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About The Oregon statesman. (Oregon City, O.T. [Or.]) 1851-1866 | View Entire Issue (July 28, 1857)
burden and net blessing to Oregon. Slav ery ia involuntary servitude labor forced by power from an willing laborers. There Is no ambition, no enterprise, no energy in such labor. .Like the horse to the tread-inlU, or tha oz to the farrow, goes the slaTe to his task. Compare this with the labor of free white men. Take the youna man without family or property no bondage fills the lit tle horizon of his life with its unchangea ble destiay. Conscious . of his equality, of bis right to aspire to, and attain any posi tion ia society, he will desire the respect and confidence of his fellow men. All the world is hie for action, and all the future is his for hop. ' Employ the tiead of a family to do your work.. Anxious io make bis home comfortable, to educate his children, to pro fide a competency for old age .Le will have strong inducements to be diligent and faith ful in busiuess These motires energize free labor, , but hare little or no influence apoa Iho Slave. " Ono free white man is worth more than two negro stares in the cultivation of the soil, or any other busi ness which can be influenced by teal or the exercise of discretion. I do not claim that this is so where slares are worked in gangs by a task-master, but it would be so in Oregon ; for no man here can hare slares enough to justify the employment of an overseer and therefore every owner must manage his own slave, or leave them to to self-management. . Situated as the far mer is in Oregon, ho wants a laborer to be some thins; more than a. mere slave. . He wants a man ' who can act sometimes in the capacity of ageat to whom he can en trust his business when absent from home, and who will go. to the Geld and work without watching or driving. Negroes are natarally lazy, and as . slaves actuated by fear of the whip are only interested iu doing enough to avoid punishment. Now, if what I hare said be true, it is perfectly manifest that a farmer in Oregon cannot afford to pay as much for the labor of a nezro slave, as for the labor of a free white man. I say in the language of John Randolph, that slave labor is de monstrably the dearest of any." And 1 afirm that it will cost the farmer in this country, more to obtain the services of one slave, than one free man. To show the high price of slaves in the States, I might refer to different public Journals, but I will quote from bat one. The Central Organ, published in the parish of Avoyelles, Lou isiana, says that, " 13 field hands were re cently sold in that place, at prices ranging fromtl.365 to 12.360. The lowest sniu was paid for a lad ten years the highest was naid for a man 31 years of ae. Four of the negroes were -women, aud nine of them under twenty years of age. Their acrrejrato value was $24,260." Now from this statement, it is entirely safe to assume that m god. healthy negro man in Missouri, would be worth f 1000, and the prospect in Kansas will not reduce the price. Hordes and cattle more than double in value by ira Dortatioa from the States to this country. and without doubt the rnle would hold good in reference to slaves, so that a good man in Oregon would be worth $2,000. Now the interest on this sum at 20 per cent, would be S400 per annum, which would hire a white man for ten months at $40 per month State the facta in any way, and it wnl pear that the interest on the value of a good slave man will hire a white laborer from April to November, aad there is little help needed by the farmer derm the other por tion of the year. But there ore many olh er things to be considered. To a eruilov free man and you have nothing to do with bim but to provide him with employment and food, a;ad pay bts wager, but wita slave it is different. Your house must b his home. ' Yoa ruut provide everything for him. and Jiav all Lis expenses sick or well. Ton must watch him when he work and when he plays. Yon mutt tell him what to do, and whip him if he fails to do it. Drunken, depraved and vicious as he may he, you mast control his pasions end be re sponsible for his acts. 1 remember that slaveholder in St. Louis told roe that the vicious behavior of a female slave which for eome reason he could not or would not sell caused him more trouble than all the othe cares of bis. life. Suppose a farmer to own two or three ne groes. Xney may be of profit to Lira in the summer, but wbat can they do in the win tet. Taev cannot then plow or sow, or reap, or thresh. What could a nrro, fitte by nature for the blazing sun of Africa, do at chopping wood, splitting rails, or making fence in the cool drenching ratns of an Ore gon winter? One season of such exposure would endanger his life. The fact is that negro slaves other than house servants would be perfect leeches upon the farmer daring our long rainy winters. They would be more useless here than in New England, for there the winter is cold and dry, and a man can work in the barn or in the woods, bnt the reverse is true in this country. There is another thing in this connection to be noticed. When a man proposes to make aa Investment, the risk of its loss is always taken into the account. If you loan money on doubtful security, yon ask more for its use thaa when tbe security is perfect ly good. Mr. Buchanan said " that it was morally impossible for slavery to exist in California, becaase every facility was there afforded for the 'slave to escape from hi master, and such property there wou'd be entirely insecure." What is true of Califor nia in this respect is certainly true of Ore gon. Slares might accompany their mas ters to Oregon from attachment, but sup pose a slave-dealer to start for the Oregon market, across the plain, with a band of slaves bought here and there; what regard would they have for a man who had bought them to sell again upon speculation, and who was taking them a retnrolcss distance from the "old folks at home?" With all tbe