burden and net blessing to Oregon. Slav
ery ia involuntary servitude labor forced
by power from an willing laborers. There Is
no ambition, no enterprise, no energy in such
labor. .Like the horse to the tread-inlU, or
tha oz to the farrow, goes the slaTe to his
task. Compare this with the labor of free
white men. Take the youna man without
family or property no bondage fills the lit
tle horizon of his life with its unchangea
ble destiay. Conscious . of his equality, of
bis right to aspire to, and attain any posi
tion ia society, he will desire the respect and
confidence of his fellow men. All the world
is hie for action, and all the future is his for
hop. ' Employ the tiead of a family to do
your work.. Anxious io make bis home
comfortable, to educate his children, to pro
fide a competency for old age .Le will have
strong inducements to be diligent and faith
ful in busiuess These motires energize
free labor, , but hare little or no influence
apoa Iho Slave. " Ono free white man is
worth more than two negro stares in the
cultivation of the soil, or any other busi
ness which can be influenced by teal or the
exercise of discretion. I do not claim that
this is so where slares are worked in gangs
by a task-master, but it would be so in
Oregon ; for no man here can hare slares
enough to justify the employment of an
overseer and therefore every owner must
manage his own slave, or leave them to
to self-management. . Situated as the far
mer is in Oregon, ho wants a laborer to be
some thins; more than a. mere slave. . He
wants a man ' who can act sometimes in
the capacity of ageat to whom he can en
trust his business when absent from home,
and who will go. to the Geld and work
without watching or driving. Negroes are
natarally lazy, and as . slaves actuated by
fear of the whip are only interested iu
doing enough to avoid punishment. Now,
if what I hare said be true, it is perfectly
manifest that a farmer in Oregon cannot
afford to pay as much for the labor of a
nezro slave, as for the labor of a free
white man. I say in the language of
John Randolph, that slave labor is de
monstrably the dearest of any." And 1
afirm that it will cost the farmer in this
country, more to obtain the services of one
slave, than one free man. To show the
high price of slaves in the States, I might
refer to different public Journals, but I will
quote from bat one. The Central Organ,
published in the parish of Avoyelles, Lou
isiana, says that, " 13 field hands were re
cently sold in that place, at prices ranging
fromtl.365 to 12.360. The lowest sniu
was paid for a lad ten years the highest
was naid for a man 31 years of ae. Four
of the negroes were -women, aud nine of
them under twenty years of age. Their
acrrejrato value was $24,260." Now from
this statement, it is entirely safe to assume
that m god. healthy negro man in Missouri,
would be worth f 1000, and the prospect in
Kansas will not reduce the price. Hordes
and cattle more than double in value by ira
Dortatioa from the States to this country.
and without doubt the rnle would hold good
in reference to slaves, so that a good man in
Oregon would be worth $2,000. Now the
interest on this sum at 20 per cent, would
be S400 per annum, which would hire a
white man for ten months at $40 per month
State the facta in any way, and it wnl
pear that the interest on the value of a good
slave man will hire a white laborer from
April to November, aad there is little help
needed by the farmer derm the other por
tion of the year. But there ore many olh
er things to be considered. To a eruilov
free man and you have nothing to do with
bim but to provide him with employment
and food, a;ad pay bts wager, but wita
slave it is different. Your house must b
his home. ' Yoa ruut provide everything
for him. and Jiav all Lis expenses sick or
well. Ton must watch him when he work
and when he plays. Yon mutt tell him what
to do, and whip him if he fails to do it.
Drunken, depraved and vicious as he may
he, you mast control his pasions end be re
sponsible for his acts. 1 remember that
slaveholder in St. Louis told roe that the
vicious behavior of a female slave which for
eome reason he could not or would not sell
caused him more trouble than all the othe
cares of bis. life.
Suppose a farmer to own two or three ne
groes. Xney may be of profit to Lira in the
summer, but wbat can they do in the win
tet. Taev cannot then plow or sow, or
reap, or thresh. What could a nrro, fitte
by nature for the blazing sun of Africa, do
at chopping wood, splitting rails, or making
fence in the cool drenching ratns of an Ore
gon winter? One season of such exposure
would endanger his life. The fact is that
negro slaves other than house servants would
be perfect leeches upon the farmer daring
our long rainy winters. They would be
more useless here than in New England, for
there the winter is cold and dry, and a man
can work in the barn or in the woods, bnt
the reverse is true in this country.
There is another thing in this connection
to be noticed. When a man proposes to
make aa Investment, the risk of its loss is
always taken into the account. If you loan
money on doubtful security, yon ask more
for its use thaa when tbe security is perfect
ly good. Mr. Buchanan said " that it was
morally impossible for slavery to exist in
California, becaase every facility was there
afforded for the 'slave to escape from hi
master, and such property there wou'd be
entirely insecure." What is true of Califor
nia in this respect is certainly true of Ore
gon. Slares might accompany their mas
ters to Oregon from attachment, but sup
pose a slave-dealer to start for the Oregon
market, across the plain, with a band of
slaves bought here and there; what regard
would they have for a man who had bought
them to sell again upon speculation, and
who was taking them a retnrolcss distance
from the "old folks at home?" With all
tbe safeguards of law and public sentiment,
slaves are manacled to be taken by tho tra
der from one slave State to auother; how
thee could they be safely transported thon
aaads of miles across a wilderness country
with feelings of hatred and revenge rankling
in their dark bosoms? To bring them by wa
ter, to say nothing about the expense, is a
hazardous and almost impracticable thing.
