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About The Oregon Argus. (Oregon City [Or.]) 1855-1863 | View Entire Issue (Jan. 30, 1858)
rv THE OREGON ARGUS, fUSMMIKU VtV MHSIUV NOKM.'.U, BY WILLIAM L. ADAMS. Ik tKBMSTit Aiuiii will ht furnithti nt Tkrti Villtrs ni Fiftg Ctnlt per annum, in iiotntt, li tinftt tubit-nhmi'kru Italian ft to 1M1 f tt al out ejtirtin intranet Wt ' mtf It nol mi J to ,,lnmre, t'onr ' 'Dollati will It tkartied if raSlww -A Weekly yewapnpcr, devoted to the Principles of Jcffcnonian Democracy, and advocating the side of Truth in every issue.- iivna rrrrircu jr n ictt ptrtuu. DC nt paper aiuontmneil unlit nil arrmrngti l . lur. trtpnii, mileu tl thtniilitinaf I'u puhlitlui nr. OREGON CITY, OREGON, JANUAKY 30, 1 858. No. a ureal txcUetttaita W.a..l ,y ,ICl,e d J outlaw. There ur mm WDWSATio.t mass wwinia-JiJi lA.NBi w, b t0 iru.l ll.in lo Congress, or 51-Eecit. Hj, i itti 0f ilm constitution In onio At a Mui M'Oiing irrespective outlier peaceable way. Rut (0 my own party Held at Leavenworth, LVe. 14 Hi, Gen. foi-liotfH nothing In Ho lad fur these d d Jim Lane nddrrascd Ilia meeting as ful- ,0n of b . I know Governor Walker ',! himself will do all in hi power lo lee thai " Fellow Citizkxs I M very happy Congress will rejct ihiscouMituiion. He for lha opportunity of addressing tint peo- will net in any course people of Kan )la of Ixovpiittorlh. I never seek I lie as will adopt to difeut this hellish scheme ; opportunity of speaking, Lul am always mid, mind you, tlu no black hearted villains ready lo lend my voice w here tho unnd of I will not hovo the United Slulci troopi (o Kansas ia the object. Genilenirn, wo hare guard and pro'ect them. cotne to the lrn.1 move on iho chess board Now if ihn people of Kama choose, of Kansas polit e. It it the hut move and and if we only hdd the feeling our father the greatest move on this great political had in their perilous time, and could hare hoard. Gentlemen, lhila( act uf iho pro. the same noble spirit which actuated ilium alaery party ia consistent with all their I aay w e could raise Mich a storm and former acit, only tliia ia the last end alto, feeling of indignation as would drive these ether the most desperate. I; lira up all d d villain from Kansas lung before the our blood, and we hardly know w hat to do 21st of December, and their consiituiion tn this trying lime. I hav stood hero on would be laid away. If ! hud my nay Kantaa toil, and seen a fraudulent Legis- hUoiiI it, I would aay to Jack Henderson, Utura forced Uon ua by a neighboring Eistin nnd Calhoun, and every other dd State. I have teen invasion cuine pouring villain of ihrtn, leave Kansas new and for. in upon on. I have seen crimes uf every ever. For I cannot live on the aame toil hape oemmitled upon the settler ol Kan. with thne black heurlrd Honda. I would at, bul thiajasi act crown them all in drive them from thin place to night and villainy and fraud ; and I bera in brand them wiili red hoi Iron upon their Lcavrnwoith renpuntiibh for oil tlmt I limy forel.ead vilUin, illnin, vill.iin o ihey aay. That thene villain) whu have cuni- would he a deep di-grucu wlterovt-r they mittod thin lat "real fraud have furfi ilrd uiiht L'o. Oh, my heart revolt w hen I their livea to an injured people ; thai crime think of thfir nets in ihiyn "one by. They ia so helliith that llio-e oullaMi have lol lone used ihia lanuami to u and carried their claim Upon the American people J it into rlTed, and now e will m'c nhal that constitution heaped upon m in uw ful, rlH'Ct it w ill haveni thu uiher hand of the diagraceful and damnable in all its forms, horn. Oiiilcnien, it waa hud enough I cannot exprea my contempt fur il in Ian. when they robbed us and pluuilvn.il our gunge half Severn enough, when 1 Ihiok of property, when they diove women and the consequences it may briny ubout. The children down Iho river, when they killed question in.nilit is iot whether Kansas our fiicii Is ai;d relatives ; Inn now, when (lull bo a .lavii Sinte. It is a !av S ute e have elrctcdotir L' gi-l.iluro, our Dele. liov. Itiaaslatu Siatu by the body of (julo l Cmiress, ami tho penpln by their their constitution. Eton' iho youovl "' decided K;oias khoiild ha free, to lave in thia Territory w ill remain a tduve lime n fow d d rnsca's try to st off their M long anhooridie niuy lite. Hut it gives prculiur iuslilulion dow n our llinmts, then you the liberty to sav by your vuto wheth- I ' it is time to arise and do noinelhing r Oiere shall bu more slates in Kansas, for ourselves, anil show to tlicso recreoiits Thus Kansas is a slatn State to day and "f huni.