safeguards of law and public sentiment, slaves are manacled to be taken by tho tra der from one slave State to auother; how thee could they be safely transported thon aaads of miles across a wilderness country with feelings of hatred and revenge rankling in their dark bosoms? To bring them by wa ter, to say nothing about the expense, is a hazardous and almost impracticable thing. Suppose, however, all these difficulties over come, and your slares safe upon the soil of Oregon, then they would stay with you or not, just as they pleased. North is the Ter ritory of Washington with its sparse settle meats ite vast forests and mountain ran ges, in which a fugitive slave might hide from an army of pursuers. Eastward dwell numerous Indian tribes, to whose welcome embrace a slave might fly and be safe. No fugitive slave law would avail there, or friends of tbe master be found to assist in his recapture. South is tbe free State of California, where doubtless tbe fugitive slaTe could find friends to speed bim on to a iriore perfect freedom in Mexico. '-' ' Isolated as Oregon is by thousands of cailes from other slave States, and all the s-pperta of slavery, aa effort to maintain ike institution here would be almost as iin jwjteat aa the command of the vain Canute 19 the waves of the ocean. Some say that eTssF pi!!1 B1 not Lie to ruiaafe hero as I pretend, for negroes will not go to aud consort with Indians, but othsrwise is the evidence. Gen. Jackson found fugitive slates fighting with the Creksin the war of 1812. MsJ; Dade's "command of 112, excepting four,) was slaughtered in the Florida war ty a party H Semlholcs and forty fugitive slaves, the negroes outstrip ping the Indians in ferocity and brutal treat ment of the dead. There is another reason outweighing all others for the unsafeness of laves in this, country. 1 refer to public sen timent, and I say that slavery can no more stand aa a useful institution with one-half of public opinion arrayed against it than a house can stand with one corner stone. Look at the southern - States. . What a unanimity of sentiment exists there in favor of slavery. Look at the laws enacted and the pains taken to preserve this uuaniinity. uis is u necessity oi tne system, ivery man of common sense must see that slaves would not oulv be unsafe as nroDertv. but dangerous ir their cars were filled wit1! dis . - . . - - cQesious as to the legalit jor justice of their bondage. Much is said about the necessity of slaves iu Oregon for. domestic servants. I admit that there is a great want of household help iu this coyutry at the present time, but I deny that slavery would remove the evil. Yarions are the privations attending tbe set tlement ot a new country. People in Ore gon cannot reasonably expect to have at this early day all the comforts and conve niences of au old community. Indiana, Iowa and the new States have suffered in this re pect as we do now, bnt time brought to them as it will bring relief to us. Immigra tion is the natural, and as the experience of other States attests, the most efficient reme dy for this complaint. . Slavery, as it serins to me, would aggravate the trouble. , Now there is not ouc family in ten inOregon able to own a slave woman, (worth from 1000 to $1500,) so that if oae family would be benefitted, nine would probably be worse on than they are at this time. . Introduce slav ery, and the chance of hiring a white girl to do housework U jrone. White erirls will hardly consent for wages to occupy iu one family a position like that which a negro slave-woman occupies in another. Slavery might provide tle favored few with domes tic help, but a large majority of the people would be left to help themselves. hat is it' that we most need in Oregon? Wc have a beautiful country a healthful climate a neb sou mountains big with minerals riv ers for highways, and au ocean stretching away to India for our commerce. We want more people, lutelligent, euterprising and in dustrious people. Some profess to think that the establishment of slavery here would be the most speedy and effective way of sup pling this want, bnt exactly the reverse is demonstrably true. I refer to the census of 1850 for evidence. Ohio and Kentucky are contiguous States, and nearly equal in size. Uaio has r.o advautecres ot climate or soil.' In 1S0"0 the population of Ohio was 45,028, and the population of Kentucky was 179, 871. bnt in 1850 the population of Ohio was 1,955,050, and tbe population of Kontueky 11,594, including 210.981 slaves. Can any reason be given for this immense differ ence in the growth of the two States only that the one was a free and the other a slave State. Take Indiana and Kentucky. They are adjoining Slates, and Kentucky hns the larger territory. In 1810, Indiana had 23, btfu people, and Kentucky 321.237. bnt in ISil) liidiaua was ahead, and had 917,154 I'linois had in 1810, 11,501. but in 1850 she bad 846,031. I eoiap&re ttiene adjacent states, ana contend thai the figures show beyond controversy that slavery has been an obstacle to the growth, and en incubus upon tue enrrg'.cs ot.KentueBy. Everywhere the rule holds good. Mis souri is a larger State, Las a milder climate, a more proiilic soil, and greater facilities for commerce than the adjoining State of Iowa She haa too, more than 25 vears the start as a Stale, yet Iowa has nearly overtaken, and before the end of the present decade will surpass her in popular numbers. Who can donbt that Missouri would now have double her preseut population if the foot cf a slave bad never touched her soi!? Com pare Wisconsin and Minnesota with Arkat eas and Florida. Have not the former sprung forward to giant greatness, w hile the latter have slowly dragged the overbur dening car of Slavery. Men who emigrate are not usually men of large fortunes, who own slaves, and lire at tbeir ease, but they are generally men whose limbs arc made rinewy by hard work : who go to new countries to get land and homes, and who expecf to depend chiefly opon their own labor. Slave