Suppose, however, all these difficulties over
come, and your slares safe upon the soil of
Oregon, then they would stay with you or
not, just as they pleased. North is the Ter
ritory of Washington with its sparse settle
meats ite vast forests and mountain ran
ges, in which a fugitive slave might hide
from an army of pursuers. Eastward dwell
numerous Indian tribes, to whose welcome
embrace a slave might fly and be safe. No
fugitive slave law would avail there, or
friends of tbe master be found to assist in
his recapture. South is tbe free State of
California, where doubtless tbe fugitive slaTe
could find friends to speed bim on to a iriore
perfect freedom in Mexico. '-' '
Isolated as Oregon is by thousands of
cailes from other slave States, and all the
s-pperta of slavery, aa effort to maintain
ike institution here would be almost as iin
jwjteat aa the command of the vain Canute
19 the waves of the ocean. Some say that
eTssF pi!!1 B1 not Lie to ruiaafe hero as
I pretend, for negroes will not go to aud
consort with Indians, but othsrwise is the
evidence. Gen. Jackson found fugitive
slates fighting with the Creksin the war
of 1812. MsJ; Dade's "command of 112,
excepting four,) was slaughtered in the
Florida war ty a party H Semlholcs and
forty fugitive slaves, the negroes outstrip
ping the Indians in ferocity and brutal treat
ment of the dead. There is another reason
outweighing all others for the unsafeness of
laves in this, country. 1 refer to public sen
timent, and I say that slavery can no more
stand aa a useful institution with one-half of
public opinion arrayed against it than a
house can stand with one corner stone.
Look at the southern - States. . What a
unanimity of sentiment exists there in favor
of slavery. Look at the laws enacted and
the pains taken to preserve this uuaniinity.
uis is u necessity oi tne system, ivery
man of common sense must see that slaves
would not oulv be unsafe as nroDertv. but
dangerous ir their cars were filled wit1! dis
. - . . - -
cQesious as to the legalit jor justice of their
bondage.
Much is said about the necessity of slaves
iu Oregon for. domestic servants. I admit
that there is a great want of household help
iu this coyutry at the present time, but I
deny that slavery would remove the evil.
Yarions are the privations attending tbe set
tlement ot a new country. People in Ore
gon cannot reasonably expect to have at
this early day all the comforts and conve
niences of au old community. Indiana, Iowa
and the new States have suffered in this re
pect as we do now, bnt time brought to
them as it will bring relief to us. Immigra
tion is the natural, and as the experience of
other States attests, the most efficient reme
dy for this complaint. . Slavery, as it serins
to me, would aggravate the trouble. , Now
there is not ouc family in ten inOregon able
to own a slave woman, (worth from 1000
to $1500,) so that if oae family would be
benefitted, nine would probably be worse on
than they are at this time. . Introduce slav
ery, and the chance of hiring a white girl to
do housework U jrone. White erirls will
hardly consent for wages to occupy iu one
family a position like that which a negro
slave-woman occupies in another. Slavery
might provide tle favored few with domes
tic help, but a large majority of the people
would be left to help themselves. hat is
it' that we most need in Oregon? Wc have
a beautiful country a healthful climate a
neb sou mountains big with minerals riv
ers for highways, and au ocean stretching
away to India for our commerce. We want
more people, lutelligent, euterprising and in
dustrious people. Some profess to think
that the establishment of slavery here would
be the most speedy and effective way of sup
pling this want, bnt exactly the reverse is
demonstrably true. I refer to the census of
1850 for evidence. Ohio and Kentucky are
contiguous States, and nearly equal in size.
Uaio has r.o advautecres ot climate or soil.'
In 1S0"0 the population of Ohio was 45,028,
and the population of Kentucky was 179,
871. bnt in 1850 the population of Ohio was
1,955,050, and tbe population of Kontueky
11,594, including 210.981 slaves. Can
any reason be given for this immense differ
ence in the growth of the two States only
that the one was a free and the other a slave
State. Take Indiana and Kentucky. They
are adjoining Slates, and Kentucky hns the
larger territory. In 1810, Indiana had 23,
btfu people, and Kentucky 321.237. bnt in
ISil) liidiaua was ahead, and had 917,154
I'linois had in 1810, 11,501. but in 1850
she bad 846,031. I eoiap&re ttiene adjacent
states, ana contend thai the figures show
beyond controversy that slavery has been an
obstacle to the growth, and en incubus upon
tue enrrg'.cs ot.KentueBy.
Everywhere the rule holds good. Mis
souri is a larger State, Las a milder climate,
a more proiilic soil, and greater facilities for
commerce than the adjoining State of Iowa
She haa too, more than 25 vears the start
as a Stale, yet Iowa has nearly overtaken,
and before the end of the present decade
will surpass her in popular numbers. Who
can donbt that Missouri would now have
double her preseut population if the foot cf
a slave bad never touched her soi!? Com
pare Wisconsin and Minnesota with Arkat
eas and Florida. Have not the former
sprung forward to giant greatness, w hile
the latter have slowly dragged the overbur
dening car of Slavery.
Men who emigrate are not usually men
of large fortunes, who own slaves, and lire
at tbeir ease, but they are generally men
whose limbs arc made rinewy by hard work :
who go to new countries to get land and
homes, and who expecf to depend chiefly
opon their own labor. Slave States are cb
jectionable to such men, for they are too
poor to be slaveholders, aud too prond spir
ited to wear tbe badge of slavery. Slavery
has a terror in its fery name to foreign im
migration. Oppressed at home, they look
to America as the " land of the free."