-inity that Kansas shull and will be forever, Ullh as you c iiilrivesuiue means to free. (i-nllem'ii, I do liol b"liee the defeat thiscuiislitutiou maile by these blood people of Kansas will gratify lliia party so bounds al Lceompton. Your f.iih. rs call much as to keep a" uy fi'oin tho pulls. upon you lo rise, mid preserve iln; iiuuie uf Tl"-y will be there every man of thnu liberty which ihey gave lo you ; anil if you they will g) to the polls and pule every vole fur that constitution at all, you vote man w ho attempts to vote. If I had my fur a slave constitution, for il is written all way, though, I would send Jack (lender over. with slavery. L say here tu-uihl son and the rest of these, scoundrels where that these men who made this constitution I hey would nenr breathe the pure air a blacker set you cannot liud out of hull, aga n. (Ili're Henderson, being present, You may commence al John Caihouu a nil said, ''Oh, Jim, dry up Jim," " S:op that, go down lo 13.il Junes, thu hero ul'Oxfoid, Lane.") Luna proceeded. Ah, Jack, and blacker villains cannot bo loiind. you have guile far enough, you have tram. Truth,, they know not what il means. pt"l on us too much already, and now we Honesty they don't know has an existence, have got you fust nnd menn to hold you, I say to yuu as Americans, as coiinlynicn mid your lives are in danger every moment and friends, you will be discharging a holy u remain in this city. You are outlaws duty to yourselves and lo the country which and villains, every ona of you. (Here he you love and adore, even it' you are com. was inierrujiled by some of Iho company pellcd to crush out the mithurs of that enn- attempting to put Henderson out, but qui. atitution. 1 say the. l'resideiii of ilmt con- ot whs soon restored and Luno went on.) venlton, John CY'li'iiui, who is covered all A hi;h olliciul and an honnst man mid to over with crime upon whose louiUtoiie me lo-day " ho should not be surprised if should bo written (if ho should ever die) on any morning he should wuk up and see "felon 1 felon I felon 1" is iho diciulor ot these men dangling from some limb, hung Stephen A. Douglas. I don't w ish to say there by uu outraged ptople." I then' ask. ed him if the United Slates troops would be used to protect these men. He replied, " No, the troops w ill not he used to pro tect these villains or their acts." Why, think you that man, Calhoun, will remain I see no way of gulling rid uf that consiim. lion but forco. Yes, apply force lo these usurpers, and only to tho men who by their votes beeped this knavery upon us. You, who voted again! the constitution, I am ready to respect; bul tho others ought to be put to death. If there ia any pence fol remedy lo overthrow this constitution there is no man in the Territory more ready to adopt n than your humble speaker. Hoi I still believo there ia no other safe way than by force. Take theso men and give them a fair trial, but if you should find them guilty of perpetrating this fraud ihey should sutler death. Jack Henderson and Easiin grumble because I would put them to death. Why, thera is not a moment for the past two years but what they would gladly have heralded in their papers "Jim Lane is dend." Look over the list nf men who voted fur that constitution (and I have it here in my pocket), and you will find every maiiofthein murderers, thieves and illnins. Calhoun, although he lins lain behind thecurtaiu, ia perhaps more guilty than any man in Kansas, not excepting Jack Henderson. Judga Johnson's opinion ia to let them go, and live, and decrease the vote as small as possible, and let ihe finger of scorn point toihem always, would lei Jack Henderson and Eastin liv dways, il it was not necessary to put them lo death : but it is for the pe.uco and pros i.