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About The Oregon Argus. (Oregon City [Or.]) 1855-1863 | View Entire Issue (Jan. 23, 1858)
ADVKItTIMNU 11ATKS. One sqiutrs limn or lr0 on iunerilun, 13,00 " " two Insertiiius, 4,00 " M thri iiimrilon, 5,00 Koch niUxqurut insertion, 1 ,0U Hcssunull uVJut'Join in thote who advertise by tli w )i sr. JOB PRINTING. Thi riorsjrni vr Tint ARCfH is it i rev lo inform 111 public thnt l.s hus just received a luree stock ufJUK TVl'l) mid oilier new print iiitf iiinti-riul, and w ill bo iu Ilia speedy receipt of atlililit.ua suin-d lo nil tint ruiuit. iih ii'k of this lr mm , . rVIMMIKU SVISV HTVUUiX MUSSINA, BY WILLIAM L. ADAMS, TERMS-Tki A so us will t, furnukei at Thru Dollars and Fifty Ctnla per annum, in adeanta, la ataxia aubitrilieraTkrai Dollar! tuck la elulii of ten at ant ajjictin adenne: WStn Iki money It not paid in adcunce, Four uounra wiu ot oarrta If paid within III inemne, ana net aoilari at I hi tndof the year, WW 1 II II . - . A "Weekly Newspnper, devoted to the Principles of Jeffersouian Democracy, and advocating the side of Truth in every issue.- If, i ma uouartjor fix montmNo tuotcrip entity. llAXIMtll.I, I'UM'KliU, lll.ANKH. CAUPS, C'lKC l 'LA lis, I'AMnil.Kr.WOltK V)f No pttper ditcontinutd until all arrearages mmiU .---.. -,tL f.t. I VOL, III, OREGON CITY, OIIEGON, JANUARY 23, 1853. No. 41. wijniiHHirii HI trie liHIVH 11 I'lC J'UUHtnfTi and other kinds, done to onler, oil short notice. THE OREGOiN ARGUS, PJIESIDENTS MESSAGE. to tFctlaw-Cilittnt af the Scnala and ajlka Home af Kepretentatitti I - In obedience to the command of the Constitution, it hat now become my duty " (o give to Congress information of the ita'.e of Ilia Union, and recommend their contidcraiion such measures" an judge to ba "neceMary and expedient," Hut firm, and above all, our thank are Hue to Almighty God for the numerous benefits wbicli Ha has bestowed upon this people; and our unitod prayers ought to ascend to Him that He would continue to . uIom our (rent Iteptiblio in time to come as 11a In blessed it in lime past. Since the adjournment of the lust Congress our constituents nave enjoyed an unusual ln area of healih. The earth has yielded hor Iruti abundantly, and lint bountifully rowarded the toil of the husbandman. Our (real staples have commanded high prices, and, up till within a brief period, our man- Ulacturing, mineral, and mechanical occu palions have lurgoly partaken of ilia gen eral prosperity. We have possessed all the elemonts of material wealth in rich abundance, and yet, notwithstanding all mesa aavnniagcs, our country, in its nion etary interests, is t lite present moment in a deplorable condition. In the midst of Unsurpassed plenty in nil the productions of agriculture, and in all the element of national wealth, we find our manufactures Suspended, our publio works retarded, our private enterprises or difforcnt kinds aban doned, and thousand of useful laborer thrown out of employment and reduced lo want. The revenue of the Government, which is chiefly derived Irom duties on im ports from u broad, has been .'really reduo. . ed, whilst the appropriation made by Con. gross al lis lust session for the current fiscal year are very large in amount. Under these circumstance, a loan mm- . be required before the close of your present session ; but tliis, although deeply to le regretted, would prove lo be only a slight misfortune when compared with the suffer ing and distress prevailing anion" the pen pie. Willi this the Government cannot fail deeply lo sympathize, though it may be without the power to extend relief. TUB MONETARY DIFFICULTIES. It is our duty lo inquire what has pro. duoed auuh iiuiorlunHte- results, and who . ther their recurrence can be prevented ? In : all former revulsions thu bUnie might have been fairly attributed to a Variety of co operating causes; but not so upon the present occasion. It is uppareul thai our existing misfortune havo proceeded solely from our extravagant ami vicious system Of pa per currency and bank credits, excil- ing thn people to wild speculations and gambling in slocks. These revulsions . must continue In recur at successive inter , vals so long as thn amount of the paper currency nnd bank loans and discounts ol the country shall be left to the discretion of ' fourteen hundred irresponsible banking in stitutions, which from the very law of their nature will consult ihu interest of tln-ir stockhohlers rather ihan the public welfare. The Trainers of llm C'onsiiiulion, when they gave to Congress l lie power " In coin ' money, nnd to regulate the value thereof," and prohibited the Sta'es from coining mo ' ney, emitting bills of credit, or