When they come to us they are generally
ready to work on our farms, canals and rail
roads with white laborers, bnt they are not
willing to take their places under the same
task.master with negro slaves. Establish
slavery here, and the effect will be as it has
been elsewhere. You will turn aside that
tide of free white labor which has poured
itself liko a fertilizing flood across the great
States of Ohio, Indiana and Illinois, and is
now murmuring np tbe eastern slope of the
Rocky Mountains. Will slaveholders in
view of the great hazard of bringing and
keeping slaves here, immigrate to any con
siderable extent? Will men run a great
risk with their property when there is noth
ing to be made by it? . Slave property is
more seenre and more profitable in Missouri
than it would be in Oregon, then why bring
it here? Millions of untouched acres in the
new States of the South invite to the cul
ture of cotton, sugar and kiudrcd produc
tions. Will the slaveholder wishing to emi
grate go where his slaves will be secure and
valuable, or will he make a wild goose chase
across the Continent to engage in raising
wheat, oats and potatoes?
Some people talk as though voting for
slavery would supply the country with la
bor, but it will bo found that money is more
necessary for that purpose than votes. Five
hundred slaves here would cost between five
hundred thousand and a million of dollars,
and yet only one farmer in ten would be pro
vided with a hand, if there be (of which
faere is little doubt) 5,000 farmers in Ore
gon. . Let it be remembered that out of 6,
222,418 whites in the slavcholding States,
ouly 347,525 own slaves. IIow can slave
labor be made to pay in this country? Can
auy farmer afford to buy and keep slaves,
and raise wheat at 75 cents or $1 per bushel?
If there were thousands of slaves now cul
tivating the soil here, where would be the
market, aud what the demand for the grain
they would produce. Slaves are certainly
not necessary or desirable for fruit or stock
raising.- . ' I
- Much is claimed for slavery because the
slaveboluiug export more and have a larger
amount of persoual property than tbe non
BlaveLoldinir Slates. : I will compare Penn
sylvania and Virginia in 1850. They are
acgoimag fctaies, unu man is mir way to
try the question:,.- , .. J
VIRGINIA.
61.000 mile.
1,421, 661
f391.64C.4S8
139.198.42S
Area.
Population. '
Total property,
Person! do
atsanlactorc.
19,704.387
3.S02.5C0
axports,
Imports, ."
Now I submit noon these
figures which
is the more powerful, wealthy and prosper
ous of the two States. True, the personal
property of Virginia exceeds that of Penn
sylvania, but this is because 412,528 blacks,
estimated as so much population, lire at the
same time considered as persoual property,
worth from $500 to $2000 per head. I will
ask if 1000 Pennsylvania families would nbt
be worth more to Oregon would uot make
more -blades of grass bring more wheat
to market and dig more gold out of the
mouutaius than so many Virginia negroes,
and yet the census taker would say nothing
about the value of the farmers, but call the
negroes worth one cr two millions of dol
lars. The exports of the South exceed those
or the North, but that proves nothing for
slavery here, for 84 per cent of exports of
the slaveholding States are cotton, rice and
sugar, which cannot be cultivated in Ore
gon. , . ,-.
I liava heard it said that slavery would
increase the price of hinds hi this country,
but this is a very great mistake. 1 find by
the census of 1850 that the average value of
land per acre In New Englaud Is $20 ST
Iu middle States it is $28 01 per acre, while
the average value of land per acre in the
Southern States is $5 84. . None who are
familiar with current events, can be igno
rant of the fact that large quantities of land
in the South have been worn ont and redu
ced to a value merely nominal by slave la
bor. One very common argument for slave
ry is that laborers,; ir free, will encage in
raining where tuey are wanted by the ; far
mcrs. Admit such to be the fact, is the
labor of a man lost to the country who
makes $25 or $50 per mouth more in the
mines than he would on a farm. Now the
qnestion is, what is good for the country, not
what is or benefit to A. or U.. or any class
of individuals, at:d I 'say that is best for
the couutry which gives' to labor its great
est rew ard, whether it be mining, furmintr,
or auy other business. Labor ought to be
free so that it can iro into that pnrsmt
which pays the best, or produce that for
which there is the greatest demand, and thus
enrich and improve the country. Scarce as
laborers have been, and loud as are the
complaints about the state of things here,
no wnere is tne diligent farmer more pros
perous than in this much abused territory
of Oregon. California has mines, and her
farmers obtain help, and so it will be here
if the laws of free labor and free trade are
left to work out their natural result. I
am opposed to slavery in Oregon because it
will degrade labor. Cavilled with as this
objection may be, it is vain to deny it. Sup
pose A. and It. have adjoining farms. A is
rich and can buy "slaves to do his work. B
is less wealthy and must hire white men.
Now does not the hired . white man of B
seem to tuke the same position with the ne
gro slave of A s. Does not this system iuev
itabiy beget a sentiment tnat tne man or
woman who hires out to do farm or house
work is put npon a level with nesrroes.
