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About Oregon daily emerald. (Eugene, Or.) 1920-2012 | View Entire Issue (April 8, 1933)
University of Oregon, Eugene Richard Neuberger, Editor Harry Schenk, Manager Sterling Green, Managing Editor EDITORIAL BOARD Thornton Gnle, Associate Editor; Jack Bcllinjrer, Julian Prescott. ' UPPER NEWS STAFF Oscar Munger, News Ed. Francis Ballister, Copy Ed. Bruce Hamby, Sports Ed. Parks Hitchcock. Makeup Ed. Bob Moore, Chief Night Ed. John Gross, Literary ft a Bob Guild, Dramatics Ed. Jessie Steele, Women's Ed. Esther Hayden, Society Ed. Ray Clapp, Radio Ed. DAY EDITORS: Bob Patterson, Margaret Bean, Francis Pal lister, Drug Polivka, Joe Saslavsky. NIGHT EDITORS* Bob McCombs, Douglas MacLean, John ' Hollopeter, Bob Couch, Don Evans. SPORTS STAFF: Malcolm Bauer, Asst. Ed.; Ned Simpson, Ben Back, Bob Avison, Jack Chinnock. FEATURE WRITERS: Elinor Henry, Maximo Pulido, Hazle Corrigan. REPORTERS: Julian Prescott, Madeleine Gilbert, Ray Clapp., Ed Stanley, David Eyre, Bob Guild, Paul Ewing, Cynthia Liljeqvist, Ann-R*-ed Burns, Peggy Chessman, Ruth King, 1 Barney Clark. Betty Ohlemiller, Roberta Moody, Audrey Clark, Bill Belton, Don Oids, Gertrude Lamb, Ralph Mason, , Roland Parks. WOMEN’S PAGE ASSISTANTS: Jane Opsund, Elsie Peterson, j Mary Stewart, and Elizabeth Crommelin. COPYREADERS: Harold Brower. Twyla Stockton, Nancy Lee, , Margaret Hill, Edna Murphy. Mary Jane Jenkins, Marjorie | McNiece, Frances Roth well, Caroline Rogers, Henriette Horak, j Catherine Coppers, Claire Bryson, Bingham Powell. ASSISTANT NIGHT EDITORS—Betty Gearhart, Portia Booth, .Joan Luckel. Margaret Corum, Carolyn Schink, Betty Shoe- I maker, Ruth Vannice, June Sexsmilh, Carmen Blais, Elma | Giles. Ev.'iyn Schmidt, Cynthia Liljeqvist, Frances Neth, i Frances Hardy. RADIO STAFF: Ray dapp, Editor; Barney Clark, George Callas, Marjorie McNiece. SECRETARIES—Louise Beers, Lina Wilcox. ADVERTISING ASSISTANTS: Tom Holeman, Bill McCall, Ruth Vannice, Fred Fisher, Ed Labbe, Elisa Addis, Corrinnc Plath. Phyllis Dent, Peter Gantenbein, Bill Meissner, Patsy ; Lee, Jeannette Thompson, Ruth Baker, Betty Powers, Bob i Butler. Carl Heidel, George Brice, Charles Darling, Parker j Fftvier, Tom Clapp. The Oregon Daily Emerald, offleial student publication of | the University of Oregon, Eugene, issued daily except Sunday and Monday during the college year. Entered in the postoffice 1 at Eugene, Oregon, as second-class matter. Subscription rates, $2.CO a year. ---i The Emerald’s Creed for Oregon “ . . . . There in always the human temptation to forget that the erection of buildings, the formulation of new curricula, the expansion of departments, the crea tion of new functions, and similar routine duties of the administration are but means to an end. There is always a glowing sense of satisfaction in the natural impulse for expansion. This frequently leads to regard ing achievements as ends in themselves, whereas the truth is that these various appearances of growth and achievement can be justified only in so far as they make substantial contribution to the ultimate objec tives of education .... providing adequate spiritual and intellectual training for youth of today—the citi zenship of tomorrow. . . . **.... The University should be a place where classroom experiences and faculty contacts should stimu late and train youth for the most effective use of all the resources with which nature has endowed them. Dif ficult and challenging problems, typical of the lifo and world in which they are to live, must be given them to solve. They must be taught under the expert supervision of instructors to approach the solution of these problems in a workmanlike way, with a dis ciplined intellect, with a reasonable command of the techniques that ; re involved, with a high sense of in tellectual adventure, and with a genuine devotion to the ideals of intellectual integrity. . . —From the Biennial Report of the University of Oregon for 1031-32. The American people cannot be too careful in guarding the freedom of speech and of the press against curtailment as to the discussion of public affairs and the character and conduct of public men. , —Carl Schurs. MR. MATSUOKA S VISIT YOSUKE MATSUOKA has come and gone. It now is time to drain away all the emotion and sentiment surrounding his brief visit here and to analyze the significance of it and what it portends. At Gerlinger hall, in his first formal address on American soil, Mr. Matsuoka presented the case of his country in interesting and convincing fashion. He explained why he announced Japan's withdrawal from the League of Nations. He told why Japan’s war machine was grinding