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About The Willamina times. (Willamina, Yamhill County, Oregon) 1909-1972 | View Entire Issue (Sept. 21, 1938)
THURSDAY. SEPT. 22, 1938 TIMES, WILLAMINA, OREGON W e e k ly N e w s R e v ie w H r e r k e r t 'e IU gent Government Must Be Kept Liberal, Four-Power European Treaty Cry of President and Spokesmen M ay Avert Cenerai W arfare B y Joseph W . La B in e Foreign U ntil he spoke at Nuremburg a fortnight ago, Adolf H itler had nev er given open, out-and-out promise of assistance to Czechoslovakia s Sudeten Germans. If his purpose was to brew trouble, it was not long in coming. By promising his exiled fellow Germans the right of “ self determination,” Der Fuehrer gave overnight rise to demands for a plebiscite, demands which were not long in bringing bloodshed. Confident that frightened Prague would tolerate anything, the hench men of little Fuehrer Konrad Hen- lein organized demonstrations that ended in riots which took six lives. By this time the Czech government was forced to show its hand. Tight m artial law was clamped on five Sudeten towns, then on three more. While a jitte ry world held its breath. Fuehrer Henlein shot back an u lti matum that m artial law be lifted in six hours or his party would “ de cline responsibility for all further developments.” In the next 24 hours Prague re jected the ultimatum, rushed troops soaked roads, found his car mired, stopped to chat 20 minutes with a farmer about crop prices. Out come: The President promised he would try to raise them. From his special train, which served as hotel, the President watched the outcome of his “ purge” (See POLITICS), also watched nervous Europe (See FOR EIGN). Finally, interview-hungry correspondents were told: “ At this time, Minnesota is not a news source for events in Europe, Mary land and Maine.” M r Roosevelt's worries about Europe were obvious. To a nine- year-old visitor who found him studying Czechoslovakia’s map, he advised: “ Just now, more than ever, it is necessary to remember my geography lessons. So keep up your interest in geography." That night the presidential special left for Washington where Secre tary of State Cordell H ull waited to talk diplomacy, where Secretary of the Treasury Henry Morgenthau Jr. waited to discuss U. S. money and stock market action in the event of war. Politics NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN In a crisis, he took to the air. to the frontier and won a brief se ries of skirmishes that took on the temporary aspect of a civil war. Since further trouble would cer tainly bring Germany to the rescue, since France and Russia are bound by treaty to aid Czechoslovakia, since Great Britain must aid France, this overnight turn of events assumed international impor tance. In Berlin, the press cried out at "terrors of the Czech police.” France maintained her high-pitched m ilitary machine and looked, as usual, to London. Next afternoon came the most precedent-setting move yet made. A thoroughly frightened Prime Minis ter Neville Chamberlain announced he would take his first airplane ride, crossing the channel to Berchtes- gaden for a conference with Adolf Hitler. Said he: “ I am going to see the German chancellor because . . . discussions between him and me may have useful consequences.” Later the same day he landed at Munich, sped to Berchtesgaden, where Der Fuehrer was waiting. For three hours B ritain’s strong man talked to Germany’s strong man, then Neville Chamberlain emerged to tell the world he was returning to London, would come back to see H itler in a few days. What happened at Berchtesgaden was mere conjecture. Best guesses said London and Paris seek a four- power pact with Germany and Italy, since Prime Minister Chamberlain’s visit was suggested by French Pre mier Edouard Daladier. No one could figure how the source of this trouble, Czechoslovakia, fit into the picture, but it was clear Der Fuehrer would accept little short of outright autonomy for his Sudeten friends. The Chamberlain flight brought little but gloom in Prague, where resistance stiffened and an angry cabinet ordered Konrad Henlein’s arrest. But Fuehrer Henlein, who had just broadcast a proclamation demanding Sudeten union with Ger many, was already fleeing to Mu nich. In the mood she was in, Czechoslovakia was ripe for loud broadcasts that came from Moscow that night, assailing Neville Cham berlain’s “ sellout” to Fascism, urg ing Prague to "fight to the last” agaihst Germany. White House Like any other hospital visitor with time on his hands, Franklin Roosevelt waited impatiently at Rochester, Minn., watching Son James on the mend from his gas tric ulcer operation. Finally he went riding on Minnesota’s rain- Until August 11, the word “ purge” had little application in American politics. On that date Franklin Roosevelt asked Georgians to de feat their Sen. Walter F. George be cause: “ He is out of touch with the broad objectives of the party . . . On most questions we don t speak the same language.” Subsequently, “ purge” went after South Carolina’s Sen. Ellison D. Smith and Maryland's Sen. M illard E. Tydings. Both won anyway. Add ing to the President’s consternation was Maine’s historically prophetic election in which all Republicans won, all Democrats lost. Only two days later, Georgians voted to give “ purge” a final shellacking, to bury with vengeance the gravest politi cal error Franklin Roosevelt has ever made, to send Walter George back to Washington. Business Roosevelt s Definition of Term Means He Has Cast Die For Realignment of Political Parties; Time May Prove Fallacy of Today’s Liberal Doctrines. By WILLIAM BRUCKART C L A S SIF IE D DEPARTMENT F A R M H V P P I.IK H ur «75 k «L 29 TANKS Fo r W A T E R —O A S — O il. Bullere, T a n ke . IMnee, H ep alr W ork S I SC. II BOM. F u rtla e d kite a. e. uw Art. HUTKIA WNU Service, National Press Bldg., Washington. D. C. WASHINGTON.