-iiiy oj Kansas to kill them. 1 say cut their threats now and I will not advise oiln-rs to do what I will not do myself, and I w ill not ask lo stay away, but will gladly join in the act. The time lias come for action, and I hare always believed that we should inner have peace in Kansas until these hellhounds were driven from our midst. I have only one objection lo killing (hem, and that ia they are noi fit in dio. Wouldn't Jack Henderson ho a ptctiy subject to bn sent oil' for trial befure a jijsl snd high tribunal I and I say ho is the best man among them, and I mnreover say be and the rest of them me a set of outlaws to the human family, and I say get rid of them before the election. They have done enough. Drive lliPtn out, and while you are doing it here in Learonworth we will luUcaro of the rest of llioin. Men of Leavenworth, if have said anything here to wound the feeling of any man here, save those devils, I would ask your pardon. As for these outlaws, I don't care a fig about them. If Jack Henderson, Calhoun or ISastin should cross my path I would shoot ihem down like a damned dog, for ihey are not men, but cold black hearted outlaws. Others will now sneak to vou. but will differ in my views. I thank you, and hope you will listen lo them as to me." that Douglas will favor ibis constitution; but if Calhoun should say so although I never would believe him in uny thing else I should be constrained lo believe him in this; for I don't know which I would trust first, Culhoun or Douglas. Tlicso men who at Lccomplon much longer! Why, they framed this constitution have separated are sick of him even there, and if he stays themselves from all honesty and from all there much longer I would not insure his honor which existed in ihal party. There life. These men who formed this consti are honest nnd true pro slavery men, who tution were the men who commuted these left thai parly in disgust when they saw outrages summer before last. They de- tho poisonous fruits of that Convention, servo death for those acts, and they deserve Calhoun and his party number to day less a thousand deaths fur framing this consti than two hundred men. Men, did I suy ? Union. If your Convention, which is to No, fiends. We have villains in that party meet soon, decides upon going to the polls, who understand how lo muko un election C there and see that no one votes who is returns ; and is not Calhoun able to send in i?r atrocious frauds than was even pcrpetrateu ''ie 'H8t elections) I told a member of that Convention last night thai m will head or uckv . , . . , 'shed here to- going to advise war or blots... night, for perhaps ihere is no ner-d ..' I'"lt Wa have now got iho gnats so separated from the sheep that we can easily kill ihem without committing crime; for I truly be lieve if God should show his special proi ience to-night we should see in these starry .heavens his hand commanding us lo exter minate these damned villains. The whole people of the civilized world would loudly applaud us, while the women of Kansas Utier praises to heaven that their virtue is again safe. They wtnl to Lecompton. and played iarjs, drank whiskey and made ibis damned constitution. Why the very gro. eery keepers at Lecompton have gut rich iy these devils, and are now going down to Lawrence and investing i heir money in city lota. I do not wish to advise you whai lo do ; but ere long we will have a mass con vent iun here in Leevenwurih city or Lew fence, of all the people of Kanss. W jrill have Union democrats, national demo crats, conservative pro-slavery men, and f jt who are opposed to this last trick p!syed not an honest voter. Guard against the returns which will he sent in to Calhoun. Mind they are not similar lo the Kickapoo, McUeo nnd Oxford returns, and with a fair vole they will not get two hundred votes, and I will forfeit my hat if thy gel a single vote south of Kansas river. We J'veit 10 ourselves nnd toour ancestors that weshoUi'J 'rive lliese villains to the wall, and, fuv myself, I should think it was a duly 1 ow e to myself and to my God, if I forced cv ry man of I htm to Iwe