of relations between the State
and the Union, when be set np provisional
governments iu each uf the rebel Slates. Con
gress repeatedly recognised Iho same state nf
affair during Ihe war, and long prior to any dis
agreement of opinion With the President.
There is then not only a disturbance nf Ihe
relations between the rebel States and the
Union, aud something necessary to be done to
restore these Stale "to their proper practical
relations with th Uuiou"; but I hero is the fur
greater question Ihe removal nf the cause of
all this trouble, and exaction nf "security for
the lutnre." These iiccstion form at present
the great centra of American politics, and
about Ihe diHinl of which, political parlies
will light their hardest battle.
Reunnetructkia of the rebel States, on Ihe
ham of future peace aud security Ui the
Union, involves 1-t, Ihu lights, of titutes: i2d;
tlio rictus of m i sons.
From the formation nf the government tn
the present time, there bus been propugnteti
more or less, a politica idea inimical tei the
peace and prosperity nf the Union: viz. That
this United States government Is but a cum
pact between independent Stales; and not a
government formed by the people and fur the
people. I assume tn say that this doctrine
was Ihe cause nl the late terrible war; und
that until it is directly repudiated by the ex
press language uf the Constitntiuii wo cannot
hope fur pence or safely. I desire lo briefly
trace Ihe history of this doctrine, and ask your
careful attention tn it. It is nut altogether
American iu its origin. Although our present
Constitution was bitterly opposed by Patrick
Henry and others, because the preamble uses
the words "we the people," ond tlmt fur neg
atives the above doctrine, yet probably Ihe
first nrnunimtor of this heresy, after the Con
stitution hail been adopted by tho people of
the United Stales, was n foreign cmissur),
sent tu this country for the express purpose of
sowing the seeds nf dissolution, hy teaching
Slate Sovereignty to the dissatisfied and disap
pointed politicians nf early days. Washington
himself tells ns that such emissaries came here
from Franco during his administration; and it
is a matter uf history that a French Agent
named Genet came tn this country iihont that
time, and established hii headquarters ut
Charleston, South Carolina, and from thenoe,
issued letters of muiquo against tho British
commerce, and did many other things to an
noy the government nud invnlve tho people of
Smith Carulina in trouble. The purposo and
object nf these emissaries nf monarchical gov
ernment is plain. After the adoption of nur
Constitution, it was heralded throughout
Franco and other European nations ns a great
achievement for liberty; and then the Repub
licans ot Fransn declared for "Washington's
Constitution." I was forcibly reminded of the
truth nf tins while speaking on this same sub
ject the other day at Wacondu; when Dr.
Poujade, a white haired patriarch, a nutivo of
France, nnd a true Republican, warmly greet
ed mo with the decluraiion "yes, yes, we
Frenchmen always sity rive la Washington."
And uu sooner had the Republicans of Franco
declared for "Washington's Constitution,"
than the monarchists nf that dny ut once as
sumed to be the best friends i.f liberty; just as
we have seen in our day, the Democracy of
Oregon claiming tu he the best friends nf the
Constitution, while at tho same time advocat
ing the doctrines of Secession and Nullifica
tion, us stated in the Kentucky Resolutions nf
1798. It was fur the purpose of sapping
"Washington's Constitution." and recuriug its
future overthrow, thnt these emissaries of des
potism and monarchy in Europe, came tu this
country, nnd taught to all whoso ear could he
obtained, the European idea that our govern
ment is but a compact between independent
States, and tint a government of the people.
The crowned bonds uf Europe well knew, thnt
if the whole American mind could be educa
ted tn that idea, it would uot bo ninny years
until sumo local question would produce the
practical application of thu doctrine, in the
iiullilicHtinii nf some Congressional net, or thu
secession of some aggrieved State. This
idea uf courso ignores Ihe existence of the
common urbiter of ull tho States the Supreme
Court.
The first ont cropping of this " compact"
theory of our general government, is fonnd in
Ihe aforenamed Kentucky resolutions of 1798.