its inexorable way through the wastes of Manchuria. But through his entire speech ran a false note —an incongruity—the presence of which it is diffi cult to account for. He said the ultimate aim of Japan was peace. He said Japan’s desire was identical with that of the League of Nations - peace. He said a wish for peace in the Far East was the motivation driving Japan’s infantry and cavalry and artillery into Manchuria. * # * 'T'O US, as wc look back through the pages of •^-■history to the myriads of wars that have failed, it seems paradoxical to achieve peace with the sword. All wars must eventually be settled by peaceful means. Why not before the fearful car nage of battle, before countless lives have been lost and millions of dollars thrown to the four winds? We cannot help but sympathize with what Japan eventually hopes to attain in the Orient. Peace is u Utopia to which all the nations of the world must look. But it is, to say the least, incongruous to achieve peace with belching cannon and sputtering machine-guns. Japan withdrew from the league because the great peace organization at Geneva, founded by Woodrow Wilson, condemned her policy in the East. The league did' not approve of the march into Manchuria. The natural question arises why did Japan not take her grievances to the league before she mobilized her troops. Far better to attempt peaceful methods at first and then resort to force as a last desperate measure. Peace might fail. War is certain to fail. In the words of a prophet of the past: "There never was a successful war.” * »■ # rl 'O MR. MATSUOKA wc must remember we are indebted for one of the most important ad dresses ever delivered on this campus. Unlike many who have spoken here, he did not talk in riddles. He made significant statements unhesitat ingly. Regardless of whether wc agree with his views, we must respect the portent and magnitude of his declarations. • * * ND SO we look back on Mr. Matsuoka's ad .y— —• dress. In it were a number of specific points in Japan's favor which cannot be denied. It is true that tire island empire must have peace in the East to prospei. It is over-populated and faces the im perative need of expansion. And it also is true that Japan, vigorous and forceful, has been a powerful influence in the piogress of the Orient. *»* i.. V>UT REGARDLESS of any discrepancies in the policy of his country, we are as cordial and lricndly to Mr. Matsuoka as ever. Wc may be proud that he graduated from this University. He presented an address which, for conciseness and articulateness, a thousand American lawyers might be proud to call their own. He was a splendid guest. The eyes of the world were on him yester day. but he still had tlie time to pass along a pleas ml word to the humblest layman who spoke tv? li m. \Osuke Alatsuoka s visit will be remembered here in the years to come as a significant moment in the annals of this school. Future events may cast even greater importance upon it. SWELL THE LOAN FUND PROCEEDS from the A. W. S. carnival tonight go to the student loan fund. This alone should en courage patronage of the annual frolic at the Igloo besides the variety of entertainment offered. This year has been hard for everyone. Students who have come to school on a shoe string have many times been able to stay only through the financial assistance of the student loan fund. With a few banks failing to open after the holiday, the demand for ready cash has been even more strin gent. As many nickels as you can afford tonight will help a fellow student continue his education. THE CONTRAST AC ROSS THE SEAS r'T'HE CONTRAST between American and British undergraduate life has been noted often by ob servers much more competent than ourselves. The average American collegian’s indifference to poli tics, economies, and world problems has been de cried by many prominent thinkers. Dr. Adams, of the history department of U. C. L. A. and a graduate of Oriel college, Oxford uni versity, describes briefly the Oxford system. Says Dr. Adams, “There are no course credits, no at tendance requirements, no term papers, no finals, even- until you try for your degree, and then ex aminations that aren’t to be sneezed at. Each stu dent devotes his mornings to intensive study, at tends classes and lectures, and doesn’t need any one to check up on him. Of course, there are some who want an Oxford degree, but don’t want to work for it. A special school exists for these, and while it must be really earned, a pass school de gree isn’t to be spoken of in the same breath with an honors school.” Oxford, one of the truly great educational in stitutions of the world, is a British tradition. Its