making hoy thing but gold and silver coin a tender lit payment of debt", surmised they hud protected the peoplo against the evils of n esoossiva ami irreuettmauio paper cur ' rency. They are not responsible for tlie ' existing anomaly that ft government en 1 flowed with the sovereign attribu es of doming money and regulating the vain thereof, should have no power lo prevent others from driving thix coin out of the country and filling up the channel ol cir. culalion with paper which does not repre sent gold and silver. ' "' It is one of the highest nnd most repon . sible duties of government lo insure to the people a sound circulating medium, I ho mount of which ought lo be adapted wiib the tt I most possible wisdom and skill to the wants of internal trade nnd foreign exchanges.- If this bo either greatly above or greatly bolow the proper staudurd, the marketable value of every man's properly is increased or diminished in Ihe same pro portion, and injustice to individuals as well y as incalculable evils to the community are o the consequence. . Unfortunately, under the construction of "tK Federal Constitution, which has now prevailed too long lo be changed, litis important and delicate duty has been dis severed from the coining power, and vir tually transferred to more than fourteen hundred State bunks, acting independently of each other, and regulating iheir paper issues almost exclusively by a regard to the present interest of Iheir stockholders. Exercising the" sovereign power or provirj. :' h pier currency, instead of coin, for the .country, (he fit duty T-Wch the.s bankjiow. to the public is to keep iii I Ik-i. " .vaults a sudkieni amount of gold and silver to insure the coaveribility of their noies -"into coin at all limes and under all circum- i atance. No bank ought ever to be char, tered without such restrictions on iw bu-i-nesa as to secure ibis icsult. All other restrictions are comparatively vain. This is the only true louclislone ihe only elfi- cient regulator of a paper currency the only one which can guard the public i. against over issues and bank suspensions. - A a collateral and eventual security, it is doubtless wise, and in all case ought to be : reqnired, that banks shall hold an amount . or United State or State securities equal to tbeir oo'es in circulation, and p'edged for tbeir redemption. This, however, fur bis bat ,ao adequate security against ever i, iuea On the contrary, it may be per ' verted 40 infl-ile ihe currency. Indeed, it is possible by this means lo convert all the .'debtsof the United State and Slate gov ..ernmenU iulo bank notes, without refer ence to the specie required lo redeem them. However valaabla these securities may be jq themselves, they cannot be ewver!d iulo gold and silver at the moment of pres sure, a our experience teaches, in luflkien! time to prevent bank suspensions and the depreciation of bank note. In England, which it to n considerable extent a paper money country, thouL'h vastly behind our own in this respect, it was deemed advisa. bio, anterior lo the Act of Parliament of 1844, which wisely separated ihe issue of sum lis disbursement in coin will pas into cir culation, and materially assist in restoring a sound currency, from it high credit, should we be compelled lo make a tempo, rary loan, it can beeflecled en advantageous term. This, however, iball, if possible, be avoided J but, if not, then the amount shall be limited to the lowest practicable notes from the banking department, for the Rank of England alwav to keen on hand gold and silver equal In one third of its combined circulation and deposit. If this proportion was no more than sufficient to secure Ihe convertibility of it notes, with ihe whole of Great Britain, and to some extent the continent of Europe, as a field for its circulation, rendering it almost im possible that a audden and immediate run lo dangcroua amount should be made npon it, i lie aame proportion would cor. lainly he insufficient under our banking system. Each of onr fourteen hundred bankshas but a limited circumference for its circula tion, and in the course of a very few Jays llio depositor anil note-holders might de mand Irom lueh a bank a sufficient am ount in specie to compel it to suspend, even although it had cin in its vaults equal lo one third of iis immediate liabili ties. And yet turn not aware, with the exception of the batiks of Louisiana, thai any State bank throughout the Union has been required by its charter to keep this or any other proportion of gold and silver compared with ihe amount of its combined circulation and deposits. Whul has been the consequence? In a recent report made by I ho Treasury Department on the condition of ihe banks throughout the dif ferent Stales, nccording lo returns dated nearest to January, 1S57, the amjregnte amount of nctiiul specie in iheir vaults is 658,349,8:18, of their circulation 821 4.