States are cb jectionable to such men, for they are too poor to be slaveholders, aud too prond spir ited to wear tbe badge of slavery. Slavery has a terror in its fery name to foreign im migration. Oppressed at home, they look to America as the " land of the free." When they come to us they are generally ready to work on our farms, canals and rail roads with white laborers, bnt they are not willing to take their places under the same task.master with negro slaves. Establish slavery here, and the effect will be as it has been elsewhere. You will turn aside that tide of free white labor which has poured itself liko a fertilizing flood across the great States of Ohio, Indiana and Illinois, and is now murmuring np tbe eastern slope of the Rocky Mountains. Will slaveholders in view of the great hazard of bringing and keeping slaves here, immigrate to any con siderable extent? Will men run a great risk with their property when there is noth ing to be made by it? . Slave property is more seenre and more profitable in Missouri than it would be in Oregon, then why bring it here? Millions of untouched acres in the new States of the South invite to the cul ture of cotton, sugar and kiudrcd produc tions. Will the slaveholder wishing to emi grate go where his slaves will be secure and valuable, or will he make a wild goose chase across the Continent to engage in raising wheat, oats and potatoes? Some people talk as though voting for slavery would supply the country with la bor, but it will bo found that money is more necessary for that purpose than votes. Five hundred slaves here would cost between five hundred thousand and a million of dollars, and yet only one farmer in ten would be pro vided with a hand, if there be (of which faere is little doubt) 5,000 farmers in Ore gon. . Let it be remembered that out of 6, 222,418 whites in the slavcholding States, ouly 347,525 own slaves. IIow can slave labor be made to pay in this country? Can auy farmer afford to buy and keep slaves, and raise wheat at 75 cents or $1 per bushel? If there were thousands of slaves now cul tivating the soil here, where would be the market, aud what the demand for the grain they would produce. Slaves are certainly not necessary or desirable for fruit or stock raising.- . ' I - Much is claimed for slavery because the slaveboluiug export more and have a larger amount of persoual property than tbe non BlaveLoldinir Slates. : I will compare Penn sylvania and Virginia in 1850. They are acgoimag fctaies, unu man is mir way to try the question:,.- , .. J VIRGINIA. 61.000 mile. 1,421, 661 f391.64C.4S8 139.198.42S Area. Population. ' Total property, Person! do atsanlactorc. 19,704.387 3.S02.5C0 axports, Imports, ." Now I submit noon these figures which is the more powerful, wealthy and prosper ous of the two States. True, the personal property of Virginia exceeds that of Penn sylvania, but this is because 412,528 blacks, estimated as so much population, lire at the same time considered as persoual property, worth from $500 to $2000 per head. I will ask if 1000 Pennsylvania families would nbt be worth more to Oregon would uot make more -blades of grass bring more wheat to market and dig more gold out of the mouutaius than so many Virginia negroes, and yet the census taker would say nothing about the value of the farmers, but call the negroes worth one cr two millions of dol lars. The exports of the South exceed those or the North, but that proves nothing for slavery here, for 84 per cent of exports of the slaveholding States are cotton, rice and sugar, which cannot be cultivated in Ore gon. , . ,-. I liava heard it said that slavery would increase the price of hinds hi this country, but this is a very great mistake. 1 find by the census of 1850 that the average value of land per acre In New Englaud Is $20 ST Iu middle States it is $28 01 per acre, while the average value of land per acre in the Southern States is $5 84. . None who are familiar with current events, can be igno rant of the fact that large quantities of land in the South have been worn ont and redu ced to a value merely nominal by slave la bor. One very common argument for slave ry is that laborers,; ir free, will encage in raining where tuey are wanted by the ; far mcrs. Admit such to be the fact, is the labor of a man lost to the country who makes $25 or $50 per mouth more in the mines than he would on a farm. Now the qnestion is, what is good for the country, not what is or benefit to A. or U.. or any class of individuals, at:d I 'say that is best for the couutry which gives' to labor its great est rew ard, whether it be mining, furmintr, or auy other business. Labor ought to be free so that it can iro into that pnrsmt which pays the best, or produce that for which there is the greatest demand, and thus enrich and improve the country. Scarce as laborers have been, and loud as are the complaints about the state of things here, no wnere is tne diligent farmer more pros perous than in this much abused territory of Oregon. California has mines, and her farmers obtain help, and so it will be here if the laws of free labor and free trade are left to work out their natural result. I am opposed to slavery in Oregon because it will degrade labor. Cavilled with as this objection may be, it is vain to deny it. Sup pose A. and It. have adjoining farms. A is rich and can buy "slaves to do his work. B is less wealthy and must hire white men. Now does not the hired . white man of B seem to tuke the same position with the ne gro slave of A s. Does not this system iuev itabiy beget a sentiment tnat tne man or woman who hires out to do farm or house work is put npon a level with nesrroes. Society if true to itself will seek to elevate and not to degrade labor. Labor changes waste places and the wilderness into the fruitful Celd and the beautiful city. Labor ing men deserve to be the honorable of earth Tney make the country and fight the bat tles for its defense. They fill np with vigor ol tmitu and body where riches and luxury