standards are high and its students represent the best in the British Empire. Perhaps this selectivity in contrast with the wholesale American plan of mass education is responsible for the difference in their undergraduates’ attitude. A typical evening at Oxford, described by Dr. Adams, would not sound appealing to the majority of American students. “Perhaps the most eagerly anticipated time is after dinner, when the under graduates gather and talk. They “talk of many things, of shoes, and ships, and sealing wax, and whether pigs have wings,” but the principal con versational topics are philosophy and politics . And they argue enthusiastically over anything’ at all. The Oxford union, famous debating society, doesn't nave to beg for members. Meetings are jammed, and the visitors don’t come to hear carefully pre pared speeches. The debater talks to you rather i.nan at you, and if he suddenly changes sides and argues for the opposition, it’s nothing to be alarmed at. And he pauses to answer the questions the audience fires at him a quaint English custom known as “heckling." It is impossible to visualize any large number of Oregon students spending an evening in this way. In order to separate the sheep from the goats, drastic changes in educational policy must come. At the present time the large number of students who come to school because of expediency rather than any educational desire, act as a deterrent to the small number with a serious purpose. Higher standards might be the solution, but in a system of education that is state supported any radical at tempt at exclusion is met with immediate protest. Perhaps a series of graduated schools would solve the problem. A college for those who sought de grees only, and another much smaller university for the few who sought intellectual stimulation, Contemporary —Opinion== Greetings to Mr. Matsuoka vrOHUKK MATSUOKA, who, aside from the em peror, is the best-known citizen of Japan, ar rives today in what he has been pleased to describe in eastern interviews as his “second native state." Mr. Matsuoka received most of his public school education in Portland and subsequently was gradu ated from the law school of the University of Ore gon, and he has been more than loyal in Ids Ameri can interviews to this early training and to his Oregon memories. He comes to us direct from his New York reception and his visit with the president of the United States. It is his desire to view again the scenes of his youth and revive his acquaintance with those who were kind to him when he was a poor and unknown stranger. Oregon will receive him with a loyalty equal to Ids own. International affairs, we take it, are for the moment laid aside. The visit is not political, it is a sentimental pilgrimage of one of the world's foremost men back to the American state that mothered him, and as such it should be considered. The Portland banquet will be in tire nature of a gathering of old friends. Probably no people have watched the progress of Mr. Matsuoka across the country with more in terest than the people of Oregon. Some have been affronted by the boldness of his speech, and some have been pleased with it. One thing has been certain, that this boldness of statement lias been more typically American than Japanese a product ot the l niversity of Oregon rather than of the Uni versity of Tokio. Our own people and our own schools helped to teach him to be outspoken, and now that outspokenness is a matter of great im portance in the affairs of nations. But that for the moment is beside the point. Mr. Matsuoka conies home today to his second native stutc He lias given repeated proof that he cher ishes his Oregon memories and lias been faithful to his Oregon friends. Once, when he was far less famous than now when his movements were un heralded 'he went tar out of ids wav in returning frum Europe to visit the grave of an Oregon woman who had befriended him in his boyhood. It is of these things, rather than <d clanging armies and worried governments, that we would think for the time being. After all, American and Japanese, Englishman and Russian, German arid Brazilian. Italian and Chinese, are fellow pilgrims in tins sometimes sorry world. Each moves according to his light-’ each does the best he can. The present troubles of the world “ere not willed by anyone._ Morning Oregonian. Fliers OverJEverest By STANLEY ROBE MR. MATSUOKA’S ADDRESS Editor’s note: The following is the complete text delivered at Gerlinger hull yesterday by Yo suke Matsu oka.) Ladies and gentlemen : This, is a very happy day for j me. One of my happiest thoughts, i on leaving the League of Nations and starting back to