- 778,e22, and of their depo-its $230,331,. 3 )2. 1 hus i appears thut these banks in the aggregate have considerably less than one dollar in seven of gold and silver com inred with iheir circulation and deposits t was palpnhle, therefore, I lint the very lirsl pressure must drtvo them lo suspen sinn, nnd deprive ihe people of a convert! bio currency with all its disastrous conse qnences. It is truly wonderful that they should have so long continued to preserve their credit, when a demand for the pav ment of one seventh of ihrir immediate liabilities would have driven them into in solvency. And this is ihe condition of the hunks, notwithstanding that four hundred million of gold Tom California have flowed in upon us wi'hin the last eiirht years, and the tide still continues to flow. mleed, such has been tho extravagance of i.iiik credits that the banks now hold a considerably k-ss amount of specie, either in propoition lo thetrcnpital or to ihetrctr coldii.in and deposits combined, than they did before tho discovery of gold in Cali fornia. Whilst in thn venr 1348 their pecio in proportion to their capital was more than equal to one dollar for four and a half, in 1457 it does not amount to one lollar for every six dollars and thirty-three cents of their capital. It) the year 164S thn specie was equal within a very small fraction to onu dollar in five of iheir circu lation and deposits ; in 1 857 it is not equal to one dollar in seven and a half of tlieir circulation and deposits From this statement it is easy lo account for our financial history for the last forty years. It has been a history of extrava gant expansions in lite business of the oountry, followed by ruinous contractions. At successive intervals the best and most enterprising men linvo been templed to their ruin by e.xcessivo bank loans of more psper credit, exciting them to extravagant importations of foreign goods, wild specu lations, tind ruinous and demoralizing stock gambling. When the crisis arrives, as arrive it must, ihe banks can extend no relief to the people. In a vain struggle to redeem iheir liabilities in specie, they are compelled to contract their loans and their issues; and at last, in the hour of distress, when tlieir assistance is most needed, they and tlieir debtors together sink inte insolvency. It is this paper system of extravagant expansion, raising the nominal prii-.o of ev. ery urticlu far beyond its real value, when compared with the cost of similar articles in countries whose circulation is wisely I have, therefore, determined that whilst Do useful government work already in pro gress (hall be suspended, new work, not already commenced, will be postponed, if this can be done without injury to the country. Those necessary for its defense shall proceed as (bough there had been no crisis in our monetary affiilr. But the Federal Government cannot do much to provide against a recurrence of ex isting evils. Even if insurmountable Con stitutional objection did not exist against the creation of a National Dank, this would furnish no adequate preventive se curity. The history of the last Dank of ihe United Mate abundantly proves the need be, to put down the lawful govern ment by force, and establish a government of their own under the so-called Topeka Constitution. The person attached to this revolutionary organization abstained fiotn taking any part in the election. The act of the Territorial Legislature had emitted to provido for submitting to the people the constitution which might be framed by the convention ; and in the ex cited (tat of publio feeling throughout Kansas nn apprehension extensively pre vailed that a design existed lo force upon them a constitution in relation to davery gainst their will. In this emergency, it became my duty, a it wa my unques tionable right, having in view ihe union of all good citizens in support of the Territo rial laws, to express an opinion on the true construction of tho provisions concerning slavery contained in the organio Act of Congress or the 30th or May, 1831. ton gresa declared it to be " the true intent and meaning ot this Act not to legislate slavery into any Territory or Stale, nor to exclude feci equality with the other States." The convention to frame a constitution fur Kansas met on the first Monday of September last. 1 hey were called together by virtue of an act of the territorial lecis- luiure, whose lawful existence had been recognised by Congrex in dillVrenl form and by different enactments. A