produce decay. They give to humanity and fame the Franklin's, the Fulton's 'and the Webster' of history. Every community oncht to have a system of free or slave In bor. To mix them aggravates the evils of both, and subtracts from the benefits of each. Negro slaves it must be admitted. are an ignorant and degraded class of be ings, and therefore they will vitiate to some extent those white men who are compelled to work or associate with them.' Moral differences irhen they meet, like water, seek a common level, and therefore if white men and negroes are brought in contact without that perfect subjection and rigid discipline which prevail among the slaves of the South, tbe white men will go down and the negroes go np, till they como to resemble each other iu the habits, tastes and actions of their lives. Slaves in Oregon, if they do any thing at all. roust necessarily be "Jacks of all work." They will go every where and do every tWng. They will be free enough to see and learn all the vices of society, and slaves enough to practice tbcm withour pride or self respect. I do not see how white men who expect to labor in Oregon, can consent to have negro slaves brought here to labor with them. Slaveholders, as a general thing, are not willing to sell their good men and women to be taken thousands of miles from relatives and home, but will sell the worthless and vicious, so that the Oregon market would probably be supplied with cheap negroes, which are a curse to any country. Slavery is intended to supersede the necessity of white labor ; but I deny that ony system is an evil which compels white people to work. Industry invigorates mind and body. It makes the appetite good and the sleep sweet. It leads to con teutment, virtue and happiuess. - Suppose a farmer has slaves to do bis work, and sous to rear. Will tlieso eons be as industrious as they otherwise would be, and is any father willing to have his children grow up without habits of industry ? Indolence is a dangerous luxury for young people, and there is good sense in'the Spanish proverb, that "an idle-brain is the devil's work shop." What w ill be the political effect of making Oregon a slave Stale ? This is a grave question and ought to be carefully cousidcred. Surrounded by non-slavchold-ing territory her ' geographical position her climate the productions of her soil and the nature of her commerce, all unite and identify her with tho northern : States. Snpposo we go into the Uuiou as a free State, the North will be pleased, aud the South sati.sfiedn No btatciman ever dream ed that slavery would ever exist in Oregon, and for that reason Douglas voted for, aud Polk approved its prohibition iu our organic Act. And last winter, Mr. Stevens of Geor gia, said iu Congress, that he would be glad Jo have the northwest Territories come in as 6lavc States, but did not expect it, for the laws of climate, production, and popu lation would prevent. . I believe that we could go into the Cuion as a free State, without objection or excitement upon that ground, for this is what all parts of the country expect ; but as a slave State, we should arouse the prejudices' of tho whole North'; for, as there is nothing, iu our cir-H cumstances or interests to justily sucu a thing, it would' be regarded as a mere polit ical movement to extend the institution of slavery. I conteud that we have a perfect right to have slavery or not, as we please, but we know what , the sentiment of the North is upon this question, and we must take things as' they ore, and not t3 they should be. Can Oregon, with her great claims, prcscut and prospective," upon the Government, afford to throw away .the PENNSYLVANIA. 44.000 miles. t.311,?S S729.U4.998 72.4W.19L 1U.M4.S10 6.135.29 ll.06ti.164 friendship of the North the overruling power of the nation, for the sake of slavery ? Would it be advisable, when we can avoid It, to jo into the Union in a tempest of excitement upon tbe negro question? Ore gon would have more influence in.tbe coun cils of. the country, as a Tree, than as a slave State. Free, conservative, and Im partial, she would be like California, or the family of the North, and of the friends of the South ; but aa a slave Mate, sue could only depend npon the sympathies of the slavehotding power? Slavery It Is said, will save us from fanaticism, but this not Uue. Fanaticism Is aot altogether cohfined to the free States. South Carolina is not behind Massachusetts in this respect. Uarrisou, Phillips & Co., occupy one extreme, and Adams, Khett & Co. the otuer. ine itid unes md Couriers of the north, are second ed in their sectional warfare by the Mercu- rvs and Deltas of the South. Political fanaticism within "the last year, has dese crated elections iu four of the chief cities of the South with violence and bloodshed. I admit that there is more intensity of thought and energy of action in the North than in the (South, and that tnese proaoce many excesses which I condemn as muru as any man. but at the same time they work mira cles in science and art, aud all the improve ments of the aire.. Fanaticism, even if we have it as a free State, will waste itself upon abstractions and idealities about some thing thousands of niilea away, while with slavery there will come a fanaticism like the Promethean vulture, to prey upon our very vitals. Slavery here, in tbe nature of thincs. must be a weak institution. Fanati cism from tbe North would therefore assail it, and from the South rush In to its de fense. Torn and distracted in this way, our happiness and prosperity would be sacrificed to a.miser'able strife about negroes. . Some argue that Oregon should become a slave State so as to make the slaveholding and non-slaveholding States equal iu the Senate. Admitted now as a slave State, we niigrbt make the States nominally equal iu that body, but how 6oon would Minneso ta, Kansas, Nebraska, or some other Terri tory come in nnd destroy it. tv e might set to work to balance the Union, but hare we any assurance that other Territories