Japan by way ! of the United States, was that I ! would see again this University ! which is my Alma Mater. The j only degree of any sort that I ! hold is the one conferred upon me 1 by the University of Oregon, and if I should ever receive another, 1 from whatever, university, it would never displace in my appreciation the one that I strove and worked j as a young man to attain at this institution. The learning and the j training that I received at the law ! college of the University of Ore gon have been of inestimable value ! to me, and my memory of the years I iived in this state have always been a cherished one. Your faculty has kindly asked I me to speak to you today, and I ' have no doubt you will want me to speak on the subject of Man churia. It is quite a large sub j ject, because it has ramifications extending throughout the world 1 and historical roots that run deep j into the past. You know that the j I problem has been debated at uen I ova since the middle of September, | 1931. But how much of the history do you know? The League of Na tions, I found, did not know much. And this was natural, for the statesmen who form the assembly and council of the league have other, more pressing and more im mediate, affairs to hold their at tention. Manchuria is neither in America nor in Europe; it is on the other side of the world. But it is near to Japan. Japan has fought two wars on the plains of Manchuria, and one was a struggle for her very life. YVe want to fight no other. We I want peace. That, in a phrase, is I the reason for our action in Man j churia. Let me tell you something of the historical background. In the first place, Manchuria was never Chinese territory. It was never governed by China. It was brought into ihe vast empire of China by tire Manchus, who crossed the Great Wall of China (built for the! purpose of keeping them out) and j conquered China. After the over throw of the Manchu Dynasty, in! 1912, China did not conquer Man churia. It was Chang Tso-lin, a; man who had begun his career as1 an ordinary bandit, who became the ruler of the sparsely-settled territory. Chang Tso-lin, it is true,! was a Chinese. But if one of your! American racketeers went to Cuba and made himself dictator in that island, you would hardly call his government American. Japan's first war on the plains of Manchuria was waged in 1891. j against the Manchu government, because of that government’s pre tensions to suzerainty over the kingdom of Korea in violation of a treaty between Japan and China. At that time American sympathy was with Japan. And it continued wilh us for ten years thereafter, until wo defeated Russia on those •amc Manchurian plains. Why did we fight Russia, the .Russia of the Tsar? The trouble began after the Treaty of Shimon |o. cki, the treaty • between Japan and China. Russia, France and Germany jointly intervened in be half of China and summoned Japan to withdraw from the tip of the Liaotung peninsula, which China had ceded to Japan by the peace treaty which ended the Sino Japanese war. This was a typical Chinese trick. The Chinese government was not so much concerned in saving Man churia as it was in defeating Japan. The Chinese armies had been unable to defeat those of Japan in battle, but they planned to defeat us by crafty diplomacy, as all of you who know the history of that period will agree. In this modern day, when terri torial acquisitions are no longer regarded as the rightful fruits of victory, it might be said that Rus sia, Germany and France were right to interv'ene in behalf of the impotent colossus known as China. But their act was not inspired by motives of morality. They had made a bargain with the Chinese government for acquisitions of their own. Within a single year—less than a single year—China entered into a secret alliance with Russia di rected against Japan, giving the government of the tsar the right to occupy Manchuria with armies, and later to build railways across the territory and to establish a naval base at Port Arthur, the very place from which Japan had been required to withdraw. This Sino-Russian alliance was designed and intended to destroy Japan. And what did France and Ger many do? In 1898 Germany ob tained from the Manchus the right to build railways across the province of Shantung, in China proper, and the right to create a naval base at Tsing-tao. A year later France extended her control further into southern China. Great Britain also obtained a naval base at Weihaiwei and laid claim to a sphere of influence in the Yanktse valley. All the Great Powers were grab bing Asiatic territory. Even the Fnited States seemed to think there was a stake in Eastern