University of Oregon, Eugene
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The Oregon Daily Emerald, offleial student publication of |
the University of Oregon, Eugene, issued daily except Sunday
and Monday during the college year. Entered in the postoffice 1
at Eugene, Oregon, as second-class matter. Subscription rates,
$2.CO a year.
---i
The Emerald’s Creed for Oregon
“ . . . . There in always the human temptation to
forget that the erection of buildings, the formulation of
new curricula, the expansion of departments, the crea
tion of new functions, and similar routine duties of
the administration are but means to an end. There is
always a glowing sense of satisfaction in the natural
impulse for expansion. This frequently leads to regard
ing achievements as ends in themselves, whereas the
truth is that these various appearances of growth and
achievement can be justified only in so far as they
make substantial contribution to the ultimate objec
tives of education .... providing adequate spiritual
and intellectual training for youth of today—the citi
zenship of tomorrow. . . .
**.... The University should be a place where
classroom experiences and faculty contacts should stimu
late and train youth for the most effective use of all
the resources with which nature has endowed them. Dif
ficult and challenging problems, typical of the lifo
and world in which they are to live, must be given
them to solve. They must be taught under the expert
supervision of instructors to approach the solution of
these problems in a workmanlike way, with a dis
ciplined intellect, with a reasonable command of the
techniques that ; re involved, with a high sense of in
tellectual adventure, and with a genuine devotion to the
ideals of intellectual integrity. . . —From the Biennial
Report of the University of Oregon for 1031-32.
The American people cannot be too careful in
guarding the freedom of speech and of the press
against curtailment as to the discussion of public
affairs and the character and conduct of public
men. , —Carl Schurs.
MR. MATSUOKA S VISIT
YOSUKE MATSUOKA has come and gone. It
now is time to drain away all the emotion and
sentiment surrounding his brief visit here and to
analyze the significance of it and what it portends.
At Gerlinger hall, in his first formal address on
American soil, Mr. Matsuoka presented the case of
his country in interesting and convincing fashion.
He explained why he announced Japan's withdrawal
from the League of Nations. He told why Japan’s
war machine was grinding its inexorable way
through the wastes of Manchuria.
But through his entire speech ran a false note
—an incongruity—the presence of which it is diffi
cult to account for. He said the ultimate aim of
Japan was peace. He said Japan’s desire was
identical with that of the League of Nations -
peace. He said a wish for peace in the Far East
was the motivation driving Japan’s infantry and
cavalry and artillery into Manchuria.
* # *
'T'O US, as wc look back through the pages of
•^-■history to the myriads of wars that have failed,
it seems paradoxical to achieve peace with the
sword. All wars must eventually be settled by
peaceful means. Why not before the fearful car
nage of battle, before countless lives have been lost
and millions of dollars thrown to the four winds?
We cannot help but sympathize with what Japan
eventually hopes to attain in the Orient. Peace is u
Utopia to which all the nations of the world must
look. But it is, to say the least, incongruous to
achieve peace with belching cannon and sputtering
machine-guns. Japan withdrew from the league
because the great peace organization at Geneva,
founded by Woodrow Wilson, condemned her policy
in the East. The league did' not approve of the
march into Manchuria. The natural question
arises why did Japan not take her grievances to
the league before she mobilized her troops. Far
better to attempt peaceful methods at first and
then resort to force as a last desperate measure.
Peace might fail. War is certain to fail. In the
words of a prophet of the past: "There never was
a successful war.”
* »■ #
rl 'O MR. MATSUOKA wc must remember we are
indebted for one of the most important ad
dresses ever delivered on this campus. Unlike
many who have spoken here, he did not talk in
riddles. He made significant statements unhesitat
ingly. Regardless of whether wc agree with his
views, we must respect the portent and magnitude
of his declarations.
• * *
ND SO we look back on Mr. Matsuoka's ad
.y— —• dress. In it were a number of specific points
in Japan's favor which cannot be denied. It is true
that tire island empire must have peace in the East
to prospei. It is over-populated and faces the im
perative need of expansion. And it also is true that
Japan, vigorous and forceful, has been a powerful
influence in the piogress of the Orient.
*»* i..
V>UT REGARDLESS of any discrepancies in the
policy of his country, we are as cordial and
lricndly to Mr. Matsuoka as ever. Wc may be
proud that he graduated from this University. He
presented an address which, for conciseness and
articulateness, a thousand American lawyers might
be proud to call their own. He was a splendid
guest. The eyes of the world were on him yester
day. but he still had tlie time to pass along a pleas
ml word to the humblest layman who spoke tv?
li m.