The first of these resolutions reads as fol
lows :
Resolved, That the several Slates composing
(lie United States nf America, are nut unlimi
ted nn the principle ol unlimited submission
to thu General Government, but thnt by a com
pact, under the style nf a constitution for the
United States, and amendments thereto, they
constitute a general government for special
purposes, delegated tn thnt government certain
definitive power's, reserving, each State to its
sell, the residuary mass of the right lo self
government, and thut whensoever the general
Government assumes undelegated pnwers, its
acts are unauthorized, void und of no force ;
that to this compact each State acceded ns a
and is an integral party ; and its co-States
forming ns to itself I ho other party ; and the
government created by this compact was not
made the exclusive or final judge of the pow
ers delegated tu itself, since thut would have
made its i iscretion, and nut the constitution,
the measure of its powers ; but that, as in nil
other cases of compact, mining powers having
no common judge, each party has au equal
right lo judge fur itself, as well nf infractions,
as the mode und measure of redress.
This resolution nowhere admits the peoplo
tn he the source from whence o une the general
government, but utterly ignores their power or
existence in the general government, and refers
tu the States aa "pnwers." using thu Very lan
guage of the European diplomatists. It is well
knnwn to ynu all that these r 'solutions were
sent to all the States then formed, and except
us to Virginia, were repudiated by all tho
other States, us heretical aud nnti-re publican.
Wo next hear of these Kentucky resolutions
in Irffi. where John C. Calhoun makes them
the basis nf nullification, nud Iho excuse for
alleinuleil secession at that timo. Gen. Jack
son being President then. Very unceremonious
ly snuffed uut tho south Carolina Conlcder
ncy. We next hear of these resolutions iu 13tiC),
when every traitor nud secessionist iu the
South nnoted them ns good and sufficient dem
ocratic authority for seeessiou. They were not
only so used hy Southern traitors ; but every
demucrat uf tho North who would not go into
the Union party, fell back on these resolution
ns an excuse lor the revolutionary proceedings
going nn in the South.
To show you, gentlemen, the perfect concord
between the secessionists and rebels of the
South nnd the Demncrats nf Oregon, on mat
tcrs of platform and principle, permit me to
call Tour especial attention to two facts. The
first is this : Jefferson Davis, in his special
message tn the Congress uf tho Southern Con-
fedcracv, April -Dili. Isbl. asserts that the dem
ocratic party af the free Slates stands commit
ted tn secession, in ihe follow ing words : "From
a period as early as 1793, there has existed in
nil tlio States a party, almost uninterruptedly
in the majority. bused upon tho creed that each
State waa, in tho last resort, the solo judge ns
well of its wrongs ns nf the mode und measure
nf redress. 'Ihe deuo
cratio party of the United States repented, in
its successful canvass of 183fi, the declarations
made in previous political contests, that it
would faithfully uhidu hy and uphold the prin
ciples laid duwu iu the Kentucky resolutions
ol I7ys."
Now lo that assertion that tho Northern de
mocracy was pledged lo sustain secession, how
did Ihe Oregon democracy respond nt its con
vention in I8lit 1 Did it repudiate the asser
tion ol the traitor Jeff Davis, as it now repu
diates the charge nf secession, when Hindu in
the Union platform ? No sirs. Instead of re
pudiating tho charge nf secession then, when
made by Jefferson Davis, the Oregon Democ
racy, al its convention in 181)4, responded baok
to Jeff Davie at Montgomery : ' We agree
with you, brother Jeff; we stand nn.th.it plat
form of yours ;" and we adopt the resolutions
uf I7!8." A voice, "that's so." Tho Ore
gon Democracy agreed with Davis in 18(54.
and adopted secession and nullification, nud
Coi. Kelly ran for Congress ou that Davis plat
form, and w cut all nver the State making speech -es
in favor of it. And yet in his speech at Snleni
he had the effrontery to deny that democracy
had ever recognited secession, in any nay, and
defied his competitor. Gov. Woods, to produce
the resolution of any democratic convention
In disprove hia statement. There ie the resn
lotion which disproves Cot. Kelly's statement,
and establishes Ihe truth of the charge made
in the Union Platform. There is the resolu
tion, and the history, which shows the perfect
concord brtweeu Ihe Democracy of Oregon,
and the secessionists and traitors uf the Smith.