trade worth struggling to obtain. The American government made dlplomatie efforts to prevent the breakup of China, but at the same time, taking advantage of the op portunity offered by the war with Spain, acquired the Philippine Is lands, and even attempted to ob tain a naval base, calling it a coaling station, on the coast of Fukien Province, just opposite Formosa, an island possession ot Japan. Tnus the Great Powers of the West moved ominously and men acingly into the domain of the East. What was to happen to China and what eventually to Japan? This was a question that came to the minds of many As iatics. But fortunately for us, the western world was divided. Eng land and America countenanced the movement of Russia and Ger many with no satisfaction. Both the English-speaking countries sympathized with Japan, Great Britain at last entering into an alliance with Japan. The ver\ existence of Japan was threatened by the presence of Rus sia in Manchuria, and had we been required to fight both Germain and France, as well as Russia, the outcome would have been diutb, instead ol hie, lor us as a nation. The alliance with Great Britain prevented this. It kept both France and Germany out of the conflict, enabling us to fight only against Russia and to fight successfully. As a result of the Russo-Japan ese war, which took place in 1904 and 1905, the Manchu Dynasty was given the opportunity to ob tain control of Manchuria. But no government of China, neither that of the Manchu Dynasty nor that of the Republic, which was pro claimed in 1912* was capable of establishing law and order in Man churia. No Chinese government has succeeded down to the present time in establishing these primary essentials of administration, even in any part of China proper. And conditions in Manchuria went from bad to worse under the rule of the war lords, Chang Tso-lin and his son, Chang Hsueh-liang. Remember, the Japanese nation is still paying off the enormous debt of that was of a quarter of a cen tury ago. It was a staggering burden then to the people of Japan, who are much poorer than your people,—besides the sacrifice of 100,000 souls just for wresting Manchuria from Russia and re turning it to the Manchus. But Russia was not yet out of the picture. Though the methods of Soviet Russia are different from those of the Tsarist Russia, the aggressive movement eastward was resumed after the brief per iod of the Russian revolution. Outer Mongolia, with frontiers contiguous to Inner Mongolia and Manchuria, was incorporated in Soviet Union; and in 1925, an ef fort was begun to sovietize all Chi na. The Russian leaders, Michael Borodin and General Galen had charge of this work. This general’s real name is Elucher. It is he who is at this moment stationed at Ha barovsk, in eastern Siberia. He is the most popular man in the whole of Soviet Russia today. These So viet agents were sent to China with arms, men and money, to cre ate a communist revolution there and organize a new Soviet govern ment. These Russian agents failed, but they left behind in China a move ment which is still strong, still growing and still dangerous to the peace of the Far East. Communism in i hina, as the Lvtton report to th League of Nations says, is to day a rival of the national gov ernment. Its influence extends over six provinces, while the na tional government controls but three. There was no interference from Japan against this movement until it began to menace our position in Manchuria. As long as it was con fined to China proper, we took no part in opposing it. But we had made it clear to China and to all the world that we regard the in terests we had built up in Man churia since the Russo-Japanese war as essential to our economic and political security. Nevertheless, a number of young Chinese educated abroad—in the United Slates. Europe and Russia - -entered Manchuria and began to agitate against us. telling the ig norant soldiers of Chang Hspuh liang that they could defeat our troops, and urging the government and people to drive us out of the country. What China had never possessed, what the men of Japan had suffered and died to obtain in the war with Russia, what Japan ese ability enterprise ami invest ment Lad built up, ’a as to be tali en over by the war lords, but not by the people of China. It is interesting to note that neither China nor any western country regarded Manchuria as of any importance until Japan's en terprise, investments and sacrific es transformed it from a wild, neg lected country to a desirable place to live. An intense feeling developed be tween the two forces, some two hundred and forty thousand sol diers of Chang Hsueh-liang