will concur iu the movement. Territories ought aud will cousult their own best interests upon this subject, aud Congress has uo right to renulate the admission of States so as to preserve the balance of power between dif ferent sections of the Confederacy. I will nnote upon this point from a speech made last winter bv Mr. Douglas, in the Senate : ' Is.it, (says he,) to be a struggle to keep up an equilibrium between non-slaveholdiui; and slaveholding States ? Sir, I deny the power of this government to maiutaiu any equilibrium upon the subject.; it is contrary to the principles of the Nebraska bill ; it is contrary to the principles of tbe Democratic party, it is contrary to the principles of State equality and self government to keep an equilibrium between slaveholding and non-slaveholding States in order that they may balance each other." I add to this, that it would tend to create a geographical division which all trne friends of tbe Union should try to break down aud prevent. This theory looks very much like Calhoun's still born project of a dual executive in the Gov ernment. 1 might go further in this discussion, but perhaps I have already written more than will be read. Whatever may be inferred from tnv arguments nzainst slavery in Ore gon, I disclaim all sympathy with the abo litiou agitators of the North and deprecate and denounce all sectioiial organiratlous npon that subject. I take the ground that the General Government has no right in any way to interfere with slavery, except to carry out the fugitive slave clause of the constitution, and have maintained the cpiu ion that each State aud Terrritory has the absolute right to establish, modify, or pro hibit Elavery within its borders, subject ouly to tbe Constitutional restriction to " per sons held to service or labor in one State es caping into another." I hold, too, that a man's views as to slav ery iu Oregon are no test of his Democracy. To be national, the Democratic party must necessarily embrace those who prefer a free and those who prefer a slave State. Cobb no doubt upholds slavery in Georgia, where he lives, aud Dickinson would oppose it in New York, where he lives, aud both are good democrats. Duchanau, Cass and Doug las would vote ogaiost slavery in the States where they respectfully reside, and if they meau what they say, would vote agaiust it here if they lived in Oregon. Taking everything iuto consideration, 1 ask if it is not the true policy of Oregon to keep as clear as possible of uegroes, and all tha exciting questions of negro servitude? Situated away here on the Pacific, as a free Statu we are not likely to be troubled much with free negroes or fugitive slaves, but as a slave state there would be a constant struggle abont laws to protect such proper ty fierce excitements about running off or stealing negroes, for which this couutry is so favorable, and there would be uo peace. . I have faith in the future of this couutry, but I do not conceive that its prosperity de pends npon the spiritless efforts of enslaved labor, but upon the energies of a free and intelligent people. 2few routes of travel are being opened across the continent. New Hues of steamships and clippers are being put upon the oceau. Facilities for traveling are increasing aud expenses being reduced. The Pacific railroad is a proximate reality. Men who can lift their eyes above the little precincts of a day, will see in these things tbe promise of onr growth and greatness as a people. I kuow what syren song self love sings for slavery ; how pleasaut it seems in prospect to have a slave to till our ground, to wait upon us while we wake, and fau us when we sleep, but are these the ideas to possess men whose business it is to lay the foundations of a State? History, philoso phy, and posterity plead with us not to be wholly absorbed in the present, but to learn from the past and look to the future, and if we hear and obey this appeal, the lapse of 25 or 50 years, which is as nothing in tbe life of a State, will find Oregon teeming with a people, intelligent, prosperous and happy, and every man a freeman. , GEO. II. WILLIAMS. g&r In a qnarrel between John Clay, a son of the departed statesman, and a man named Edgar, in Lexington, Ky., the for mer shot the latter twice with a pistol. One ball entered bis mouth and passed out be hind the -car ; another lodged in his back. Edgar is reported mortally wounded. Clay immediately left Lexington, and has not been heard from since. ' The parties have not been on amicable terms for some time. Cinn, Commercial, June 13.' The Secretary of the Treasury is of the opinion that the close of the present fiscal year will find a surplus of twenty-two mill ions of dollars in the Treasury. Tbe late reduction of the' tariff, he thinks will re sult in the increase of revenue from incrcas importations ; and he has already determ ined to recommend another Idrge extension of the free list, j ; r; . ;.. OREGON STATESMAN. TUESDAY, JULY 28, 1851. ; To Patrons In Arrears ;. Wo shall soon sand out our annual, circular to delinquent patrons. Before we do so, wa hope that many now in arrears will have paid up, for we dislike to "dun," as bad as any man can to be " dunned. Our published " terms will snow thn mivaiitntreof advance navmcnt. Cmuittaurea may be mado by mail at our risk. ' The letter need not be registered, but tha money should be enclosed in presence of a postmaster.' June 23, 17. ASAIlfcL. JJUOI1. Tkt Clergy and Polities. We copy the article below from the Glou cester (Mass.) Telegraph, and commend it to those of the Oregon clergy who wish to be politicians, and at the same time whine piteously, and beg for sympathy, because their acts are criticised as those of other pol iticians are. They will be zealous political workers, and yet if auy of tbeir party oppo nents discuss their conduct, it is "aa indis criminate attack upon the clergy," " athe ism," " infidelity," and " enmity to religiou itself." If they turn politicians they must expect to have the