the Territory belore ihe election, and so bland ihfcm that they may never deceive any other people on the civilized globe. Yuu may say, " Lane, you are excited." I say, ought we not to be excited? Have we not suflf'-red enough to excite every nerve in our body i Iluve we nut labored ihree Venrs lo buiJ up Kansas a free and glori ous S ate fr ourselves and children I and after we have il within our reach, to have these usurpers by fraud and violence to institute a villainous project, ruining our best interests. Should we not (eel like taking these villains by the throata and choke the very life from ihem f I ftel so, I csnnot help it. Do the best yon can pat their vote down as small as joa can, and yet wt may U defeated. For nrtelf, Douglas's Speccti. Below we give a few extracts from the spoech of Senator Dnuglus on the Tresi dent a Message. He makes somo loud "shrieks for hleedir.ir Kansas": DEFCAT OF THI5 DEMOCRACY AT THE LATE KANSAS ELECTION. The election being over, the Democratic pnrly being defeated by an overwhelming vote, the opposition having triumphed, anil got possession of both hrnnchrs of die Le gislature, and having elected tliuir Terri torial Delegate, the convention assembled, and then proceeded to complete thei r woi k. THE ACTION OF THE CONVENTION. Now let lis stop lo inquire how they re deemed the pledge to submit the constitu tion to the people. They first go on and make n constitution. Then they make a schedule, in which they provide that the constitution on the 21t of December the present month shall be submitted lo all the bona fide inhabitants of the Territory on that day, for their free acceptance or rejection, in the following manner, lo wit : thus acknowledging that they were bound to submit it to iho will of the peo ple, conceding thai they bad no right to put it inio operation without submitting it to the people, providing in the instrument that it should lake effect from and after the lata of its ratification, and not before; showing that the constitution derives its vitality, in their estimation, not from the authnri'y of ihe convention, but frem the vote of the people to which it was to be submitted for their free acceptance or re jectinn. How is il lo be submitted I II shall be submitted in this form: "Consti tution with slavery, or Constitution with no slavery." All men mutt vote far the constitution, tchether (hey like it or not, in order to be permitted lo vote furor against slavery. Thus a constitution made by a convention that had authority to assemble and petiiien for a redress nf grievances, but not to establish a government a con stitution made under a pledge of honor ihat it should be submitted la the people before il leek effect; a constitution which provides, on its face, that it shall have no validity except what it derivea from such submimion is submitted to the people at an election where all men are at liberty lo coma forward freely without hindrance snd vote for it, but no man ia permitted to re cord s mts against It That would bo as fair an election as some of lite enemies of Napoleon attrib uted lo him when he was elected First Consul, lie is said to have called out his troops and had them reviewed by bis offi cers with a speech, patriotic and fair in Its professions, in which he said to them : " Now, my soldiers, you ero going lo iho election and vole, freely just as you please. If you vo'.e for Napoleon, nil is well ; vote against him, and you nre to bo instantly shot." That was a fair election. Laugh tcr. This election is to be equally fair. All men in favor of the constitution may vote far it all men against it shall not vote al all. Why not lei thorn vole ngniust il 1 I presume you hnve asked many a man this question. I have asked a very large number of the gentlemen who frnm ed tho constitution, quite a number of del egates, and a still larger number of persons who are their friends, and I have received the same answer from every one of them. I never received any other answer, and I presume we never shall get any other an swer. hat is lhat ! They say if they allowed a negative vote, the constitution would have been voted down by an over whelming