Society if true to itself will seek to elevate
and not to degrade labor. Labor changes
waste places and the wilderness into the
fruitful Celd and the beautiful city. Labor
ing men deserve to be the honorable of earth
Tney make the country and fight the bat
tles for its defense. They fill np with vigor
ol tmitu and body where riches and luxury
produce decay. They give to humanity and
fame the Franklin's, the Fulton's 'and the
Webster' of history. Every community
oncht to have a system of free or slave In
bor. To mix them aggravates the evils of
both, and subtracts from the benefits of
each. Negro slaves it must be admitted.
are an ignorant and degraded class of be
ings, and therefore they will vitiate to some
extent those white men who are compelled
to work or associate with them.' Moral
differences irhen they meet, like water, seek
a common level, and therefore if white men
and negroes are brought in contact without
that perfect subjection and rigid discipline
which prevail among the slaves of the
South, tbe white men will go down and the
negroes go np, till they como to resemble
each other iu the habits, tastes and actions
of their lives.
Slaves in Oregon, if they do any thing at
all. roust necessarily be "Jacks of all work."
They will go every where and do every
tWng. They will be free enough to see and
learn all the vices of society, and slaves
enough to practice tbcm withour pride or
self respect. I do not see how white men
who expect to labor in Oregon, can consent
to have negro slaves brought here to labor
with them. Slaveholders, as a general
thing, are not willing to sell their good men
and women to be taken thousands of miles
from relatives and home, but will sell the
worthless and vicious, so that the Oregon
market would probably be supplied with
cheap negroes, which are a curse to any
country. Slavery is intended to supersede
the necessity of white labor ; but I deny
that ony system is an evil which compels
white people to work. Industry invigorates
mind and body. It makes the appetite
good and the sleep sweet. It leads to con
teutment, virtue and happiuess. - Suppose a
farmer has slaves to do bis work, and sous
to rear. Will tlieso eons be as industrious
as they otherwise would be, and is any
father willing to have his children grow up
without habits of industry ? Indolence is
a dangerous luxury for young people, and
there is good sense in'the Spanish proverb,
that "an idle-brain is the devil's work
shop." What w ill be the political effect of
making Oregon a slave Stale ? This is a
grave question and ought to be carefully
cousidcred. Surrounded by non-slavchold-ing
territory her ' geographical position
her climate the productions of her soil
and the nature of her commerce, all unite
and identify her with tho northern : States.
Snpposo we go into the Uuiou as a free
State, the North will be pleased, aud the
South sati.sfiedn No btatciman ever dream
ed that slavery would ever exist in Oregon,
and for that reason Douglas voted for, aud
Polk approved its prohibition iu our organic
Act. And last winter, Mr. Stevens of Geor
gia, said iu Congress, that he would be glad
Jo have the northwest Territories come in
as 6lavc States, but did not expect it, for
the laws of climate, production, and popu
lation would prevent. . I believe that we
could go into the Cuion as a free State,
without objection or excitement upon that
ground, for this is what all parts of the
country expect ; but as a slave State, we
should arouse the prejudices' of tho whole
North'; for, as there is nothing, iu our cir-H
cumstances or interests to justily sucu a
thing, it would' be regarded as a mere polit
ical movement to extend the institution of
slavery. I conteud that we have a perfect
right to have slavery or not, as we please,
but we know what , the sentiment of the
North is upon this question, and we must
take things as' they ore, and not t3 they
should be. Can Oregon, with her great
claims, prcscut and prospective," upon the
Government, afford to throw away .the
PENNSYLVANIA.
44.000 miles.
t.311,?S
S729.U4.998
72.4W.19L
1U.M4.S10
6.135.29
ll.06ti.164
friendship of the North the overruling
power of the nation, for the sake of slavery ?
Would it be advisable, when we can avoid
It, to jo into the Union in a tempest of
excitement upon tbe negro question? Ore
gon would have more influence in.tbe coun
cils of. the country, as a Tree, than as a
slave State. Free, conservative, and Im
partial, she would be like California, or the
family of the North, and of the friends of
the South ; but aa a slave Mate, sue could
only depend npon the sympathies of the
slavehotding power? Slavery It Is said, will
save us from fanaticism, but this not Uue.
Fanaticism Is aot altogether cohfined to the
free States. South Carolina is not behind
Massachusetts in this respect. Uarrisou,
Phillips & Co., occupy one extreme, and
Adams, Khett & Co. the otuer. ine itid
unes md Couriers of the north, are second
ed in their sectional warfare by the Mercu-
rvs and Deltas of the South. Political
fanaticism within "the last year, has dese
crated elections iu four of the chief cities of
the South with violence and bloodshed. I
admit that there is more intensity of thought
and energy of action in the North than in
the (South, and that tnese proaoce many
excesses which I condemn as muru as any
man. but at the same time they work mira
cles in science and art, aud all the improve
ments of the aire.. Fanaticism, even if we
have it as a free State, will waste itself
upon abstractions and idealities about some
thing thousands of niilea away, while with
slavery there will come a fanaticism like the
Promethean vulture, to prey upon our very
vitals. Slavery here, in tbe nature of
thincs. must be a weak institution. Fanati
cism from tbe North would therefore assail
it, and from the South rush In to its de
fense. Torn and distracted in this way, our
happiness and prosperity would be sacrificed
to a.miser'able strife about negroes. .
