THURSDAY. SEPT. 22, 1938
TIMES, WILLAMINA, OREGON
W e e k ly N e w s R e v ie w
H r e r k e r t 'e
IU gent
Government Must Be Kept Liberal,
Four-Power European Treaty
Cry of President and Spokesmen
M ay Avert Cenerai W arfare
B y Joseph W . La B in e
Foreign
U ntil he spoke at Nuremburg a
fortnight ago, Adolf H itler had nev
er given open, out-and-out promise
of assistance to Czechoslovakia s
Sudeten Germans. If his purpose
was to brew trouble, it was not
long in coming. By promising his
exiled fellow Germans the right of
“ self determination,” Der Fuehrer
gave overnight rise to demands for
a plebiscite, demands which were
not long in bringing bloodshed.
Confident that frightened Prague
would tolerate anything, the hench
men of little Fuehrer Konrad Hen-
lein organized demonstrations that
ended in riots which took six lives.
By this time the Czech government
was forced to show its hand. Tight
m artial law was clamped on five
Sudeten towns, then on three more.
While a jitte ry world held its breath.
Fuehrer Henlein shot back an u lti
matum that m artial law be lifted in
six hours or his party would “ de
cline responsibility for all further
developments.”
In the next 24 hours Prague re
jected the ultimatum, rushed troops
soaked roads, found his car mired,
stopped to chat 20 minutes with a
farmer about crop prices. Out
come: The President promised he
would try to raise them.
From his special train, which
served as hotel, the President
watched the outcome of his
“ purge”
(See POLITICS), also
watched nervous Europe (See FOR
EIGN). Finally, interview-hungry
correspondents were told: “ At this
time, Minnesota is not a news
source for events in Europe, Mary
land and Maine.”
M r Roosevelt's worries about
Europe were obvious. To a nine-
year-old visitor who found him
studying Czechoslovakia’s map, he
advised: “ Just now, more than
ever, it is necessary to remember
my geography lessons. So keep up
your interest in geography."
That night the presidential special
left for Washington where Secre
tary of State Cordell H ull waited
to talk diplomacy, where Secretary
of the Treasury Henry Morgenthau
Jr. waited to discuss U. S. money
and stock market action in the
event of war.
Politics
NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN
In a crisis, he took to the air.
to the frontier and won a brief se
ries of skirmishes that took on the
temporary aspect of a civil war.
Since further trouble would cer
tainly bring Germany to the rescue,
since France and Russia are bound
by treaty to aid Czechoslovakia,
since Great Britain must aid
France, this overnight turn of
events assumed international impor
tance. In Berlin, the press cried
out at "terrors of the Czech police.”
France maintained her high-pitched
m ilitary machine and looked, as
usual, to London.
Next afternoon came the most
precedent-setting move yet made. A
thoroughly frightened Prime Minis
ter Neville Chamberlain announced
he would take his first airplane ride,
crossing the channel to Berchtes-
gaden for a conference with Adolf
Hitler. Said he: “ I am going to
see the German chancellor because
. . . discussions between him and
me may have useful consequences.”
Later the same day he landed at
Munich, sped to Berchtesgaden,
where Der Fuehrer was waiting.
For three hours B ritain’s strong
man talked to Germany’s strong
man, then Neville Chamberlain
emerged to tell the world he was
returning to London, would come
back to see H itler in a few days.
What happened at Berchtesgaden
was mere conjecture. Best guesses
said London and Paris seek a four-
power pact with Germany and Italy,
since Prime Minister Chamberlain’s
visit was suggested by French Pre
mier Edouard Daladier. No one
could figure how the source of this
trouble, Czechoslovakia, fit into the
picture, but it was clear Der
Fuehrer would accept little short of
outright autonomy for his Sudeten
friends.
The Chamberlain flight brought
little but gloom in Prague, where
resistance stiffened and an angry
cabinet ordered Konrad Henlein’s
arrest. But Fuehrer Henlein, who
had just broadcast a proclamation
demanding Sudeten union with Ger
many, was already fleeing to Mu
nich. In the mood she was in,
Czechoslovakia was ripe for loud
broadcasts that came from Moscow
that night, assailing Neville Cham
berlain’s “ sellout” to Fascism, urg
ing Prague to "fight to the last”
agaihst Germany.