—-There is a great to-do being made these days about “ liberalism ." We are told in the press, through the radio, in personal conversations that "liberalism ,” lib eral thinking, is vitally necessary; it is urgent that our government be kept liberal, and that our daily lives be moulded along liberal lines. President Roosevelt says so, and sought in a recent speech to define liberalism; his spokesmen repeat and emphasize what he has said; the vast army of ballyhoo artists on the government payroll is saying it after the manner of a stooge for a ventriloquist. A lot of Republi cans, trying to ape the New Deal ers, are saying it, too, and making Just as much of a mess of the propo sition as the less slick-tongued among the New Dealers. Well, any way, at any cost, there must be liberalism. I f we don’t be liberal, we are warned, the devil w ill get us. The nation, its 130,- 000,000 inhabitants and all of their works w ill sink to the depth of per dition. I t ’s a very sorry situation, indeed. Recognizing the need, the urgent necessity for liberalism, Mr. Roose velt undertook recently to define it. I quote his words from a recent speech in Maryland where he had gone to try to bring about the defeat of Sen. M illard Tydings in a race for the Democratic senatorial nomi nation: “ For example, Mr. A is a compos ite conservative. He admitted that in 1933, interest rates charged by private bankers to ordinary citizens who wanted to finance a farm were altogether too high; he admitted that there were sharp practices, ex cesses and abuses in issuing securi ties and buying and selling stocks and bonds; he admitted that the hours of work in his factory were too long; he admitted that old peo ple. who became destitute through no fault of their own, were a prob lem; he admitted that national and international economics and specu lation made farming and fishing extremely hazardous occupations; and he even admitted that the buy ing power of farmers and fishermen had not kept pace with the buying power of other kinds of workers. “ But conservative Mr. A not only declined to take any lead in solving these problems in co-operation with the government. He even found fault with and opposed, openly or secretly, almost every suggestion that was put forward by those who belonged to the liberal school of thought. viction or as a result of having won office on New Deal coat tails that there is no turning back for them. Thus, there is a split, with those who subscribe to the New Deal the ory of liberalism on the one hand and the Democrats who adhere to the hundred-year-old principles of the Democratic party on the other. There w ill be some Republicans drawn into the new alignment, but they w ill be fewer than the wing formed from Democrats. The Re publicans who w ill go over to any new alignment w ill be of the type of Harold Ickes, now secretary of the interior, Senator Norris of Nebraska (who once wore a Republican label) and others of the here-today-gone- tomorrow category. No target of New Deal dislike has been U. S. small business, though a leading small town business man is often regarded by his fellow towns men as the counterpart of big busi ness. Last spring, Franklin Roose velt called a meeting of little busi ness men at Washington, was later shocked to see his conference turn into a near riot. Not the outgrowth, rather a re action from this meeting is the Na tional Small Business Men’s asso ciation, founded by a letter-writing letterhead manufacturer from Akron, Ohio, Dewitt M. Emery. Jokingly called "little in everything but stature,” 6’¿-foot President Em ery solicited members by m ail from business firms not employing more than 500 persons, not capi W o u ld Force R ealig n m en t talized at more than $1,000,000. Pre sumably too inarticulate for mem O f Politice of C o u n try Mr. Roosevelt’s pronouncement bership are the butcher, baker and on what constitutes a liberal fol lowed very closely a statement he had issued in a meeting with the newspaper correspondents at the White House, saying that he had no objection to election of “ liberal Re publicans.” Said he: “ I f there is a good liberal running on the Repub lican ticket, I would not have the slightest objection to his election. The good of the country rises above party.” The importance of these two dec larations? Mr. Roosevelt has cast the die for a new alignment of political parties. He has swept aside all previous bonds that held men and women within the Democratic par ty or the Republican party or the lesser political groups and has said, in effect, “ Come with me into a new fusion of forces and action.” Of course, no one who has studied Mr. Roosevelt’s course since his politi cal ears were first pinned back in LITTLE MAN EMERY defeat of his malodorous plan to How little is little business? add six justices of his own choosing to the