and the ten thousand Japanese railway guards. In view of the size of Marshal Chang's forces, twenty four times as large as ours, the sit uation was precarious for us. There was no security for the lives of the 200,000 Japanese and 1,000,000 Ko reans (Japanese subjects) in Man churia. Chang Hseuh-liang and his entourage were of late years so emboldened as to advocate open ly to drive the Japanese out of Manchuria and laid every imagin able obstacle in the way of Japan ese enterprise and peaceful pur suits, ignoring the whole historical background of the presence of Jap anese in Manchuria, as well as the legitimate rights secured under treaty. Such was the situation on the night of September 18th, 1931, when an incident occurring on the railway, an explosion behind a par ty of our troops, precipitated the action which resulted in the inde penaence oi Mancnuria. The Lytton Report to the League of Nations contends that the inde pendence movement was not gen uine. Here, as in other places, Lord Lytton and his colleagues are wrong. The people of Manchuria had been fearfully taxed and bru tally maltreated by the soldiers of Chang Hsueh-liang and his father, and as soon as they were sure Chang Hsueh-liang would not be permitted to return, they rallied with enthusiasm to the support of the new administration. Attempts to overthrow his father had been made on more than one occasion, only to be crushed by ruthless hands. This new government is a bet ter one than the people of Manchu ria have ever known before. It is the only civil government existing in the geographic area known gen erally as China. It is already a bet ter government than any that ex ists in any part of China proper. Japan has freed the people of Man churia and they know and appre ciate it. That is why, as American newspaper correspondents reported a few weeks ago, the people of Je hol province came out to welcome the Japanese and Manchuokuo troops who drove out the semi-ban dit Chinese troops last month. The people did not hide from the con querors or cower before them; they welcomed them as benefac tors bringing liberation. The five thousand Chinese soldiers who were guarding the capital of Jehol | surrendered meekly to only 120 Japanese soldiers, without a shot being fired on either side. For the past 60 years Japan has , stood and striven for peace in east | ern Asia. This has been our one great policy since the beginning of the Meiji era. Japan has been striving for this object throughout ' three score years. On the other i hand, throughout this period, Chi na has been the cause of endiess disturbances. Ever since she came | in contact with the western pow ers, over a hundred years ago, either by her own folly or through her own weaknesses, she has tempted and even invited western powers to commit acts of aggres sion. She has played one power off against the other. She played Rus , sia off against Japan, turning I Manchuria over to her in order to make trouble for us. And since the Russo-Japanese war, what has she been trying to do? She has been playing off America against Japan. She wants you Americans to fight us Japanese. Don't make any mistake about that. I give you this warning. It is the way of the Chinese government, whether called an empire or a republic, to intrigue with one foreign power against another. China is today, as you all know, in a condition of chaos. But as far as the relations between the great powers are concerned, peace pre vails in the Far East. And what country is responsible for this? I am proud to say, it is my countrv. It is Japan. It would not be fair, however, in this connection, if I failed to point out that your great secretary of state under President Roosevelt, John Hay, did the most, so far as the western powers are concerned, to prevent China from being par titioned among them. It was he who issued what are known as the Hay notes. Later, your government ex tended its action for the purpose of preserving the integrity of Chi na. It is true that these Hay notes and the action of your government carried great weight morally. Neverthless, as you well know, it is impossble to achieve any great purpose, however well-conceived and well-meant it may be, by mere ly writing diplomatic notes or by making diplomatic gestures. Ja pan. ir her eagerness to consum mate her policy of peace, threw her moral support behind the American government. Not only that, but she, being on the spot, supported America with determin ation and even with force, when it was necessary. As far as I can see, your people have c\er been read.