White House
Like any other hospital visitor
with time on his hands, Franklin
Roosevelt waited impatiently at
Rochester, Minn., watching Son
James on the mend from his gas
tric ulcer operation.
Finally he
went riding on Minnesota’s rain-
Until August 11, the word “ purge”
had little application in American
politics. On that date Franklin
Roosevelt asked Georgians to de
feat their Sen. Walter F. George be
cause: “ He is out of touch with the
broad objectives of the party . . .
On most questions we don t speak
the same language.”
Subsequently, “ purge” went after
South Carolina’s Sen. Ellison D.
Smith and Maryland's Sen. M illard
E. Tydings. Both won anyway. Add
ing to the President’s consternation
was Maine’s historically prophetic
election in which all Republicans
won, all Democrats lost. Only two
days later, Georgians voted to give
“ purge” a final shellacking, to bury
with vengeance the gravest politi
cal error Franklin Roosevelt has
ever made, to send Walter George
back to Washington.
Business
Roosevelt s Definition of Term Means He Has Cast Die
For Realignment of Political Parties; Time May
Prove Fallacy of Today’s Liberal Doctrines.
By WILLIAM BRUCKART
C L A S SIF IE D
DEPARTMENT
F A R M H V P P I.IK H
ur
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29
TANKS
Fo r W A T E R —O A S — O il.
Bullere, T a n ke . IMnee, H ep alr W ork
S I SC. II BOM.
F u rtla e d
kite a. e. uw Art.
HUTKIA
WNU Service, National Press Bldg., Washington. D. C.
WASHINGTON.—-There is a great
to-do being made these days about
“ liberalism ." We are told in the
press, through the radio, in personal
conversations that "liberalism ,” lib
eral thinking, is vitally necessary;
it is urgent that our government be
kept liberal, and that our daily lives
be moulded along liberal lines.
President Roosevelt says so, and
sought in a recent speech to define
liberalism; his spokesmen repeat
and emphasize what he has said;
the vast army of ballyhoo artists
on the government payroll is saying
it after the manner of a stooge for
a ventriloquist. A lot of Republi
cans, trying to ape the New Deal
ers, are saying it, too, and making
Just as much of a mess of the propo
sition as the less slick-tongued
among the New Dealers.
Well, any way, at any cost, there
must be liberalism. I f we don’t be
liberal, we are warned, the devil
w ill get us. The nation, its 130,-
000,000 inhabitants and all of their
works w ill sink to the depth of per
dition. I t ’s a very sorry situation,
indeed.
Recognizing the need, the urgent
necessity for liberalism, Mr. Roose
velt undertook recently to define it.
I quote his words from a recent
speech in Maryland where he had
gone to try to bring about the defeat
of Sen. M illard Tydings in a race
for the Democratic senatorial nomi
nation:
“ For example, Mr. A is a compos
ite conservative. He admitted that
in 1933, interest rates charged by
private bankers to ordinary citizens
who wanted to finance a farm were
altogether too high; he admitted
that there were sharp practices, ex
cesses and abuses in issuing securi
ties and buying and selling stocks
and bonds; he admitted that the
hours of work in his factory were
too long; he admitted that old peo
ple. who became destitute through
no fault of their own, were a prob
lem; he admitted that national and
international economics and specu
lation made farming and fishing
extremely hazardous occupations;
and he even admitted that the buy
ing power of farmers and fishermen
had not kept pace with the buying
power of other kinds of workers.
“ But conservative Mr. A not only
declined to take any lead in solving
these problems in co-operation with
the government. He even found
fault with and opposed, openly or
secretly, almost every suggestion
that was put forward by those who
belonged to the liberal school of
thought.
viction or as a result of having won
office on New Deal coat tails that
there is no turning back for them.
Thus, there is a split, with those
who subscribe to the New Deal the
ory of liberalism on the one hand
and the Democrats who adhere to
the hundred-year-old principles of
the Democratic party on the other.