sanctity they inrest them selves with, and the awe with which they seek to iuspire the common mass in , respect to themselves, broken down, and they and their acts treated as those of other politi cians are. At any rate, whether they ex pect it or net, the Statesman will so 'treat them. Wbeu we find iu the arena an ene my of our principles and party, we shall nev er stop to inquire the color of his cravat or coat, but shall expose his fallacies, and show up his conduct without reference to either. The " pious" lies about "atheism." "infidel ity," or " infidel paper," have no terror for us: ' ' , When a religious "society settles a pastor to min ister to them in holy thinrs. it is not under stood that he i to preach his political views, be caase auzensnip is a matter wnicu men prefer to protect in their own way ; and political opinion, under our form of government, is a matter of in dividual concernment, and widely diffused in ev ery community and society. A minister, if he has applied himself to his profession as he is bound to do has relinquished tbe world, the flesh, and the deril, and has to do with better and more trying duties pointing to the spiritual salvation of his people. And if h comes down into the are na of politics, he voluntarily lays aside' his relig ious character and Tirtnaily proposes to take, a band in the local bickerings and hearties crusades of political partisans. In such a case he may es say to teach political principles from the pulpit, bnt he has no longer a right to claim that his cloth entitles him to escape criticism, comment or colrorersy ; but on the contrary he must expect to meet qnestions fairly, and be confronted by his own parish on grounds of fair debate, and no cler gyman has a right to complain if he is- bandied without gloves by the political press as he most certainly deaerres to oc. . We confess tnat tbe exnibition or clerical es prit du cants offers to the ueople a refreshing ex ample in tnese days of general indifference of men, one towards another, but it is really a little amu sing to an outsider to witness the tenderness of the reverend rentlemen. upon being admonished that to do their master's work in the " individual heart" wonld be more in keeping with their pro fession man io preacn pontics, ire snow ine clergy have an eye to national short comings, but we very respectfully suggest tnat tne idea is myth ical. There are no national sins that cannot be reached through the individual hearts of men who make the covernmcnt. It is of no use, this mixing up of the affairs of me cnurcn ana 8te; tne tcing cannot be tolera ted br the masses, and the minister who attempts it injures his religious influence at once, even if he can manage to fill his pows by the sheer force of eloquence, oratory, and intellect. And finally. brethren, no two edged sword is more keen and destructive than the knife which a politician wean nnaerms jacaet. eeian : Industrious Leland still keeps np his practice of man ufactnring public sentiment by himself wri ting letters for his paper and dating tbem in various comities. The last Standard has two or three dated in Clackamas and Mult nomah couuties, in which it is oracularly as serted that the people are " agin" the " Sa lem platform," nnd the democratic members of those counties are threatened with defeat next year, if they adhere to the democratic organization. Let it be remembered that majority of the democrats of Multnomah county are hards, counting the Leland'?, Drowu's and Kingsley's as democrats, eveu, and so showed by their nominations; the democratic party of that county endorses and stands upon the " Salem platform," and were defeated by the regular opposition at the polls, aided by the softs. . . . In Clackamas couuty, we believe a deci ded majority of all tbe members of the dem ocratic organization are hards, and support ers of the " Salem platform." . This opinion is based upou information contained in let ters from old 'stand-by democrats in the county. The same is true of Clatsop, Ben ton and Yamhill Counties. This practice of dating his letters about the Territory was commenced by Leland in the spring of 1855. Then they informed us that the people of this and that county were opposed to the nomination of Lane, and in favor of that of Judge Pratt, They didn't manufacture sentiment much then, and they wou't now. The fraud is too apparent. He had better get bis friend Kingsley to write the letters, and thus change the style in changing schoolmasters. The democratic masses of the Territory, as a whole, are nioro firmly and unauimously in favor of the " Salem platform" than was the convention that adopted it. And it enunciates doctrines which they will adhere to with a steadiness and tenacity which will astonish the pie-bald opposition. The demo cratic forty in no county has declared against that platform; it is the opposition only which in a few of the generally opposition counties north who have, aided by the votes of softs who naturally belong with them, voted down the candidates who stood upon it. As that platform was designed, and is calculated to perpetuate democratic ascend ancy, it is natural and proper that the regu lar opposition should oppose it; i aud it is equally natural aud proper that the soft op position should join them in such opposition. But the democracy approve it, and they will stand by it, and see that not one plank is ever disturbed.. The softs who expect ever to see auy portion of it rescinded, will find themselves in the condition of the man who sat upon the bank of the Mississippi wait ing for all the water to run by I : , . , San Frajjcisco Prices. Flour is selling for $6 50 and $7 50 per , barrel; Oregon Ehoulders, 12 cents per lb.; hams, 21; sides 20; Oregon lumber, $25 and $26 per M; shingles, $4 per M; butter and eggs not quoted; crushed sngar,' 1TJ cents. A citizen of Benton County informs as that Avery eays that the delegations for the Legislature and Convention from this (Marlon) County are all free State inen