\Osuke Alatsuoka s visit will be remembered
here in the years to come as a significant moment
in the annals of this school. Future events may
cast even greater importance upon it.
SWELL THE LOAN FUND
PROCEEDS from the A. W. S. carnival tonight go
to the student loan fund. This alone should en
courage patronage of the annual frolic at the Igloo
besides the variety of entertainment offered.
This year has been hard for everyone. Students
who have come to school on a shoe string have
many times been able to stay only through the
financial assistance of the student loan fund. With
a few banks failing to open after the holiday, the
demand for ready cash has been even more strin
gent. As many nickels as you can afford tonight
will help a fellow student continue his education.
THE CONTRAST AC ROSS THE SEAS
r'T'HE CONTRAST between American and British
undergraduate life has been noted often by ob
servers much more competent than ourselves. The
average American collegian’s indifference to poli
tics, economies, and world problems has been de
cried by many prominent thinkers.
Dr. Adams, of the history department of U. C.
L. A. and a graduate of Oriel college, Oxford uni
versity, describes briefly the Oxford system. Says
Dr. Adams, “There are no course credits, no at
tendance requirements, no term papers, no finals,
even- until you try for your degree, and then ex
aminations that aren’t to be sneezed at. Each stu
dent devotes his mornings to intensive study, at
tends classes and lectures, and doesn’t need any
one to check up on him. Of course, there are some
who want an Oxford degree, but don’t want to
work for it. A special school exists for these, and
while it must be really earned, a pass school de
gree isn’t to be spoken of in the same breath with
an honors school.”
Oxford, one of the truly great educational in
stitutions of the world, is a British tradition. Its
standards are high and its students represent the
best in the British Empire. Perhaps this selectivity
in contrast with the wholesale American plan of
mass education is responsible for the difference in
their undergraduates’ attitude.
A typical evening at Oxford, described by Dr.
Adams, would not sound appealing to the majority
of American students. “Perhaps the most eagerly
anticipated time is after dinner, when the under
graduates gather and talk. They “talk of many
things, of shoes, and ships, and sealing wax, and
whether pigs have wings,” but the principal con
versational topics are philosophy and politics . And
they argue enthusiastically over anything’ at all.
The Oxford union, famous debating society, doesn't
nave to beg for members. Meetings are jammed,
and the visitors don’t come to hear carefully pre
pared speeches. The debater talks to you rather
i.nan at you, and if he suddenly changes sides and
argues for the opposition, it’s nothing to be alarmed
at. And he pauses to answer the questions the
audience fires at him a quaint English custom
known as “heckling." It is impossible to visualize
any large number of Oregon students spending an
evening in this way.
In order to separate the sheep from the goats,
drastic changes in educational policy must come.
At the present time the large number of students
who come to school because of expediency rather
than any educational desire, act as a deterrent to
the small number with a serious purpose. Higher
standards might be the solution, but in a system
of education that is state supported any radical at
tempt at exclusion is met with immediate protest.
Perhaps a series of graduated schools would solve
the problem. A college for those who sought de
grees only, and another much smaller university
for the few who sought intellectual stimulation,
Contemporary
—Opinion==
Greetings to Mr. Matsuoka
vrOHUKK MATSUOKA, who, aside from the em
peror, is the best-known citizen of Japan, ar
rives today in what he has been pleased to describe
in eastern interviews as his “second native state."
Mr. Matsuoka received most of his public school
education in Portland and subsequently was gradu
ated from the law school of the University of Ore
gon, and he has been more than loyal in Ids Ameri
can interviews to this early training and to his
Oregon memories. He comes to us direct from his
New York reception and his visit with the president
of the United States. It is his desire to view again
the scenes of his youth and revive his acquaintance
with those who were kind to him when he was a
poor and unknown stranger.
Oregon will receive him with a loyalty equal to
Ids own. International affairs, we take it, are for
the moment laid aside. The visit is not political,
it is a sentimental pilgrimage of one of the world's
foremost men back to the American state that
mothered him, and as such it should be considered.
The Portland banquet will be in tire nature of a
gathering of old friends.
Probably no people have watched the progress
of Mr. Matsuoka across the country with more in
terest than the people of Oregon. Some have been
affronted by the boldness of his speech, and some
have been pleased with it. One thing has been
certain, that this boldness of statement lias been
more typically American than Japanese a product
ot the l niversity of Oregon rather than of the Uni
versity of Tokio. Our own people and our own
schools helped to teach him to be outspoken, and
now that outspokenness is a matter of great im
portance in the affairs of nations.