There w ill be some Republicans
drawn into the new alignment, but
they w ill be fewer than the wing
formed from Democrats. The Re
publicans who w ill go over to any
new alignment w ill be of the type of
Harold Ickes, now secretary of the
interior, Senator Norris of Nebraska
(who once wore a Republican label)
and others of the here-today-gone-
tomorrow category.
No target of New Deal dislike has
been U. S. small business, though a
leading small town business man is
often regarded by his fellow towns
men as the counterpart of big busi
ness. Last spring, Franklin Roose
velt called a meeting of little busi
ness men at Washington, was later
shocked to see his conference turn
into a near riot.
Not the outgrowth, rather a re
action from this meeting is the Na
tional Small Business Men’s asso
ciation, founded by a letter-writing
letterhead
manufacturer
from
Akron, Ohio, Dewitt M. Emery.
Jokingly called "little in everything
but stature,” 6’¿-foot President Em
ery solicited members by m ail
from business firms not employing
more than 500 persons, not capi W o u ld Force R ealig n m en t
talized at more than $1,000,000. Pre
sumably too inarticulate for mem O f Politice of C o u n try
Mr. Roosevelt’s pronouncement
bership are the butcher, baker and
on what constitutes a liberal fol
lowed very closely a statement he
had issued in a meeting with the
newspaper correspondents at the
White House, saying that he had no
objection to election of “ liberal Re
publicans.” Said he: “ I f there is a
good liberal running on the Repub
lican ticket, I would not have the
slightest objection to his election.
The good of the country rises above
party.”
The importance of these two dec
larations?
Mr. Roosevelt has cast the die
for a new alignment of political
parties. He has swept aside all
previous bonds that held men and
women within the Democratic par
ty or the Republican party or the
lesser political groups and has said,
in effect, “ Come with me into a
new fusion of forces and action.” Of
course, no one who has studied Mr.
Roosevelt’s course since his politi
cal ears were first pinned back in
LITTLE MAN EMERY
defeat of his malodorous plan to
How little is little business?
add six justices of his own choosing
to the United States Supreme court
grocer who fit into Franklin Roose could have failed to recognize this
velt’s more logical definition of a eventuality. He was planning to
small business man.
force realignment in politics in this
To Pittsburgh last week for their country for some months; but now
first convention went Dewitt Em the thing is out in the open, and
ery’s little business men. Though the Democrats and Republicans,
Pittsburgh’s C. W. Elton hopefully alike, know what confronts them if
predicted 2,500 delegates, the first it is their desire to maintain the
day found a scant 200 whose re present political party setup.
straint held discussion to a m ini
What w ill happen is quite another
mum. Next day, with their num question. Undoubtedly, the Demo
ber increased to 300, little business cratic party w ill be the greater suf
men talked more freely. Drawn up ferer. I t has to be so, because Mr.
were resolutions which lashed Roosevelt became titular head of
fiercely at administration policies in the Democratic party by virtue of
relation to business.
election to the presidency in 1932
Their demands: Free enterprise, and again in 1936 as the candidate
less waste, removal of excess bu of that party. So many of the for
reaus and employees, balanced mer Democrats have become wed
budget, lower taxes, sound money. ded to the New Deal either by con-
Id e a t Subject to Q u ick
C h a n g e ; T r y Som ething Elee
Then, too, their ideas are subject
to such quick change that few of
them are retained very long. They
are cast aside for something else
that has more glamor. A case in
point is an incident of recent his
tory. After New Dealer Senator
Pope had been licked for the Idaho
Democratic nomination for senator
by the youthful Worth Clark, there
was talk among the New Dealers
about having Senator Pope seek re-
election independently; it was pro
posed and discussed with Mr.
Roosevelt whether Senator Pope
should embrace the faith of the La-
Follette’s progressive ticket in Ida
ho. It was found, however, that
the LaFollettes had a candidate for
the senate on their ticket. To the
suggestion that he withdraw and let
Senator Pope be their candidate, the
LaFollette spokesman said: no sir-
eel Senator Pope isn’t progressive
enough for us—and Senator Pope
had campaigned as a 100 per cent
New Dealer.