notwithstanding it is asserted that Messrs. Cooley and Miller are otherwise. We sup pose that among all the men in the Territo ry who think slavery practicable and desira ble in Oregon, there are uot two stronger in that belief than Cooley aud Miller. There is not an abolitionist In ' the county that would rote for either. At the same time Avery thus misrepresents them, he puts down Rev. Mr. Hill, of Benton, who unde niably last year received all the abolition votes in Benton, and some of them this year, ana who never voted a democratic ticket in his life, aud who last year and this voted for free Boilers and abolitionists, as a pro-slavery democrat.'' The drift of all this it is not hard to de tect. Avery thinks he has secured to tbe ' intrusts" of his town the support of all the opposition to the democratic party, from geueral hostility to the " Salem cli-que," and hatred of tbe democratic party, and a through the Standard, which he runs in the free-soil, or abolition-soft interest. He thinks Iffc has a fast " holt" on all these odds and ends, But to prevent driving off any of them, be puts down one-half of .the Benton delegation as ." free State."- Now be hopes to control the pro-slavery feeling, and bring that also into the support of his " intrusts," and therefore he pretends to be pro-slavery, and has tailed on to that expecting to head on to it. His very smart plan is to finally bring pro slavery and abolitionism into a sort of union upon tbe platform of his '' intrusts " and eumitv to Salem, and the democratic organization. Hence it is a part of this plan to excite the prejudices of pro-slavery men against Salem, and there fore the Marion delegations are put down all Tree State," while, remarkable to tell, in Benton the? are iust eanallv divided. which must be satisfactory to both sides! Is not there cuteness for you? m a If Avery could hear the expressions of pro-slavery men upon the subject of his "nice laid scheme" to use the pro slavery sen timent for the furtherance of his " intrusts" first, (his " intrusts" first, always) and the dismemberment of the democratic party next, he might discover the nakedhees of the hook which he thinks be has so temptingly baited. Speaking of Avery and his " iatrosts," re minds us of tbe severe but just "lick" that the letter of Mr. Robinson, of Benton, which we published last week, contained. From that the people of Corvallis and Benton county can learn something, if they have not already discovered it, of the dead weight which " our intrusts" are upon their welfare. Mr. Robinson did net mention Avery's name, bnt he said: It is commerce and manufactures, toeeiher with liberality and good management of proprietors, that build up places. Whoever heard of a flourish ing town springing up ia the hands of m mean, ntntrhinz proprietor, ahtaus iuegling mud askinr for far on for hi place, but bestowing asm on it himself f Does Avery recognize himself in that pic ture? Most assuredly he does, aa will many a citizen of his town aud county. It would be hard to find the same number of other words that describe him as perfectly. Mr. Robinson also says: That Texed qnestion, the location of the Seat of Government, onght at once to be settled by the Convention for at least the first vieennitun, or twenty rears. Its agitation has already snfii ciently disgraced the country, by leading to the destruction, in all probability, of a fine public edi fice almost complete, with otner valuable property. Who caused that State-house to be set on fire? It is said that "murder will out," and we expect to live till it becomes known and proved to tbe pnblic of Oregon who burned the State-house, and who procured it to be burned. We should like to know of oar co temporary of the Statesmen how he can reconcile the language he uses in relation to the Messenger, in his last issne, with that courtesy which should ever mark the intercourse between editors and gentlemen. Omdenlal. " We should like to know of our cotem porary of the" " Occidental Messenger" how he can reconcile the" publication of snch lying abuse of us as the article "in his last issue" signed " B. Scroggins" contains, " with that courtesy which should ever mark the intercourse between editors and gentle men?" The Messenger editor's ideas of "courtesy" are certainly very remarkable. Did you ever bear of precept against prac tice?". We think the last number of tbe Messen ger so plainly exhibits its real partisan char acter that none can mistake. The Messenger has not corrected " the er ror it fell into" in classing Messrs. Cooley, of the House, and Miller, of the Conven tion, from this county, as free State demo crats, whereas they are strong pro-slavery democrats. Why is this? We did not think the editor blamable for that " error" in the original publication, as, having just arrived in Oregon, he must have got his information from some other person, who misinformed him. But why not correct it? A Fraud, we Beukve. The Standard has twice Quoted from the San Francisco Her ald of June 12th matter giving an erroneous account of the state of parties in Oregon representing that the regular, or hard de mocracy favored " centralization," and that the softs opposed it, and that that was the cause of the " defection" of the latter. The Standard represents that this view appeared in the Herald as editorial, whereas we be lieve it was a letter written by some soft or other black republican from Oregon, and imposed upou the Herald written for the very purpose of being used here in Oregon in the Standard, as is bow being done. Will the Herald editor send us his weekly issne of Jane 12, that we may see? The Herald is a radical democratic paper, and if its editor was in Oregon be would be found among the Hard democrats, and an unyielding enemy of the Standard soft fac tion The latter are among the most viru lent opponents of the democracy, co-operating consorting and voting with their friends and allies, black republicans and knownoth ings, though hypooritically