United States Supreme court grocer who fit into Franklin Roose could have failed to recognize this velt’s more logical definition of a eventuality. He was planning to small business man. force realignment in politics in this To Pittsburgh last week for their country for some months; but now first convention went Dewitt Em the thing is out in the open, and ery’s little business men. Though the Democrats and Republicans, Pittsburgh’s C. W. Elton hopefully alike, know what confronts them if predicted 2,500 delegates, the first it is their desire to maintain the day found a scant 200 whose re present political party setup. straint held discussion to a m ini What w ill happen is quite another mum. Next day, with their num question. Undoubtedly, the Demo ber increased to 300, little business cratic party w ill be the greater suf men talked more freely. Drawn up ferer. I t has to be so, because Mr. were resolutions which lashed Roosevelt became titular head of fiercely at administration policies in the Democratic party by virtue of relation to business. election to the presidency in 1932 Their demands: Free enterprise, and again in 1936 as the candidate less waste, removal of excess bu of that party. So many of the for reaus and employees, balanced mer Democrats have become wed budget, lower taxes, sound money. ded to the New Deal either by con- Id e a t Subject to Q u ick C h a n g e ; T r y Som ething Elee Then, too, their ideas are subject to such quick change that few of them are retained very long. They are cast aside for something else that has more glamor. A case in point is an incident of recent his tory. After New Dealer Senator Pope had been licked for the Idaho Democratic nomination for senator by the youthful Worth Clark, there was talk among the New Dealers about having Senator Pope seek re- election independently; it was pro posed and discussed with Mr. Roosevelt whether Senator Pope should embrace the faith of the La- Follette’s progressive ticket in Ida ho. It was found, however, that the LaFollettes had a candidate for the senate on their ticket. To the suggestion that he withdraw and let Senator Pope be their candidate, the LaFollette spokesman said: no sir- eel Senator Pope isn’t progressive enough for us—and Senator Pope had campaigned as a 100 per cent New Dealer. One can walk around the halls of congress any day when the session is on and find hundred-per-centers arguing how far “ reform” must be carried; what “ liberalism” means. And, in downtown Washington, where the really important head men of liberalism are to be found, they are constantly fuming and fret ting at each other. Instances are on record where two rabid liberals ac tually have sought to get each other discredited in the eyes of the Presi dent because of their differences over what liberalism means. The only thing about which they seem to agree is that anyone who insists on sanity in governmental thinking—anyone who takes heed of lessons of experiences and tradi tions of the past—must, of neces sity be a tory, a bloodsucker, a tram plcr of the poor, an obstruc tionist, a “ republicrat,” or some other animal in human form who is overcome with personal greed. On that point, the liberals that we see in the government these days pre sent a united front. T im e M a y P ro ve F a lla c y O f T o d a y ’e L ib e ra l Ideae That is the story of the self-ap pointed liberals. To them has been given the right—in their own minds, at least—to guide the destinies of the nation. I assume that if they regard me at all they classify me as coming from across the railroad tracks, question my mental balance. But I shall continue to study their methods, commend what is good, criticize that which is obviously un sound. More important, I shall continue to cling to the doctrine of the ages that human nature is go ing to be changed by some Power that is considerably above the level of human intelligence; I shall hold to a conviction that real progress comes by that method and not from the crackpots who look upon the hu man race as a fresh litte r of guinea- pigs. But, anyway, we have liberalism defined at last by a man who is qualified to define it, and we find that it differs from what liberalism formerly meant. It was only a few generations ago that liberalism meant restricting, not increasing, the powers of government. Neither Mr. Roosevelt’s definition nor his record in office coincides with the former understanding of the word. It seems to me likely, therefore, that we w ill go on for quite some years with this quarrel, and that may be—and this is just a hunch— time w ill prove the fallacy of some of the so-called liberal doctrines of this day. O W estern Newspaper Union. 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She—Yes. so I see; why don’t you »have it off?—Providence Journal. Oh, Sad Awakening! Ginny—Grandm a has just had a terrible accident. A ll her teeth got smashed. Vinnie— Was she hurt bad? Ginny—She doesn’t know yet that I stepped on ’em. She's still asleep. A Family Trait Dorothy—Mother, w hat did you d when a boy first kissed you? M other—Never mind. Dorothy—That's funny. I did the same thing.—Stray Stories Mng zine. Had the Equipment Angry D riv e r (having to stop trac tion engine for a little boy)—Well, w hat do you want? M um m ie said could you steam opr this letter, please? I t ’s one of dad's.—Stray Stories Magazine. F