Some argue that Oregon should become
a slave State so as to make the slaveholding
and non-slaveholding States equal iu the
Senate. Admitted now as a slave State,
we niigrbt make the States nominally equal
iu that body, but how 6oon would Minneso
ta, Kansas, Nebraska, or some other Terri
tory come in nnd destroy it. tv e might set
to work to balance the Union, but hare we
any assurance that other Territories will
concur iu the movement. Territories ought
aud will cousult their own best interests
upon this subject, aud Congress has uo right
to renulate the admission of States so as to
preserve the balance of power between dif
ferent sections of the Confederacy. I will
nnote upon this point from a speech made
last winter bv Mr. Douglas, in the Senate :
' Is.it, (says he,) to be a struggle to keep
up an equilibrium between non-slaveholdiui;
and slaveholding States ? Sir, I deny the
power of this government to maiutaiu any
equilibrium upon the subject.; it is contrary
to the principles of the Nebraska bill ; it is
contrary to the principles of tbe Democratic
party, it is contrary to the principles of
State equality and self government to keep
an equilibrium between slaveholding and
non-slaveholding States in order that they
may balance each other." I add to this,
that it would tend to create a geographical
division which all trne friends of tbe Union
should try to break down aud prevent. This
theory looks very much like Calhoun's still
born project of a dual executive in the Gov
ernment.
1 might go further in this discussion, but
perhaps I have already written more than
will be read. Whatever may be inferred
from tnv arguments nzainst slavery in Ore
gon, I disclaim all sympathy with the abo
litiou agitators of the North and deprecate
and denounce all sectioiial organiratlous
npon that subject. I take the ground that
the General Government has no right in any
way to interfere with slavery, except to
carry out the fugitive slave clause of the
constitution, and have maintained the cpiu
ion that each State aud Terrritory has the
absolute right to establish, modify, or pro
hibit Elavery within its borders, subject ouly
to tbe Constitutional restriction to " per
sons held to service or labor in one State es
caping into another."
I hold, too, that a man's views as to slav
ery iu Oregon are no test of his Democracy.
To be national, the Democratic party must
necessarily embrace those who prefer a free
and those who prefer a slave State. Cobb
no doubt upholds slavery in Georgia, where
he lives, aud Dickinson would oppose it in
New York, where he lives, aud both are
good democrats. Duchanau, Cass and Doug
las would vote ogaiost slavery in the States
where they respectfully reside, and if they
meau what they say, would vote agaiust it
here if they lived in Oregon.
Taking everything iuto consideration, 1
ask if it is not the true policy of Oregon to
keep as clear as possible of uegroes, and all
tha exciting questions of negro servitude?
Situated away here on the Pacific, as a free
Statu we are not likely to be troubled much
with free negroes or fugitive slaves, but as
a slave state there would be a constant
struggle abont laws to protect such proper
ty fierce excitements about running off or
stealing negroes, for which this couutry is so
favorable, and there would be uo peace.
. I have faith in the future of this couutry,
but I do not conceive that its prosperity de
pends npon the spiritless efforts of enslaved
labor, but upon the energies of a free and
intelligent people. 2few routes of travel
are being opened across the continent. New
Hues of steamships and clippers are being
put upon the oceau. Facilities for traveling
are increasing aud expenses being reduced.
The Pacific railroad is a proximate reality.
Men who can lift their eyes above the little
precincts of a day, will see in these things
tbe promise of onr growth and greatness as
a people. I kuow what syren song self love
sings for slavery ; how pleasaut it seems in
prospect to have a slave to till our ground,
to wait upon us while we wake, and fau us
when we sleep, but are these the ideas to
possess men whose business it is to lay the
foundations of a State? History, philoso
phy, and posterity plead with us not to be
wholly absorbed in the present, but to learn
from the past and look to the future, and
if we hear and obey this appeal, the lapse of
25 or 50 years, which is as nothing in tbe
life of a State, will find Oregon teeming with
a people, intelligent, prosperous and happy,
and every man a freeman. ,
GEO. II. WILLIAMS.
g&r In a qnarrel between John Clay, a
son of the departed statesman, and a man
named Edgar, in Lexington, Ky., the for
mer shot the latter twice with a pistol. One
ball entered bis mouth and passed out be
hind the -car ; another lodged in his back.
Edgar is reported mortally wounded. Clay
immediately left Lexington, and has not
been heard from since. ' The parties have
not been on amicable terms for some time.
Cinn, Commercial, June 13.'
The Secretary of the Treasury is of the
opinion that the close of the present fiscal
year will find a surplus of twenty-two mill
ions of dollars in the Treasury. Tbe late
reduction of the' tariff, he thinks will re
sult in the increase of revenue from incrcas
importations ; and he has already determ
ined to recommend another Idrge extension
of the free list, j ; r; . ;..
OREGON STATESMAN.
TUESDAY, JULY 28, 1851. ;
To Patrons In Arrears ;.
Wo shall soon sand out our annual, circular to
delinquent patrons. Before we do so, wa hope
that many now in arrears will have paid up, for
we dislike to "dun," as bad as any man can to
be " dunned. Our published " terms will snow
thn mivaiitntreof advance navmcnt.
Cmuittaurea may be mado by mail at our risk. '
The letter need not be registered, but tha money
should be enclosed in presence of a postmaster.'
June 23, 17. ASAIlfcL. JJUOI1.
Tkt Clergy and Polities.