But that for the moment is beside the point. Mr.
Matsuoka conies home today to his second native
stutc He lias given repeated proof that he cher
ishes his Oregon memories and lias been faithful
to his Oregon friends. Once, when he was far less
famous than now when his movements were un
heralded 'he went tar out of ids wav in returning
frum Europe to visit the grave of an Oregon woman
who had befriended him in his boyhood. It is of
these things, rather than <d clanging armies and
worried governments, that we would think for the
time being. After all, American and Japanese,
Englishman and Russian, German arid Brazilian.
Italian and Chinese, are fellow pilgrims in tins
sometimes sorry world. Each moves according to
his light-’ each does the best he can. The present
troubles of the world “ere not willed by anyone._
Morning Oregonian.
Fliers OverJEverest By STANLEY ROBE
MR. MATSUOKA’S ADDRESS
Editor’s note: The following
is the complete text delivered at
Gerlinger hull yesterday by Yo
suke Matsu oka.)
Ladies and gentlemen :
This, is a very happy day for
j me. One of my happiest thoughts,
i on leaving the League of Nations
and starting back to Japan by way
! of the United States, was that I
! would see again this University
! which is my Alma Mater. The
j only degree of any sort that I
! hold is the one conferred upon me
1 by the University of Oregon, and
if I should ever receive another,
1 from whatever, university, it would
never displace in my appreciation
the one that I strove and worked
j as a young man to attain at this
institution. The learning and the
j training that I received at the law
! college of the University of Ore
gon have been of inestimable value
! to me, and my memory of the
years I iived in this state have
always been a cherished one.
Your faculty has kindly asked
I me to speak to you today, and I
' have no doubt you will want me
to speak on the subject of Man
churia. It is quite a large sub
j ject, because it has ramifications
extending throughout the world
1 and historical roots that run deep
j into the past. You know that the j
I problem has been debated at uen
I ova since the middle of September,
| 1931. But how much of the history
do you know? The League of Na
tions, I found, did not know much.
And this was natural, for the
statesmen who form the assembly
and council of the league have
other, more pressing and more im
mediate, affairs to hold their at
tention. Manchuria is neither in
America nor in Europe; it is on the
other side of the world. But it is
near to Japan.
Japan has fought two wars on
the plains of Manchuria, and one
was a struggle for her very life.
YVe want to fight no other. We
I want peace. That, in a phrase, is
I the reason for our action in Man
j churia.
Let me tell you something of
the historical background. In the
first place, Manchuria was never
Chinese territory. It was never
governed by China. It was brought
into ihe vast empire of China by
tire Manchus, who crossed the
Great Wall of China (built for the!
purpose of keeping them out) and j
conquered China. After the over
throw of the Manchu Dynasty, in!
1912, China did not conquer Man
churia. It was Chang Tso-lin, a;
man who had begun his career as1
an ordinary bandit, who became
the ruler of the sparsely-settled
territory. Chang Tso-lin, it is true,!
was a Chinese. But if one of your!
American racketeers went to Cuba
and made himself dictator in that
island, you would hardly call his
government American.
Japan's first war on the plains
of Manchuria was waged in 1891. j
against the Manchu government,
because of that government’s pre
tensions to suzerainty over the
kingdom of Korea in violation of
a treaty between Japan and China.
At that time American sympathy
was with Japan. And it continued
wilh us for ten years thereafter,
until wo defeated Russia on those
•amc Manchurian plains.
Why did we fight Russia, the
.Russia of the Tsar? The trouble
began after the Treaty of Shimon
|o. cki, the treaty • between Japan
and China. Russia, France and
Germany jointly intervened in be
half of China and summoned
Japan to withdraw from the tip
of the Liaotung peninsula, which
China had ceded to Japan by the
peace treaty which ended the Sino
Japanese war.
This was a typical Chinese trick.
The Chinese government was not
so much concerned in saving Man
churia as it was in defeating
Japan. The Chinese armies had
been unable to defeat those of
Japan in battle, but they planned
to defeat us by crafty diplomacy,
as all of you who know the history
of that period will agree.
In this modern day, when terri
torial acquisitions are no longer
regarded as the rightful fruits of
victory, it might be said that Rus
sia, Germany and France were
right to interv'ene in behalf of the
impotent colossus known as China.
But their act was not inspired by
motives of morality. They had
made a bargain with the Chinese
government for acquisitions of
their own.