majority, and hence the fellow's shall not be allowed lo vote at nil. Laughter. IIOW THE CONSTITUTION W0CLD HAVE BEEN VOTED DOWN IF SUBMITTED. Mr. President, that may bo true. It is no part of my purpose la deny the propo sition that that constitution would have been voted down if submitted to tho peo ple. I believe it would have been voted lown by a majority nf four lo one. I am informed by men well posted t hero Dem ocrats that it would be voted down by ten to one; some say by twenty to one. . But is it a good reason why you should declare it in force, without being submitted to tho people, merely because it would have been voted down by five loone if you had submitted ill What does that prove! Does it not show undeniably that an over whelming majority of the people of Kan sas aro unalterably opposed to that con stitution I Will vou force it on them against their will simply because they would have voted it down if you had con- suited them I If you will, aro vou no ins to force it upon them under the plea of leaving them perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their ow n way ? Is that tho mode in which I am called upon lo carry out iho principle of self-government nnd popular sovereignly in the Territories to force a constitution on the people against their will, in npposi- nun iu nieir pruiesi, wnn a anowieogo ol mo inct, and men to assign as a reason for my tyranny, that ihey would be so obsti nate and so perverso as to vote down the constitution if I had given them an oppor tunity to be consulted about it f NO RIGHT TO INQUIRE WHAT THE PEOPLE'S OBJECTIONS ARE. ' Sir, I deny your right or mino to inquire of these people what their objections o i Mat constitution are. llieyliaven right to judge for themselves whether Ihey like or dislike it. It is no answer to tell me ihnt tho constitution is a good one nnd tin- ohjecliunahle. It is nol satisfactory to me lu have Iho rresulf nt say in Ins message that that constitution is un admirable one, like all the constitutions nf tho new States (hat havo been recently formed. Whether good or bad, whether obnoxious or not, is nnneot my business and none of yours. It is their business nnd not ours. I enre not what ihey have in their constitution, so that il suits them and does not viulato the Constitution of the United Stales and the fundamental principles of liberty upon which our institutions rest. 1 am not no- ng to nrguo tlio question whether Ihe banking system established in that consti tution is wise or unwise. It says there shall be no monopolies, but there shall be one bank of discount in the Slate, with two branches. All I hnve to say on that point is, if they want a banking system, let them have it ; if ihey do not want it, let them prohibit it. If they want a bank with two branches, be it so ; if they want twenty, it is none of my business; and il mailers not to ma whether one of them shall bo on the north side and the other on the south side of the Kaw river, or where Ibey shall he. Wliils t have n right lo expect lo be consulted on that point, I do hold that the people or Kansas have the right lo be con sulted and to decide it, and you have no r'ghlful authority to deprive them of that privilege. It is no justification, in my mind, lo say that the provisions for the eligibility -for the offices of Governor and Lieutenant Governor require twenty years' citizenship in the United S'a'es. If men think that no person should voto or hold office until he has been here twenty years, they have a ri'4'. to think so; and if a majority of the people of Kansas think lhat no man of foreign birth should vote or hold office nnless he has lited ihcie twenty years, it is their right to say so, and I have no right lo interfere wilh them : it is iheir business, not mine; bul if 1 on Ihe subject, and defial it if I could. Yet I have no objection o their having it If they waut it; il is their buiincn, nol mine. So il is in regard lo the free negroes. They provide that no free negro shall ba permuted to live in Kansas. I suppose iney nave a ngiii lo say so if they cliooe ; bul if I lived (hero I should want lo vole on that question. We, iu Illinois, provide