calling them selves " Jeffersonian democrats." : " -J" Jud w"Uau' ILettor. We psLlish a long letter from Judre Wil- - liams, on . the slavery question, this week, but jiave room only to call attention to it It is written in a spirit of inquiry and mod eration, and if his facts and arguments do not convince the reader's judgment, the spirit and manner of ibis letter must command his approval. - Ed. Messenger : In one of the late numbers of the States man. the editor says, " if he U not mistaken, Dr. Hill ran last year as an Abolition autdidate, and that he, (Hill) was elected aa a Bck Republican at the last election.". copy the above from a correspondence in the last "Occidental." - The language at tributed to ns it will be seen is quoted, and given as our precise language. The words put io our monta we neTer 08ejt Ma th statement that we dia ia an unqualified false hood. We said that Mr. .Hill "ran for the legislature last year, and got every abolition rote in the county, iqcluding the abolition ' Belknap settlement.' " And we said " last year aud the present, he ran for the Assem bly on the opposition ticket, and never io Oregon, aud we will venture to say else where, has he voted tbe democratic ticket." We copy the above misrepresentation simply on account of its repnted author. " Veri tas," a truthful citizen of Benton Co., savs that the letter from which it is an extract, was written by the Rev. Dr. Hill, who some" tiraes preaches the gospel, and onght alwaya to speak the truth strictly. If " Yeritaa" is mistaken, and Mr. Hill is not the author, we will most cheerfully and promptly give plaee to his denial, if he will inform us.- We wish to do injustice to no man's reputa tion, and certainly not to Mr,, Hill's, of whom we entertain, personally, none but friendly feelings. We have reason to be thankful that ia coarag we have not faltered, and in our fidelity to the principles and acknowledged usages of the Nation al Democracy we hare been nnshaken. Stamdmrd. " Fidelity to tbe principles and usages of tbe National Democracy!" Yoting against the candidates of the democratic party is one of the " usages" of the " National de mocracy," ia it? The brazen faced creature who writes tbe above, six weeks ago voted against Oen. Lane, the nominee of the dem ocratic party for Congress, and against most of the county democratic candidates. It ia a prostitution of the name for these Oregon softs to call themselves " National demo crats." There are black repub!icansthe very blackest we have, Airgoose Adams is a specimen,) in various parts of Oregon who style themselves " Jeffersonian demo crats." They are just as much so as are their allies, the softs, "National democrats." Elders Stuart and Higgins, of the Mormon church, preached here on Thursday evening; some boys threw rotten eggs at them, and broke up the meeting, though some of onr citizens put a stop to the egg ing, resolved that the Mormos preachers should have a hearing. They preached again on Saturday ; without molestation. The throwing of egg, and the other dis turbance was withoit excuse, as the remarks of the speakers were in no way offensive; and we were glad to witness the disapproval of tha disturbance which nearly all present manifested. Freedom of opinion and speech are as much boasted of as are any of oar boasted liberties, and they onght to be held as sacred rights. These men hare just aa much right to preach Mormonism as other men have to preach TJniversalism, Method ism. Infidelity, &c M any prefer not to hear them, they have but to remain away. Religious toleration is a marked feature of our free institutions. ' - WoxDEKrn. ! Leland quotes from one " Col. J. S. Watkins," of California, in fa vor of bolting. . It styles this Watkins a democrat, and says his name bad been men tioned in connection with the Governorship. So it had, but by tkt erppositwn, and not by democrats. Watkins is an avowed bolt er, and no more a democrat than Leland is indeed he is the same kind of a " Nation al democrat" but not a " California demo crat" as our softs are wont to style them selves aot " Oregon democrats." Watkins calls himself an " independent democrat," bnt is not recognized as a democrat by the democratic party in California, though the black republicans pronounce bim a model democrat -just what our black republicans say of our softs. Neither is Leland's representation that the California State convention virtually re scinded the Sacramento resolution true. It is entirely false. The convention did noth ing that in the least conflicted with the rule of the Sacramento democracy which we pub lished a few weeks ago. pf the political parties into which we found the people of the Territory divided, we espous ed that of the pro-slavery party. Occidental Mes senger. " To a man up a tree," it looks amazing ly as though the Messenger had espoused the pro-slavery party, omitting the "eI" from slavery. The only division of parties we know of in this Territory, is the democratic party, and the opposition party, the latter of which comprises many shades, none tf them, however, pro-slavery v. ' 1 Tbe Messenger call the Standard ' the champion of free State," while the Stand ard tickles back by styling the Messenger, the champion of a slave State. A friend writ ing t& us, says Of coarse yoa langh occasionally over Hall's and Leland's complimentary notices of each oth er's sheets. Keapectrrely " champions- of a free, and slave State! Whew ! what a long tail our old eat baa got f" - jty Our patrons in arrears in the south ern part of the Territory will find bills of their indebtedness with Mr. Sifers, postmas ter, at Jackson v Die. ". ' . ' We have this week also seat out a quan tity of bills for advertising, some of them of long standing. If not paid soon, we shall send the worst cases to lawyers for collec tion, and if they cant get them, well adver tise, and sell them at auction. We have had the bills long enough. Inconsiderable correspondence is crowd ed out. It shall have attention next week.