If Col. Kelly desired more testimony than this
to make him acknowledge Ihe error of his de
nial. It is found in the following resolutions
adopted by the California Detuocratio State
Convention, nf 186s.!:
Resolved, That we are opposed tn the em
ployment of fore by the General Government
against (lie .s,'dd St.iti'J f-ir the pm-pn of
compelling nliedicuco aud submission to the
Federal authority.
licnolved, That we nro in favor of the pres
crvaltnu 1 1 tho U nion upon constitutional guar
antees which will be uccepliiblu to both sec
tious nf the Cnnfedcracy, nut il that desirable
noniummiitinti ho imiiossilile.(icn we are in fa
vor of Ihe recognition of the independence of the
Confederate Stales nud a treaty nf amity und
neaoo betweeen them and the United States
. ., ,. LI..I. :ll
government us me alternative wuicii win ier
mintito the horrors of civil war, and bring back
happiness tn nur distracted ouuntry.
If the democratic parly is not now in favor
of seoessinn, when did it cease tn lie ? We do
nnt desire to take up time rending from a thou
sand snnrccs the evidence, unquestioned and
uudeniable, that the Oregon Democracy hns
for the lost four years been entirely upon tho
side of secession and treason, of rebellion and
traitors.
We have been thus careful to trace the his
tory of this "Statu sovereignly," ".Slate cum-
nnc.t." theory nf our government, in order to
show not only its foreign nnti repnblican origin
hutulsuits growh, and legitimate fruits; nnd
the necessity now existing.nt, this crisis of pub
lio affairs, for the election of Union men to the
Legislature and other offices, tn the end that
this hateful heresy may he directly end oerlain
ly repudiated by the express language of the
Constitution, in adopting ainenuinents tnereio.
Tho recent language of Alexander II. Ste
phens, of Geurgia.the most thoughtful and con
sidernto nf Southern lenders, ill which be de
clares Ihnt the Soulhcrii men havo not changed
much on the subject of States Rights, together
with thu testimony uf Gen. Tliouias, and many
others tu the effect that tho Southern people
have not changed their minds nn the suliiect of
secession, nnd thut they yet entertain hopes of
establishing the Southern Conlederaoy. warn
the American people to be sure that they set
tle this question of Seoession nnd nullification,
while the power yet remains in the hands nf
those who nro unquestionably loyal to the Un
ion of tho people.
I may be told hero, that thero is danger nf
centralization and consolidation. So long as
we recognize the doctrine that it is the people
who benr rule, thero is no danger of doing any
hurt by cnnsolidization. The interests of the
Ropubfio nre now too extensive and diverse to
admit of any dangerous consolidation of now
er. Hut that there is need nf a consolidation
nf interests to the extent that the gnvcrnmcnt
uf the United States shall bo recognized ns a
government of the people and by the people, I
earnestly maintain. On this question, again
I will offer the teslimnny of the "Fathers of
the Constitution," and great lenders nt the
Democratic party in the days of its purity.
George Washington was President of the Con
veutiou which framed the Constitution. It
will not be denied I hat be is a good witness.
In his official letter tu the Continental Congress,
transmitting the new Constitution, he says :
"In nil nur deliberations on this suhjeot, (the
Constitution,) we kept steadily in view that
which appears to us the greatest interest iff ev
ery true AmericaiLfVie consolidation of our Un
ion, in which is involved our prosperity, felic
ity, safety, perhaps our national cxistenoe."
This letter nf Washington's was unanimous
ly endorsed by the Constitutional Convention.
In the Federalist, James Madison Ireqtiently
alludes tn the proposed government ns a "Na
tion, "and as a government of the people. Hut
the must authoritative statement ever made by
Madison on the point at issne is made in his
celebrated teller In tilivard Everett, dated
August, 1830, on the subject of nullification.
IIo cnnimences thnt letter by referring to the
resolutions nf 1798 and 1799, and then, speak
ing of tho Constitution of the United States,
snrs :
"It was formed, not ly the governments of the
component States, as the Federal Government
(the old Cnntetleralinu), lor which It was sub
stituted, was formed. Nor was it formed by a
mnjurity nf Iho people of Iho United States, as
n single community, in Ihe manner uf a con
soliduted government. It was formed hy the
States, that is, by Ihe people in each of the
States, acting in their highest sovereign capac
ity nnd formed, consequently, by the same
authority that formed the State constitutions.