Within a single year—less than
a single year—China entered into
a secret alliance with Russia di
rected against Japan, giving the
government of the tsar the right
to occupy Manchuria with armies,
and later to build railways across
the territory and to establish a
naval base at Port Arthur, the
very place from which Japan had
been required to withdraw. This
Sino-Russian alliance was designed
and intended to destroy Japan.
And what did France and Ger
many do? In 1898 Germany ob
tained from the Manchus the
right to build railways across the
province of Shantung, in China
proper, and the right to create a
naval base at Tsing-tao. A year
later France extended her control
further into southern China.
Great Britain also obtained a
naval base at Weihaiwei and laid
claim to a sphere of influence in
the Yanktse valley.
All the Great Powers were grab
bing Asiatic territory. Even the
Fnited States seemed to think
there was a stake in Eastern
trade worth struggling to obtain.
The American government made
dlplomatie efforts to prevent the
breakup of China, but at the same
time, taking advantage of the op
portunity offered by the war with
Spain, acquired the Philippine Is
lands, and even attempted to ob
tain a naval base, calling it a
coaling station, on the coast of
Fukien Province, just opposite
Formosa, an island possession ot
Japan.
Tnus the Great Powers of the
West moved ominously and men
acingly into the domain of the
East. What was to happen to
China and what eventually to
Japan? This was a question that
came to the minds of many As
iatics. But fortunately for us, the
western world was divided. Eng
land and America countenanced
the movement of Russia and Ger
many with no satisfaction. Both
the English-speaking countries
sympathized with Japan, Great
Britain at last entering into an
alliance with Japan.
The ver\ existence of Japan was
threatened by the presence of Rus
sia in Manchuria, and had we been
required to fight both Germain
and France, as well as Russia, the
outcome would have been diutb,
instead ol hie, lor us as a nation.
The alliance with Great Britain
prevented this. It kept both France
and Germany out of the conflict,
enabling us to fight only against
Russia and to fight successfully.
As a result of the Russo-Japan
ese war, which took place in 1904
and 1905, the Manchu Dynasty
was given the opportunity to ob
tain control of Manchuria. But no
government of China, neither that
of the Manchu Dynasty nor that
of the Republic, which was pro
claimed in 1912* was capable of
establishing law and order in Man
churia. No Chinese government
has succeeded down to the present
time in establishing these primary
essentials of administration, even
in any part of China proper. And
conditions in Manchuria went
from bad to worse under the rule
of the war lords, Chang Tso-lin
and his son, Chang Hsueh-liang.
Remember, the Japanese nation is
still paying off the enormous debt
of that was of a quarter of a cen
tury ago. It was a staggering
burden then to the people of Japan,
who are much poorer than your
people,—besides the sacrifice of
100,000 souls just for wresting
Manchuria from Russia and re
turning it to the Manchus.
But Russia was not yet out of
the picture. Though the methods
of Soviet Russia are different
from those of the Tsarist Russia,
the aggressive movement eastward
was resumed after the brief per
iod of the Russian revolution.
Outer Mongolia, with frontiers
contiguous to Inner Mongolia and
Manchuria, was incorporated in
Soviet Union; and in 1925, an ef
fort was begun to sovietize all Chi
na. The Russian leaders, Michael
Borodin and General Galen had
charge of this work. This general’s
real name is Elucher. It is he who
is at this moment stationed at Ha
barovsk, in eastern Siberia. He is
the most popular man in the whole
of Soviet Russia today. These So
viet agents were sent to China
with arms, men and money, to cre
ate a communist revolution there
and organize a new Soviet govern
ment.
These Russian agents failed, but
they left behind in China a move
ment which is still strong, still
growing and still dangerous to the
peace of the Far East. Communism
in i hina, as the Lvtton report to
th League of Nations says, is to
day a rival of the national gov
ernment. Its influence extends
over six provinces, while the na
tional government controls but
three.
There was no interference from
Japan against this movement until
it began to menace our position in
Manchuria. As long as it was con
fined to China proper, we took no
part in opposing it. But we had
made it clear to China and to all
the world that we regard the in
terests we had built up in Man
churia since the Russo-Japanese
war as essential to our economic
and political security.
Nevertheless, a number of young
Chinese educated abroad—in the
United Slates. Europe and Russia
- -entered Manchuria and began to
agitate against us. telling the ig
norant soldiers of Chang Hspuh
liang that they could defeat our
troops, and urging the government
and people to drive us out of the
country. What China had never
possessed, what the men of Japan
had suffered and died to obtain in
the war with Russia, what Japan
ese ability enterprise ami invest
ment Lad built up, ’a as to be tali
en over by the war lords, but not
by the people of China.