We copy the article below from the Glou
cester (Mass.) Telegraph, and commend it
to those of the Oregon clergy who wish to
be politicians, and at the same time whine
piteously, and beg for sympathy, because
their acts are criticised as those of other pol
iticians are. They will be zealous political
workers, and yet if auy of tbeir party oppo
nents discuss their conduct, it is "aa indis
criminate attack upon the clergy," " athe
ism," " infidelity," and " enmity to religiou
itself." If they turn politicians they must
expect to have the sanctity they inrest them
selves with, and the awe with which they
seek to iuspire the common mass in , respect
to themselves, broken down, and they and
their acts treated as those of other politi
cians are. At any rate, whether they ex
pect it or net, the Statesman will so 'treat
them. Wbeu we find iu the arena an ene
my of our principles and party, we shall nev
er stop to inquire the color of his cravat or
coat, but shall expose his fallacies, and show
up his conduct without reference to either.
The " pious" lies about "atheism." "infidel
ity," or " infidel paper," have no terror for
us: ' ' ,
When a religious "society settles a pastor to min
ister to them in holy thinrs. it is not under
stood that he i to preach his political views, be
caase auzensnip is a matter wnicu men prefer to
protect in their own way ; and political opinion,
under our form of government, is a matter of in
dividual concernment, and widely diffused in ev
ery community and society. A minister, if he
has applied himself to his profession as he is
bound to do has relinquished tbe world, the flesh,
and the deril, and has to do with better and more
trying duties pointing to the spiritual salvation
of his people. And if h comes down into the are
na of politics, he voluntarily lays aside' his relig
ious character and Tirtnaily proposes to take, a
band in the local bickerings and hearties crusades
of political partisans. In such a case he may es
say to teach political principles from the pulpit,
bnt he has no longer a right to claim that his
cloth entitles him to escape criticism, comment or
colrorersy ; but on the contrary he must expect
to meet qnestions fairly, and be confronted by his
own parish on grounds of fair debate, and no cler
gyman has a right to complain if he is- bandied
without gloves by the political press as he most
certainly deaerres to oc. .
We confess tnat tbe exnibition or clerical es
prit du cants offers to the ueople a refreshing ex
ample in tnese days of general indifference of men,
one towards another, but it is really a little amu
sing to an outsider to witness the tenderness of
the reverend rentlemen. upon being admonished
that to do their master's work in the " individual
heart" wonld be more in keeping with their pro
fession man io preacn pontics, ire snow ine
clergy have an eye to national short comings, but
we very respectfully suggest tnat tne idea is myth
ical. There are no national sins that cannot be
reached through the individual hearts of men who
make the covernmcnt.
It is of no use, this mixing up of the affairs of
me cnurcn ana 8te; tne tcing cannot be tolera
ted br the masses, and the minister who attempts
it injures his religious influence at once, even if
he can manage to fill his pows by the sheer force
of eloquence, oratory, and intellect. And finally.
brethren, no two edged sword is more keen and
destructive than the knife which a politician
wean nnaerms jacaet. eeian :
Industrious
Leland still keeps np his practice of man
ufactnring public sentiment by himself wri
ting letters for his paper and dating tbem
in various comities. The last Standard has
two or three dated in Clackamas and Mult
nomah couuties, in which it is oracularly as
serted that the people are " agin" the " Sa
lem platform," nnd the democratic members
of those counties are threatened with defeat
next year, if they adhere to the democratic
organization. Let it be remembered that
majority of the democrats of Multnomah
county are hards, counting the Leland'?,
Drowu's and Kingsley's as democrats, eveu,
and so showed by their nominations; the
democratic party of that county endorses and
stands upon the " Salem platform," and
were defeated by the regular opposition at
the polls, aided by the softs. . . .
In Clackamas couuty, we believe a deci
ded majority of all tbe members of the dem
ocratic organization are hards, and support
ers of the " Salem platform." . This opinion
is based upou information contained in let
ters from old 'stand-by democrats in the
county. The same is true of Clatsop, Ben
ton and Yamhill Counties.
This practice of dating his letters about
the Territory was commenced by Leland in
the spring of 1855. Then they informed us
that the people of this and that county were
opposed to the nomination of Lane, and in
favor of that of Judge Pratt, They didn't
manufacture sentiment much then, and they
wou't now. The fraud is too apparent. He
had better get bis friend Kingsley to write
the letters, and thus change the style in
changing schoolmasters.
The democratic masses of the Territory,
as a whole, are nioro firmly and unauimously
in favor of the " Salem platform" than was
the convention that adopted it. And it
enunciates doctrines which they will adhere
to with a steadiness and tenacity which will
astonish the pie-bald opposition. The demo
cratic forty in no county has declared against
that platform; it is the opposition only
which in a few of the generally opposition
counties north who have, aided by the votes
of softs who naturally belong with them,
voted down the candidates who stood upon
it. As that platform was designed, and is
calculated to perpetuate democratic ascend
ancy, it is natural and proper that the regu
lar opposition should oppose it; i aud it is
equally natural aud proper that the soft op
position should join them in such opposition.
But the democracy approve it, and they will
stand by it, and see that not one plank is
ever disturbed.. The softs who expect ever
to see auy portion of it rescinded, will find
themselves in the condition of the man who
sat upon the bank of the Mississippi wait
ing for all the water to run by I : , . ,
San Frajjcisco Prices. Flour is selling
for $6 50 and $7 50 per , barrel; Oregon
Ehoulders, 12 cents per lb.; hams, 21; sides
20; Oregon lumber, $25 and $26 per M;
shingles, $4 per M; butter and eggs not
quoted; crushed sngar,' 1TJ cents.
A citizen of Benton County informs
as that Avery eays that the delegations for
the Legislature and Convention from this
(Marlon) County are all free State inen
notwithstanding it is asserted that Messrs.