Being thus derived from the same source as
the Constitutions of the States, it has within
each State the same authority as the Constitn
tiuii nf the State."
Patrick Henry violently opposed the adop
tion of the Constitution, fur the very reason
that the preamble to the Constitution uses the
words, "We, the people," instead of "We, the
States, and Mndisou advocated its adoption,
for the same reason. Thero can be no doubt
that the Fathers of the Constitution, Washing
ton, Madison, Jay and Hamilton, and their as,
sncintcs, considered thu government formed.
ns one deriving its power and authority direct
ly from the people, and nnt from tlio State gov
ernments. And here again, thu Oregon dctn-J
iicracv are dtreclly in opposition to the fathers
ol the old Democratio party. '
It is au important quest ion, now, one nf the
"living issues," whether or not some amend
ment shall be added to the Constitution, clear
ly settling this mailer, and forever quieting
the minds uf tho American people ou this doc
trine nl Secession and MiiIIiIiciHiiiii. 1 he Uu
inn party is in favor of such un amendment,
w hile the democracy is opposed tn it. In pro
posing auy amendment, we ought tn go buck
lo first principles. Iu n republican form uf
government, nil power and authority is derived
from the people. It was intended hy the fru'
ineis nf our government, tu lay the foundations
of n Republic iu truth nud in fact, and tn lav
such Inundations uu the unchanging basis of
justice and right. It is not surprising thnt
there should havo been some qiiestiuus left
open lor discussion: 1 Ins State Sovereignly
question has been open for discussion, and it
has been the cause uf nil our troubles. It is
necessary to settle it now and forever. The
Reconstruction Committee in Congress hns re
ported an amendment fur that purpose, which
will doublltss ho submitted by Co gress to the
States. It is in the lollnwing words :
Sec. 1. No State shall make any law which
shall abridge the privileges or immunities of
the United States, nor shall any State deprive
auy person uf life, liberty, or property without
a due process of law, nor deny any person
within its jurisdiction equal protection under
thu Inw.
This is the principal amendment, and if in
incorporated into the Constitution, will forever
bury the treasonable heresies of secession and
nullification. It will also secure justice lo ev
ery persnu within the jurisdiction of the Union.
It ought to he adopted i and it will be adopt
ed. Applause.
At this stage of (ho discussion, we arc fre
quently asked about tho admission tn Congress
nf the Southern Representatives. For my part,
and so far as I know, I believe that the Union
puny is agreed to the admission of such loyal
Representatives from the South as desire' to
come iu now. But the Union men will uever
agree that notorious rebels shall be recognized
is loyal men, simply because tbey can exhibit
au executive pardon, Applause. This is
not the evidence of loyalty which gcuuiuu pat
riotism would offer: nud because nineteen
twentieths of the Southern Representatives are
uf this class, Congress hits justly refused to ad
mit them.
President Johnson would doubtless be satisfied
with Ihe admission of the Tennessee members.
and Congress has mure than once signified a
willingness to admit them, npou Inking the test
nath, but there is even some of these who can
not lake this oath. It must he borne iu mind,
thnt Col. Stokes of Tennessee, and the other
truly nynl Representatives from the South,
have declined In go into Congress until Ihe
whole question of Reconstruction has been set
lied. They have adopted this course iu order
that their ad mission may not be taken as a pre
cedent to affect other cases before the oorupL-te
adjustment of the wholo question.
congress no proposed some other ainenu
inents, sonio of which inny he ratified, and
tome may nnt be. The whole of them, and
each uf tbein are designed tn secure peace In
the future. Tho mam features of them will
be adopted in some shape or other. Tbey em
brace nothing more than 1 resident Johnson
has herctolore indicated in hit speeches and
letters. In the language of the President,
when lie accepted the Union nmniualion for
Ihe Vico Presidency t " TVsujoit must be,
"riVe (vio. nnd tmilvrt saint be punished.