It is interesting to note that
neither China nor any western
country regarded Manchuria as of
any importance until Japan's en
terprise, investments and sacrific
es transformed it from a wild, neg
lected country to a desirable place
to live.
An intense feeling developed be
tween the two forces, some two
hundred and forty thousand sol
diers of Chang Hsueh-liang and
the ten thousand Japanese railway
guards. In view of the size of
Marshal Chang's forces, twenty
four times as large as ours, the sit
uation was precarious for us. There
was no security for the lives of the
200,000 Japanese and 1,000,000 Ko
reans (Japanese subjects) in Man
churia. Chang Hseuh-liang and
his entourage were of late years
so emboldened as to advocate open
ly to drive the Japanese out of
Manchuria and laid every imagin
able obstacle in the way of Japan
ese enterprise and peaceful pur
suits, ignoring the whole historical
background of the presence of Jap
anese in Manchuria, as well as the
legitimate rights secured under
treaty. Such was the situation on
the night of September 18th, 1931,
when an incident occurring on the
railway, an explosion behind a par
ty of our troops, precipitated the
action which resulted in the inde
penaence oi Mancnuria.
The Lytton Report to the League
of Nations contends that the inde
pendence movement was not gen
uine. Here, as in other places,
Lord Lytton and his colleagues are
wrong. The people of Manchuria
had been fearfully taxed and bru
tally maltreated by the soldiers of
Chang Hsueh-liang and his father,
and as soon as they were sure
Chang Hsueh-liang would not be
permitted to return, they rallied
with enthusiasm to the support of
the new administration. Attempts
to overthrow his father had been
made on more than one occasion,
only to be crushed by ruthless
hands.
This new government is a bet
ter one than the people of Manchu
ria have ever known before. It is
the only civil government existing
in the geographic area known gen
erally as China. It is already a bet
ter government than any that ex
ists in any part of China proper.
Japan has freed the people of Man
churia and they know and appre
ciate it. That is why, as American
newspaper correspondents reported
a few weeks ago, the people of Je
hol province came out to welcome
the Japanese and Manchuokuo
troops who drove out the semi-ban
dit Chinese troops last month. The
people did not hide from the con
querors or cower before them;
they welcomed them as benefac
tors bringing liberation. The five
thousand Chinese soldiers who
were guarding the capital of Jehol
| surrendered meekly to only 120
Japanese soldiers, without a shot
being fired on either side.
For the past 60 years Japan has
, stood and striven for peace in east
| ern Asia. This has been our one
great policy since the beginning of
the Meiji era. Japan has been
striving for this object throughout
' three score years. On the other
i hand, throughout this period, Chi
na has been the cause of endiess
disturbances. Ever since she came
| in contact with the western pow
ers, over a hundred years ago,
either by her own folly or through
her own weaknesses, she has
tempted and even invited western
powers to commit acts of aggres
sion.
She has played one power off
against the other. She played Rus
, sia off against Japan, turning
I Manchuria over to her in order to
make trouble for us. And since
the Russo-Japanese war, what has
she been trying to do? She has
been playing off America against
Japan. She wants you Americans
to fight us Japanese. Don't make
any mistake about that. I give you
this warning. It is the way of the
Chinese government, whether
called an empire or a republic, to
intrigue with one foreign power
against another.
China is today, as you all know,
in a condition of chaos. But as far
as the relations between the great
powers are concerned, peace pre
vails in the Far East. And what
country is responsible for this? I
am proud to say, it is my countrv.
It is Japan.
It would not be fair, however, in
this connection, if I failed to point
out that your great secretary of
state under President Roosevelt,
John Hay, did the most, so far as
the western powers are concerned,
to prevent China from being par
titioned among them. It was he who
issued what are known as the Hay
notes. Later, your government ex
tended its action for the purpose
of preserving the integrity of Chi
na. It is true that these Hay notes
and the action of your government
carried great weight morally.