that no mora shall come there. We say to tho other Slates, " Take Mm of tour ow n free negroes, and we w ill take enro of ours." Hut wo do not sny that the ne a rocs now thera shall not be permitted to live in Illinois ; nnd I think the people of iMinns on fill in iiuve Iho right to say whether they will-allow them to live there, and il wiry are not gnmg to do so, how they nre going to dispose of thorn. bo you limy go on with all the different clauses of iho constitution. They mav be all right; Ihey may be all wrong. That is a question on which my opinion is worth nothing. The opinion of the wise and patrioiic Chief Magistrate of the United btates is nol worth anything as against that of the people of Kansas, for they have ADVI KTIMNU IUTW. , One fjuars (U' l,n or Uttj ut.t ikxriiuu, $.1X0 " " t ini ti,M, 4, it) H " l!.r. u iimnk.r.a, f,,l KeasuuaUt dtuiielions lo ihu whu siitvru by tl,f ) i nr. JOUritlNTINC. Tu rnomr.Ti'S or tiik Ali'Jt.'H it iurv lit Inform ihe puli'le Mint l. bus just ie eiird a lurpe stork nf .lull 'I VI'K and oilier new print ing mail-rial, siM will be in tii trny r-' of ml'l.tiuiit niiti-i! Ie sll the r.f;iiir-M.-ti' of ihw l eslliy. IIANDIIIl.l.S 1'Or-TKI.S W.A.SKH, CAUIW, lllll l I.Al;.', l'A.MHII.I.T-Wld:K and it tier kill-la, dime tn onler, i n ihort l.ot'rr. a right lo jii'l''e for themselves; and nei ther Presidents, nor Senators, nor llonse of Keprescntativcs, nor any other power out side of Kansas, has a right to judge for them. Heucn il is no justification, in my mind, for tho violation of a great principle of self-government, to ssy lhat the consti tution you are forcing on them is not par ticularly obnoxious, or is excellent in its provisions. l'crhaps, sir, the samo thing might be said of the celebrated Topeka constitution. 1 do not recoiled its peculiar provisions. I know ono thing; wo Democrats, wo No bniskn men, would not even look into it to sco what its proisiens were. Why Liccnuso we said it was made by a political parly, nnd not by ihe people; that it was made in defiance of llio authority iT Con gress; thin if ii was as pure na ihu Dible, as holy as the ten commandments, yet W'e would not touch il until it was submitted to and ratified by the people of Kansas, in pursuance of the forms of law. Perhaps lhat Topeka constitution, but for tho mode ol making it, would have been unexcep tionable. I do not know; I do not care. 1 ou have no right to force an unxcpiion utile constitution en a people. It does not miiigate the evil, il does not diminish tho insult, it does not ameliorate, tho wrung, that yon arc forcing a good ihinr on them. I nm not willing in bo forced to do that which I would du if I wero left free lo judge and oct for myself. Henco I assert lhat there is do justification lo be made for this flagrant violation of popular righls in Kan. sas, on Ihe plea thai tho constitution which they have mndo ia not particularly ob noxious. THE MAJOttlTY DISFRANCHISED. But, sir, the President of the United States is really and sincerely of tho opin ion that the slavery clause has been fairly nnd impartially submitted to tho free no ceptanco or rejection of the people of Kan sns, and that, inasmuch as that was the ex citing and paramount question, if they get iho right to vote as they plcaw on that subject, they ought to be satisfied; mid possibly it might bo better if wo would accept it, nnd put nn end to tho question. Let mo ask, sir, is tho slavery clatiso fairly submitted, so lhat the people can voto fur or against it I Suppose I w ere a citizen of Kansas, and should go up lo the polls nnd say, "I desiro lo vole to make Kansas n slave State; here is my ballot." They reply lo me, " .Mr. Douglas, just voto for lhat constitution first, if you plenne." ' Oh, no !" I answer ; " I cannot voto for that constitution conscientiously. I am opposed to the clause by which you locato certain railroads in such a way as to sacri fice my county nnd my part of the Stale. I am opposed lo thai banking system. I am opposed loihis Know Nothing or Am erican clause in tho constitution about tho qualification for office. I cannot vote for it." Then they answer, " You shall not vote on making it a slave State." 