And while society is iu Ibis disorder.. d n,,u
and wo are seeking security, let us fix the foun
dation of the government on principles of tier,
mil justice, which will endure fur alt' time,"
(Applause.)
In c
examining tho second proposition of thn
subject of reconstruction ; viz : Tho Rights nf
rersous, the union pnrty una uiKen the ground
that justice must, be secured to each and all
alike, without distinction nf color. And I
know nf no better foundation, or platform of
principles, on this subject than the one so well
defined by President Johnson in his speech to
the colored soldiers in October, 1805. In tlmt
somewhat celebrated speech, President Jnhu.
son says :
" It being iinusunl in this Government and in
miistof the other Governments tn have colored
troops engaged in their service, ynu have gone
forth ns events have shown, and served with
putieiicH nud endurance in the cause nf your
country. This is your country us well ns any.
hndy else's country. Cheers. This is tfi0
country iu wliich yon expect to live und in
which you should expect to do something hy
your example iu civil life as yon have done, In
the field. This country is lounded upon the
principles of equality, and ut the same lime
tho stutidmd by which persons aro to ho esti
mated is according to heir merit Btiil
their wurllt ; and you huve observed no
doubt, that for him who dues his duty faith,
fully nnd honestly, there is nlwnys a just pub
lie judgment that will appreciate nnd measure
out to him his prnper reward. a
government ol freedom nud nf liberty there
must lm law nnd there must be obedience and
submission tn law, without regard In color
Cheers. Liberty (and may I not cull you my
countrymen I) consists in the glorious privil
ege of wurk ; of pursuing the ordinary nvoca
tinns of peace with industry and wilh economy
and that being dune, ull those who hnve been
industrious und economical are permitted to
appropriate and enjoy the products of their
own labor." Cheers.
There is the Civil Rights Bill in a very few
words. But again :
"Henceforth, eauh and all of yon mast be incus
ured according to your merit. If one man is
more meritorious than tho other they cannot
be equals ; and he is the must exulted who is
the most meritorious, without regard to color.
And the idea nf having a luw passed in the
morning thut will make a white man liluek be
fore night, nnd u black man a white man be
fore day. is absurd. That is not the standard.
It is your own conduct; it is your own merit;
it is your own talents and your own intellectu
ality and moral qualities."
I clipped this speech from tho Stole Rights
Democrat, of December 2, 1805, O'Mcara pre
facing it with the remark, " How this expres
sion nf Bcntimetit will he received by Mr, John
son's new 'democratic' friends, brief time must
develop." Well, now, what did "brief timo"
develop 7 That for the hope of getting votes,
the Democrnoy of Oregon in now pretending
to endorse "nur Andy" everywhere, nnd there
fore endorsing this piece uf unalloyed negro
eijualily. Great upplnuso. Yes, gentlemen,
we hnve fastened negro equality upon the De
mocracy, or they must repudiate Johnson, and
they cnu choose either horn of the dilemma
they please. But it mutters nnt what tliey do;
it mutters not what Johnson or Congress may
do ; tho principles enunciated by Johnson in
that speech, are now thoroughly settled in the
A morion n mind, und if neither he nor Con
gress carries ont these principles, tho Ameri
can people will. Applause. In that speeoh,
Johnson laid down tho principles of the Civil
Rights Bill, nearly six months before the Bill
wns thought of. The Union men endorse John
son's speech to the colored soldiers, and they
endorse the Civil Rights Bill. On other occa
sions, Johnson hns gone further thnn Congress
has ever gone. Even old Thnd Stevens has
now given up negro suffrage, and yet Johnson
hns repentedly recommended negro suffrage to
the Southern States. Do the Democrats en
dorse this ? If they dn not, tlioir endorsement ,
of Johnson is not honest, and made only to de
ceive. Tho American peoplo have made np
their minds to do justioe tn tho negro. Justice
will he secured to him before reconstruction it
oniiplcted. In the language of Presideut
Johnson himself, " No state can he regarded
ns thoroughly organized, which has nnt adopt
ed irreversible guarantees for the rights of the
fre dinen." Irreversible guarantees onn be
such only na aro put into the Constitution of
the United Slates. If put in a State Consti
tution only, the Stnte might reverse them, bat
when placed in the natinnnl bond of Union,
the great loyal heart of the North will forever
prevent their reversal.