Cooley and Miller are otherwise. We sup
pose that among all the men in the Territo
ry who think slavery practicable and desira
ble in Oregon, there are uot two stronger in
that belief than Cooley aud Miller. There
is not an abolitionist In ' the county that
would rote for either. At the same time
Avery thus misrepresents them, he puts
down Rev. Mr. Hill, of Benton, who unde
niably last year received all the abolition
votes in Benton, and some of them this
year, ana who never voted a democratic
ticket in his life, aud who last year and this
voted for free Boilers and abolitionists, as a
pro-slavery democrat.''
The drift of all this it is not hard to de
tect. Avery thinks he has secured to tbe
' intrusts" of his town the support of all the
opposition to the democratic party, from
geueral hostility to the " Salem cli-que,"
and hatred of tbe democratic party, and
a
through the Standard, which he runs in the
free-soil, or abolition-soft interest. He thinks
Iffc has a fast " holt" on all these odds and
ends, But to prevent driving off any of
them, be puts down one-half of .the Benton
delegation as ." free State."- Now be hopes
to control the pro-slavery feeling, and bring
that also into the support of his " intrusts,"
and therefore he pretends to be pro-slavery,
and has tailed on to that expecting to
head on to it. His very smart plan is to
finally bring pro slavery and abolitionism
into a sort of union upon tbe platform of
his '' intrusts " and eumitv to Salem, and
the democratic organization. Hence it is a
part of this plan to excite the prejudices of
pro-slavery men against Salem, and there
fore the Marion delegations are put down
all Tree State," while, remarkable to tell,
in Benton the? are iust eanallv divided.
which must be satisfactory to both sides!
Is not there cuteness for you?
m a
If Avery could hear the expressions of
pro-slavery men upon the subject of his
"nice laid scheme" to use the pro slavery sen
timent for the furtherance of his " intrusts"
first, (his " intrusts" first, always) and the
dismemberment of the democratic party
next, he might discover the nakedhees of the
hook which he thinks be has so temptingly
baited.
Speaking of Avery and his " iatrosts," re
minds us of tbe severe but just "lick" that
the letter of Mr. Robinson, of Benton, which
we published last week, contained. From
that the people of Corvallis and Benton
county can learn something, if they have not
already discovered it, of the dead weight
which " our intrusts" are upon their welfare.
Mr. Robinson did net mention Avery's
name, bnt he said:
It is commerce and manufactures, toeeiher with
liberality and good management of proprietors,
that build up places. Whoever heard of a flourish
ing town springing up ia the hands of m mean,
ntntrhinz proprietor, ahtaus iuegling mud askinr for
far on for hi place, but bestowing asm on it himself f
Does Avery recognize himself in that pic
ture? Most assuredly he does, aa will many
a citizen of his town aud county. It
would be hard to find the same number of
other words that describe him as perfectly.
Mr. Robinson also says:
That Texed qnestion, the location of the Seat of
Government, onght at once to be settled by the
Convention for at least the first vieennitun, or
twenty rears. Its agitation has already snfii
ciently disgraced the country, by leading to the
destruction, in all probability, of a fine public edi
fice almost complete, with otner valuable property.
Who caused that State-house to be set on
fire? It is said that "murder will out," and
we expect to live till it becomes known and
proved to tbe pnblic of Oregon who burned
the State-house, and who procured it to be
burned.
We should like to know of oar co temporary of
the Statesmen how he can reconcile the language
he uses in relation to the Messenger, in his last
issne, with that courtesy which should ever mark
the intercourse between editors and gentlemen.
Omdenlal.
" We should like to know of our cotem
porary of the" " Occidental Messenger"
how he can reconcile the" publication of
snch lying abuse of us as the article "in his
last issue" signed " B. Scroggins" contains,
" with that courtesy which should ever mark
the intercourse between editors and gentle
men?" The Messenger editor's ideas of
"courtesy" are certainly very remarkable.
Did you ever bear of precept against prac
tice?".
We think the last number of tbe Messen
ger so plainly exhibits its real partisan char
acter that none can mistake.
The Messenger has not corrected " the er
ror it fell into" in classing Messrs. Cooley,
of the House, and Miller, of the Conven
tion, from this county, as free State demo
crats, whereas they are strong pro-slavery
democrats. Why is this? We did not think
the editor blamable for that " error" in the
original publication, as, having just arrived
in Oregon, he must have got his information
from some other person, who misinformed
him. But why not correct it?
A Fraud, we Beukve. The Standard has
twice Quoted from the San Francisco Her
ald of June 12th matter giving an erroneous
account of the state of parties in Oregon
representing that the regular, or hard de
mocracy favored " centralization," and that
the softs opposed it, and that that was the
cause of the " defection" of the latter. The
Standard represents that this view appeared
in the Herald as editorial, whereas we be
lieve it was a letter written by some soft or
other black republican from Oregon, and
imposed upou the Herald written for the
very purpose of being used here in Oregon
in the Standard, as is bow being done.
Will the Herald editor send us his weekly
issne of Jane 12, that we may see?
The Herald is a radical democratic paper,
and if its editor was in Oregon be would be
found among the Hard democrats, and an
unyielding enemy of the Standard soft fac
tion The latter are among the most viru
lent opponents of the democracy, co-operating
consorting and voting with their friends
and allies, black republicans and knownoth
ings, though hypooritically calling them
selves " Jeffersonian democrats." : "
-J" Jud w"Uau' ILettor.