1 then sny, "I want lo make it a freo State." They reply, " V'ota for lhat constitution first, and then you can vote to mako it a free State; otherwise you cunnot." Thus they disqualify every free State man who will not first vote for the constitution ; they disqualify every slave Slate man who will not first voto for tho constitution. No mailer whether or nol tho voters slain thai they cannot conscientiously vote for those provisions, they reply, " You cannot vote lor or nguinst slavery hero. Take the con. stitmion ns we have made it, lake ihn elect ive franchise as we have established it, take Iho banking system as we have dic tated it, take the railroad lines as wo have located them, take the judiciary system as we have formed it, lake it all as we have fiX'-d it lo suit ourselves, and ask no ques tions, but voto for it, or you shall not vote either for a slave or free State." In other words, the legal effect of the scbedulo is this: all thoso who aro in favor of this constitution may vote fur or against slav ery, as ihey please; but all those who aro against Ibis constitution nre disfranchised, and shall not vote at all. That is ihe mode in which the slavery proposition is submitted. I'very man opposed lo the constitution is disfranchised on the slavery clause. How many ara they They loll you there is a majority, for they say the constitution will bo voted down instantly, by an overwhelming majority, if you al low a negative vote. Thii shows that question, if ynu tell ma I shall not vo'e on il until I vote for iho M.dne liquor law f . Am I free lovo'e on the lnvry qinvioii, if you (ell inn lLai I shall not t. cither way until I voto f r a L.n I; ? I il freedom of election lo mnko vour riht in vote upnn ono question depend upon the mode in which you nre paiiig to vo'.e on smne other question which liJs no ronnec'ioii with It f Is that freedom of election I Is that the grc.il fnudameiitiil principle of e!fg ivern nijiit, fur whirl) wo ininhined niul strug. glcJ, in this bii'y and thrnu'iout tho countiy, lo establish the ru!u of action in all limo to cine I lived there I should not be willing to have j majority are against it. They disqualify that provision in the eonstitution without disfranchise every man who is against being heard upon the subject, and allowed ' ,hll referring the slavery clause to a to record my protest against it 1 have nothing to say about their sys tem of taxation, in which they have gone bsck and resorted to) the old exploded sys tem that we tried in Illinois, but abandoned because w did not like it. If they wish tn try it and get tired of and abandon it, ha it so ; bat if I were citizen of Kansas I en!d profit to the txaerienM of Illirwi minority of :h people of Kansas, nd leav ing that minority free to veto for or against the slavery clause, as they choose. Let me ask ynu if thai is a fair mode of submitting tbe slavery clause I Does that mode nf submitting that particular clause leave the people perfectly free lo vote for or against slavery as they choose f Ami free to rote ss ohooae as th tls'try Tat t.rcontplcm Hwtnjle. As our readers wr,u!J no doubt liko to seo how aomoof thf deinociatie pnprts in iho Slates regard Uuclisimn's plan for sub jugating Kantas we give ihi week a few extracts : Fitn Farnry't Trrt. When we suppnited tho Kansas-Nebras ka bill in 193-1, wo did so upon the solemn understanding that " ihe w iil of tho majori ty should prevail in Kansas." Tha repeal fllie Missouri Compromise (which osserl- od Congressional rule) excited the fanatics af the free States lo madness, and the idea which culled for that repeal, lhat tho pen-' ploshould control in Kansas and Nebraska,' was scouted and ilenitd. In ibo whe'.a history of Americas legislatios, no mrasuro was moro distinctly based upn this inde- strnc'iblo principle, li.un tha Kansas-Ne braska bill. And vrt, notwithstanding that the will of ths majority was declared lo bo the main purpose of this Kansas and No-bra-ilia bill, oud ibo removal of the wholo question of slavery from the halls of Con grass a leading essential to iis rnaeluient into a law, the northern rnetionisis njroyed against it n most fiirmid blo antagonism,, and, from 1854 to 185U, the Democracy in the free States were donated upon neaily every trial. When Mr. liucimnaii was el.