One can walk around the halls of
congress any day when the session
is on and find hundred-per-centers
arguing how far “ reform” must be
carried; what “ liberalism” means.
And, in downtown Washington,
where the really important head
men of liberalism are to be found,
they are constantly fuming and fret
ting at each other. Instances are on
record where two rabid liberals ac
tually have sought to get each other
discredited in the eyes of the Presi
dent because of their differences
over what liberalism means.
The only thing about which they
seem to agree is that anyone who
insists on sanity in governmental
thinking—anyone who takes heed of
lessons of experiences and tradi
tions of the past—must, of neces
sity be a tory, a bloodsucker, a
tram plcr of the poor, an obstruc
tionist, a “ republicrat,” or some
other animal in human form who is
overcome with personal greed. On
that point, the liberals that we see
in the government these days pre
sent a united front.
T im e M a y P ro ve F a lla c y
O f T o d a y ’e L ib e ra l Ideae
That is the story of the self-ap
pointed liberals. To them has been
given the right—in their own minds,
at least—to guide the destinies of
the nation. I assume that if they
regard me at all they classify me
as coming from across the railroad
tracks, question my mental balance.
But I shall continue to study their
methods, commend what is good,
criticize that which is obviously un
sound. More important, I shall
continue to cling to the doctrine of
the ages that human nature is go
ing to be changed by some Power
that is considerably above the level
of human intelligence; I shall hold
to a conviction that real progress
comes by that method and not from
the crackpots who look upon the hu
man race as a fresh litte r of guinea-
pigs.
But, anyway, we have liberalism
defined at last by a man who is
qualified to define it, and we find
that it differs from what liberalism
formerly meant. It was only a few
generations ago that liberalism
meant restricting, not increasing,
the powers of government. Neither
Mr. Roosevelt’s definition nor his
record in office coincides with the
former understanding of the word.
It seems to me likely, therefore,
that we w ill go on for quite some
years with this quarrel, and that
may be—and this is just a hunch—
time w ill prove the fallacy of some
of the so-called liberal doctrines of
this day.
O W estern Newspaper Union.
Campbell Hill Hotel
2 2 5 5 W . Ilu rn ald *
r o r tla a d , Oregoa
F
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T o u r fu tu re la n ature« w ith our tr a in
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CLASHES ARE BEGINNING.
ENROLL NOW!
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BEAUTY OPERATORS
AND BARBERS
1‘rof. P ru e tt o f the M o ler College. Ctal-
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CLUBS
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H IN K L E Y CLINIC
B ra a d a a r llld g .. Portland
Poor M b
Mother (from next room ): Tom
my. for goodnesi’ take awltch off
that loudapeaker. That woman's
voice goes through met
Tom m y—T hat Isn’t the loudspeak
er. Ma. I t ’s Mrs. Brown come to
see youl
Future Professions
Ambitious—I'm going to be sn avi
ator.
I ’ve been air-m inded for
years.
Rambunctious—I guess I ’ll be a
garage man. I ’ve been tow-headed
all m y life .—Houston P o st
F
Hidden
“ Esm eralda, you really ought to
wear a hat when you are going out
at night.”
“ But m am m a, I am wearing a
hat! I t is at the other side.” —Hous
ton Post.
So Romantic
He (nervously)—Elizabeth, d ar
ing, there is something that has
seen trem bling on m y lips for
months and months.
She—Yes. so I see; why don’t you
»have it off?—Providence Journal.
Oh, Sad Awakening!
Ginny—Grandm a has just had a
terrible accident. A ll her teeth got
smashed.
Vinnie— Was she hurt bad?
Ginny—She doesn’t know yet that
I stepped on ’em. She's still asleep.
A Family Trait
Dorothy—Mother, w hat did you d
when a boy first kissed you?
M other—Never mind.
Dorothy—That's funny. I did the
same thing.—Stray Stories Mng
zine.
Had the Equipment
Angry D riv e r (having to stop trac
tion engine for a little boy)—Well,
w hat do you want?
M um m ie said could you steam
opr this letter, please? I t ’s one of
dad's.—Stray Stories Magazine.
F