We psLlish a long letter from Judre Wil- -
liams, on . the slavery question, this week,
but jiave room only to call attention to it
It is written in a spirit of inquiry and mod
eration, and if his facts and arguments do
not convince the reader's judgment, the spirit
and manner of ibis letter must command his
approval. -
Ed. Messenger : In one of the late numbers
of the States man. the editor says, " if he U not
mistaken, Dr. Hill ran last year as an Abolition
autdidate, and that he, (Hill) was elected aa a
Bck Republican at the last election.".
copy the above from a correspondence
in the last "Occidental." - The language at
tributed to ns it will be seen is quoted, and
given as our precise language. The words
put io our monta we neTer 08ejt Ma th
statement that we dia ia an unqualified false
hood. We said that Mr. .Hill "ran for the
legislature last year, and got every abolition
rote in the county, iqcluding the abolition
' Belknap settlement.' " And we said " last
year aud the present, he ran for the Assem
bly on the opposition ticket, and never io
Oregon, aud we will venture to say else
where, has he voted tbe democratic ticket."
We copy the above misrepresentation simply
on account of its repnted author. " Veri
tas," a truthful citizen of Benton Co., savs
that the letter from which it is an extract,
was written by the Rev. Dr. Hill, who some"
tiraes preaches the gospel, and onght alwaya
to speak the truth strictly. If " Yeritaa"
is mistaken, and Mr. Hill is not the author,
we will most cheerfully and promptly give
plaee to his denial, if he will inform us.-
We wish to do injustice to no man's reputa
tion, and certainly not to Mr,, Hill's, of
whom we entertain, personally, none but
friendly feelings.
We have reason to be thankful that ia coarag
we have not faltered, and in our fidelity to the
principles and acknowledged usages of the Nation
al Democracy we hare been nnshaken. Stamdmrd.
" Fidelity to tbe principles and usages of
tbe National Democracy!" Yoting against
the candidates of the democratic party is
one of the " usages" of the " National de
mocracy," ia it? The brazen faced creature
who writes tbe above, six weeks ago voted
against Oen. Lane, the nominee of the dem
ocratic party for Congress, and against most
of the county democratic candidates. It ia
a prostitution of the name for these Oregon
softs to call themselves " National demo
crats." There are black repub!icansthe
very blackest we have, Airgoose Adams is
a specimen,) in various parts of Oregon
who style themselves " Jeffersonian demo
crats." They are just as much so as are
their allies, the softs, "National democrats."
Elders Stuart and Higgins, of the
Mormon church, preached here on Thursday
evening; some boys threw rotten eggs at
them, and broke up the meeting, though
some of onr citizens put a stop to the egg
ing, resolved that the Mormos preachers
should have a hearing. They preached
again on Saturday ; without molestation.
The throwing of egg, and the other dis
turbance was withoit excuse, as the remarks
of the speakers were in no way offensive;
and we were glad to witness the disapproval
of tha disturbance which nearly all present
manifested. Freedom of opinion and speech
are as much boasted of as are any of oar
boasted liberties, and they onght to be held
as sacred rights. These men hare just aa
much right to preach Mormonism as other
men have to preach TJniversalism, Method
ism. Infidelity, &c M any prefer not to
hear them, they have but to remain away.
Religious toleration is a marked feature of
our free institutions. ' -
WoxDEKrn. ! Leland quotes from one
" Col. J. S. Watkins," of California, in fa
vor of bolting. . It styles this Watkins a
democrat, and says his name bad been men
tioned in connection with the Governorship.
So it had, but by tkt erppositwn, and not
by democrats. Watkins is an avowed bolt
er, and no more a democrat than Leland is
indeed he is the same kind of a " Nation
al democrat" but not a " California demo
crat" as our softs are wont to style them
selves aot " Oregon democrats." Watkins
calls himself an " independent democrat,"
bnt is not recognized as a democrat by the
democratic party in California, though the
black republicans pronounce bim a model
democrat -just what our black republicans
say of our softs.
Neither is Leland's representation that
the California State convention virtually re
scinded the Sacramento resolution true. It
is entirely false. The convention did noth
ing that in the least conflicted with the rule
of the Sacramento democracy which we pub
lished a few weeks ago.
pf the political parties into which we found
the people of the Territory divided, we espous
ed that of the pro-slavery party. Occidental Mes
senger. " To a man up a tree," it looks amazing
ly as though the Messenger had espoused
the pro-slavery party, omitting the "eI"
from slavery.
The only division of parties we know of
in this Territory, is the democratic party,
and the opposition party, the latter of
which comprises many shades, none tf them,
however, pro-slavery v. ' 1
Tbe Messenger call the Standard ' the
champion of free State," while the Stand
ard tickles back by styling the Messenger, the
champion of a slave State. A friend writ
ing t& us, says
Of coarse yoa langh occasionally over Hall's
and Leland's complimentary notices of each oth
er's sheets. Keapectrrely " champions- of a free,
and slave State! Whew ! what a long tail our
old eat baa got f" -
jty Our patrons in arrears in the south
ern part of the Territory will find bills of
their indebtedness with Mr. Sifers, postmas
ter, at Jackson v Die. ". ' .
' We have this week also seat out a quan
tity of bills for advertising, some of them of
long standing. If not paid soon, we shall
send the worst cases to lawyers for collec
tion, and if they cant get them, well adver
tise, and sell them at auction. We have
had the bills long enough.
Inconsiderable correspondence is crowd
ed out. It shall have attention next week.