-cied, however, the Administration of Gen. l'ierce having made every honorable -ell'ort lo adjust tho difficulty in Kansas; without success, tho Democracy rallied answ upon iho principle that iho majority should rule, and with Ihe advantage of a name illustrious in cur annals, tho name' of one, who, whilo always iruo lo tha South, hnd out henna party lo iho repent of the Missouri Compromise line, nnd was known to bo in favor of fair piny in Kansas the Democracy triumphed after a close and fearful conflict. The first fair election in llio Territory of Kansas tok placn on the fith of October, 1807. Those which preceded it, though legal according to tho forms, were controlled by tho minority in ' the Territory, but wero submitted to, in. nsmuch ns no other alternative was left to those who objected lo them. It is n romnrk ' ablo fsc', that immediately after (his elec tion of October Oth. 1 357, the Kansas Con. stilutional Convention elected in Juno of the samo year, nnd elected, ton, by eomo 2,000 out of 13,000 voters in tho Tcrrilo. ry, should have proceeded neltherntrly lo drfy tha will of iho majority in all their action. Conscious that of their whole num bor ihere was scarcely a single representa. livo of tho majority in the Convention, that sentimont being sirongty Imstilo to thu in stitution of slavery conscious that tho minority had just been defeated in an elec tion for delegates lo Congress nnd for mem bers of (lis second Legislature conscious that the Democratic party had Won com mitted in every State in tho Union in 1800 to the principle that the will of the majori ty should prevail they proceeded to con struct a Constitution w hich not only defied llio majority, but so fettered that majority in reference to the only vital issue al stiika in the Territory aslo leava the votes of tho people on llio subject of slavery la a set of men who could, and in nil probability would, reject I hose votes, if limy happened to be against ihnt iiibtintlion. Tha Dcmnc racy of the country nro now called upon to endorse n Constitution tints framed to op prove tho action ol this minority Conven tion, in regard to tha slavery question nnd lulling in this, to accept tho disgrace of being identified with abolitionism and' sectionalism. Such is the hunt mennira prodered lo the men, who for more'than three long years havo patiently submitted lo aggressions of a minority in ihe Territo ry of Kansas, and who, bearing Iheso ag gressions upon their shoulders in Ihe great conflict of 18R0, nevertheless enrried their flag in triumph, upon the distinct assur ance, made by nil their organs to ihn peo-' pie, thnt the will of the majority should prevail in that Territory. From llit Columliui Ohio) Slntrmnn, Ir tiding Democratic paper of Oluo, Not). i!3. There is nol only no danger in letting i the peoplo "voto ail ihey pleie upou" . their fraudulent law, but as a manor both of principlo and of practice, there is no safe ly without it. To deny them the r'ght, and try lo forio down upon a people an organic law, is tho grossest form of anli-Democrucy, which, so far from being sanctioned by nny partisan reason, is rendered all the more odious nnd rcpul-ive by any such reason. What i Slate sovereignty worlh, if maintained nt tho expanse of popular sovereignty 1 How cm you make a State, wilh any regard for public liberty, unlessyou kniw the peoplu thereof rlcsiro to beeome a Jjtali ; nnd ns the Louisviilo Democrat so ably argues, how can you know a psople wish lo becomo a Slate under any given form, unless yon submit lhat form lo Iheir own direct de teimination? In the name of God, what else have the Domocracy been fighting for all this while! Fromtkt Chirngn Timn, UaJina; Democratic paper of IUinoit, Nm.2 1,1 8.17. ' A Prediction. Forney's Press, nor an oilier press ever uttered words' nf ore point ed, truthful and crnpbatio than the follow, ing: " The pnblic man who falters in this is sue seals hia doom. Tbe northern Demo crat wV n's to iuif the Cenventma of i i.'-