Neverthless, as you well know,
it is impossble to achieve any great
purpose, however well-conceived
and well-meant it may be, by mere
ly writing diplomatic notes or by
making diplomatic gestures. Ja
pan. ir her eagerness to consum
mate her policy of peace, threw
her moral support behind the
American government. Not only
that, but she, being on the spot,
supported America with determin
ation and even with force, when it
was necessary. As far as I can
see, your people have c\er been
read.\ to give tlicir moral support
to Ja[>aii. and to cooperate with
ber in her great policy of main
taining peace md order through
out the 1 ar East, though tlicj were
Assault and
Battery Hitchcock 11
Legal beer is the order of the
day. Yesterday a surprise ship
ment of the beverage from Port
land broke the open season a few
hours earlier than expected. By
10:30 the entire campus (or a
large portion at any rate) was
down town quaffing the nut brown
ale. Harry Schenk, Mahr Rey
mers, and George Howard brought
first notice to the thirsty campus.
All gone at noon, though, al
though a few secreted establish
ments still put it out until early
in the afternoon.
* .•? *
Bud Pozzo and George Christen
son seemed to be holding the cen
ter of attraction at the Rainbow,
although Chuck Hoag, Bob Em
mons, and the famous Ringrose
were doing well for themselves.
Law school students were plenti
ful, including Zuz Wilson, Ralph
Brown, and Karl Huston.
* * *
We nominate for the Keg club
(and a pass to the Colonial >: Gor
don Barde, because he has great
skill at mixing them.
* * *
HAVE YOUR RACKETS
STRUNG BY A REAL STRING
ER. (Adv., Oregon Daily Emer
ald ).
Sounds a great deal like one of
our professors.
# * *
Tonight comes the famous car
nival. At a nickel a shot, it will
probably allow such millionaires
as Bob Hudson and Mark Thomas
to participate.
* * *
F. Jay Cobbs and wife (nee
Maud Sutton) were quite con
spicuous on the campus the other
day.
* * *
ON THE POLICE BLOTTER:
Hal Birkenshaw looking for
trouble .... Jack Granger looking
for 3.2 ... . Portia Booth smiling
.... Bob Guild leaving town ....
A1 McKelligon with the famous
cut hand .... Don Platt salting
his beer ....
—
at no time prepared to engage in
forceful measures to that end.
Your people are not so disposed
at this moment, and, I believe, will
not be so disposed in the future.
Your nation will not be prepared
to send its sons to the Far East
to fight, and perhaps lose their
lives, in order to uphold the integ
rity of China. That is my belief.
But Japan, because of her geo
! graphical situation and the vital
I character of her interests, which
i are at stake, must be so prepared.
She cannot move out of the situa
tion in which she was placed by
nature. She is destined in etern
ity to live side by side with China.
It is one thing to be 5,000 miles
away from the Far East, as you
are, most fortunately. You can af
| ford to discuss at leisure the prob
! lems that arise in that area of the
! world. It is another thing, as in
i Japan's case, to be faced at one’s
j very threshold by an unprecedent
| ed and appalling situation like that
! existing in China. Japan cannot
| sit back, deliberate and moralize;
! she is obliged to act as seems best
under any given set of circum
stances. She is confronted by a
China in chaos and disintegration,
—a China which has a population
: of 450 million people, more than
all of Europe and several times
I larger than your vast country with
! its 48 states. And within this ex
panse of territory, there are nu
merous governments and factions,
each fighting each other, with as
many as two to three million sol
diers actually in the field.
I hen again, Japan cannot for a
moment lose sight of Soviet Rus
sia, which has not yet given up
the dream of world revolution. In
order to make a step towards real
izing that dream, Soviet Russia is
scheming to sovietize China, and
if possible to the whole of Asia.
The eastern possessions of Soviet
Russia are actually contiguous to
Japanese territory.
There is today in the very heart
of China a soviet government
which extends its influence over an
area six times as large as Japan
proper and about ten times as
large as the state of Oregon, a
territory which is one of the rich
est and the most populous in all
of China. None of the Chinese
generals is capable of coping ef
fectively with this situation. As I
have said, the so-called national
government of China, which came
into being largely through the in
fluence, assistance and leadership
of Soviet Russia, governs only
three out of the eighteen provinces
of China proper, and even those
not completely. These three prov
inces cover only the area about
the mouth of the Yangtse river.
In short, Japan is facing two
great revolutions now going on in
the world—one in China and one
in Russia. In the case of China
one might more correctly dcscrilie
the conditions as being chaotic
rather than revolutionary. These
two great nations, neighbors to
Japan, are bent upon carrying out
what they call revolutionary dip
lomacy. They give no considera
tion to established methods and
ideas existing in civilized coun
tries.
The League of Nations is not a
superstate and has not the power
nor the influence to save Japan
tnmi the effects of this so-called
I Continued on I'agc Three)