\ to give tlicir moral support to Ja[>aii. and to cooperate with ber in her great policy of main taining peace md order through out the 1 ar East, though tlicj were Assault and Battery Hitchcock 11 Legal beer is the order of the day. Yesterday a surprise ship ment of the beverage from Port land broke the open season a few hours earlier than expected. By 10:30 the entire campus (or a large portion at any rate) was down town quaffing the nut brown ale. Harry Schenk, Mahr Rey mers, and George Howard brought first notice to the thirsty campus. All gone at noon, though, al though a few secreted establish ments still put it out until early in the afternoon. * .•? * Bud Pozzo and George Christen son seemed to be holding the cen ter of attraction at the Rainbow, although Chuck Hoag, Bob Em mons, and the famous Ringrose were doing well for themselves. Law school students were plenti ful, including Zuz Wilson, Ralph Brown, and Karl Huston. * * * We nominate for the Keg club (and a pass to the Colonial >: Gor don Barde, because he has great skill at mixing them. * * * HAVE YOUR RACKETS STRUNG BY A REAL STRING ER. (Adv., Oregon Daily Emer ald ). Sounds a great deal like one of our professors. # * * Tonight comes the famous car nival. At a nickel a shot, it will probably allow such millionaires as Bob Hudson and Mark Thomas to participate. * * * F. Jay Cobbs and wife (nee Maud Sutton) were quite con spicuous on the campus the other day. * * * ON THE POLICE BLOTTER: Hal Birkenshaw looking for trouble .... Jack Granger looking for 3.2 ... . Portia Booth smiling .... Bob Guild leaving town .... A1 McKelligon with the famous cut hand .... Don Platt salting his beer .... — at no time prepared to engage in forceful measures to that end. Your people are not so disposed at this moment, and, I believe, will not be so disposed in the future. Your nation will not be prepared to send its sons to the Far East to fight, and perhaps lose their lives, in order to uphold the integ rity of China. That is my belief. But Japan, because of her geo ! graphical situation and the vital I character of her interests, which i are at stake, must be so prepared. She cannot move out of the situa tion in which she was placed by nature. She is destined in etern ity to live side by side with China. It is one thing to be 5,000 miles away from the Far East, as you are, most fortunately. You can af | ford to discuss at leisure the prob ! lems that arise in that area of the ! world. It is another thing, as in i Japan's case, to be faced at one’s j very threshold by an unprecedent | ed and appalling situation like that ! existing in China. Japan cannot | sit back, deliberate and moralize; ! she is obliged to act as seems best under any given set of circum stances. She is confronted by a China in chaos and disintegration, —a China which has a population : of 450 million people, more than all of Europe and several times I larger than your vast country with ! its 48 states. And within this ex panse of territory, there are nu merous governments and factions, each fighting each other, with as many as two to three million sol diers actually in the field. I hen again, Japan cannot for a moment lose sight of Soviet Rus sia, which has not yet given up the dream of world revolution. In order to make a step towards real izing that dream, Soviet Russia is scheming to sovietize China, and if possible to the whole of Asia. The eastern possessions of Soviet Russia are actually contiguous to Japanese territory. There is today in the very heart of China a soviet government which extends its influence over an area six times as large as Japan proper and about ten times as large as the state of Oregon, a territory which is one of the rich est and the most populous in all of China. None of the Chinese generals is capable of coping ef fectively with this situation. As I have said, the so-called national government of China, which came into being largely through the in fluence, assistance and leadership of Soviet Russia, governs only three out of the eighteen provinces of China proper, and even those not completely. These three prov inces cover only the area about the mouth of the Yangtse river. In short, Japan is facing two great revolutions now going on in the world—one in China and one in Russia. In the case of China one might more correctly dcscrilie the conditions as being chaotic rather than revolutionary. These two great nations, neighbors to Japan, are bent upon carrying out what they call revolutionary dip lomacy. They give no considera tion to established methods and ideas existing in civilized coun tries. The League of Nations is not a superstate and has not the power nor the influence to save Japan tnmi the effects of this so-called I Continued on I'agc Three)