I think it bus been shown that nn all the
great questions now pending, the Dcmncraoy
of Oregon, is not only on the wrong side, but
in dircot opposition to tho principles of the
Fathers uf the old Democratic party. The so
called Democracy nf Oregon, appeal to the
past as proof their wisdom, when the fact is
thut Ihey cannot possibly trace their principles
back farther than Frunk Pierce and old Buch
anan, and both of iheso Democrats are on the
record in favor ol secession and the .Southern
Cniifederaey. The principles of those Oregon
Demncrats are a disgrace to such names as
Madison and Jacksou. The Oregon Democ
racy ought to bo niimed the Demagoeuery par
ty, instead of the old name. The U nion par
ty now hold the principles nf Andrew Jackson,
and the Fathers of the Constitution ; while
these latter-day Democrats, being first demor
alized by joining with slavery, have become
rolten nnd fetid with a treasonable sympathy
with the Sunt hern traitors. They have a kiad
word in their platform fur the lamented Doug
las. They have no right In mention bis uamo.
In his lifetime they heaped upon his heal their
vilest curses. Here is what he thinks of them,
taken from one ot hit speeches made in 1846.
Listen to it :
" Patriotism emanates from tlio heart, fill
the soul, infuses itself into the whole man, and
speaks and acts tho same langunge. A friend
uf his country in war will feel, speak and sot
for his country, revere his country's cause and
hato his country's enemies. America wants
uo friend, acknowledges the fidelity of no citi
zen, who. after wnr ia declared, condemns the
justice of her cause and sympathizes with the
enemy, au such are iruitors in men nc
Applause. Let tho Jo Smiths and the Kelleyt wriggle
and squirm under tho charge of treatou, here
are the words of Stephen A. Douglas, who de
clares " all such lo be traitors in their hearts.
Applause. ) Let no friend of the noble Dong
Ins ever consort with the Oregon Democrats;
his last words to his countrymen, appealed to
ynu, and to nil, to roily to the support of Abra
ham Lincoln, nnd aid him in putting down the
traitors ol the Snnlli. There onn be no diU
ions between old line Republicans and lh true
friends of Douglas. They shook handi over
the grave of Douglas, and mingled their tear
iu one common oblation over tlio grave of IM
martyred Lincoln, nnd henoefortli tbey
murch forward, shoulder to shoulder, in
solid and indivisible phalanx, keeping step lu
the music of the Uninn, until tho principle
freedom and justice shall be to established j
the laws and ordinance of the laud, and
the hearts and affection of the people, that ne
traitor hand will ever disturb their deep
pose. Applause. ..
In conclusion, let mo appeal to ynu, Ie1'""'
citizens, to wurk with a will fur the over helm
ing triumph nf our whole ticket. I thuli f0
for your kiud attention. Applause.
OitKiiiiM City, May H 'JfL
Pi liLIHiit.H SttkM.x Having 00" "
speech delivered by Mr. J. Gaston, at ,ur,T
I'itv. on the J7th dny of May, and believing w
the" facia and figure embodied threia we
make an effective campaign document, we
ask you to publish it in the Nfaei, "
lent for vou to do to. . .
W. W. Kick, Jnsr.ril v. !.'
Henry Waiuiks, Owm Waib.
D. P. TllOMUSlIN, J. L. 1UBI.0-
IVoHcr.
i of Una"
a- nvefli r... ,l. a h..ir n - wh.tla srrtioli t
I .. : -...I ..f ....ri,,r nliali'V.
nv
A hi mriv ricciivii niiu ... .,, - , . , ,rr
all iueloKil and well improved, wilh ""Ti-
bud, linns. LiviiiK water on the P"-"""" vrW
rie. nan timber and brush land. Ami K""
of fruil Ireea. , , ,, , salt
I propose to sell the above touts or hum
their cost. . . Ma-
Mv residenee is four mile eriri oi . p.yjjn
Ml 'count V, t rKoii. KW,U tlllJ
nnn
Uv till', lki'A
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