large por tion of the citizens of Kansas did not think proper lo register their names and to vote it the election for delegate ; but an oppor tunity lo do this having been fairly afford- ed, their refuial to avail themselves of truth of thi assertion. Such a Bank could 1 it therefrom, but to leave the people there not, if it would, regulnlo the issues and credits of fourteen hundred State Dunks in such a manner as lo prevent the ruinous expansion and contraction in our cur rency which afflicted the country through out the existence of the late Bank, or se cure us against future suspensions. In 1825, an effort was made by the Bank of buglanu lo curtail the issue ef the conn try Banks, under the most favorable cir- of perfectly free to form and regulate their domestio institution in their own way. Under it, Kansas, "when admitted as a State," wa to " be received into the Union with or without slavery, a iheirconstitu. tion may prescribe at the lima of their admission." Did Congress mean by thi language that the delegate elected to frame a con stitution should have authority to finally cuinstnnces. The paper currency had decide the question of slavery, or did they regulated, which has prevented us from competing in our own markets with foreign manufacturers, has produced extravagant importations, and has counteracted the effect of the large incidental protection af forded to our domestic manufactures by the present revenue tariff. Hut for this, the branches of our manufactures composed of raw materials, the production of our own country such as cotton, iron, and woollen fabrics would not only have ac quired almost exclusive possession of the liom.i tnnikel, but would have created for themselves a foreign market throughout the world. peplnrablr, however, ea may be our present finant .'fl Condition, we may yet in dulge in brighi hope for the fultiir. Jio other nation has e.er existed which could have endured such violent expansions nd contractions of paper credits without last ing injury ; yet the buoyancy of yt-ntb, the energies of our population, and ihe spirit which never quails before difficulties, will eiiahlti us ayxn lo recover from our present financial embarrassment, and may even occasion us speedily lo forget the les son which they have taught. In the meantime, it is the duty of the Government, by all proper mean within its power, to aid in alleviating the suffer ings of the people occasioned by the sus pension of the bank, and 10 provide against a recurrence of the same calamity. Un fortunately, in either aspect of the ease, it cao do but liitle- Thanks lo the Inde pendent Treasury, lb Government lias not sopended payment, it was com pel'ed to do by the failure of the banks in 1837. It will continue to discharge its ibiitie to the pef'e in pA4 and been expanded lo a ruinous extent, and the Bank put forth all it power to contract it in order to reduce prices nnd restore the equilibrium of the foreign exchanges. - It accordingly commenced a system of cur tailment of its loans and issues, in the vain hope that the joint-stock and private Banks of the kingdom would ba compelled to fol low its example. It found, however, that as il contracted they expanded, and nt the end of Ihe process, to employ ihe language oi a very litgit om.-tal authority, "what ever roduction of the paper circulation was effected by the fiauk of England (in 1825), was more than made up by the is sue of Ihe country Banks." But a Bank of the United States would not, if it could, restrain the issues and loans of State banks, because its duty as a regu lator of tho currency must often be in di rect conflict with the immcdiute interest of its stockholders. If we expect one agent to restrain or control another, their interests must, at least in somo degree, bo antagonistic. Bui the directors of a Bank of the United States would feel (he same interest nnd ihe same inclination with the directors of the Statebnnks to expand the currency, to accommodate their favorite and friends with loans, and to declare large dividends. Such has been our expe rience in regard to the last Bank. Alter all, we must mainly rely upon the patriotism and wisdom of the Slates for the prevention and redress of the evil. If they will afford us a real specio basis for our paper circulation, by increasing the denomination of bank notes, lirsl to twen ty, and ufierward to fifty dollars; iflhey will require that the bank. shall at all times keep on hand n least one dollar of gold and silver for every three dollars of their circulation and deposits ; nnd if they will provulu by a self-executing enactment, which nothing can arrest, that the moment they suspend they shall go into liquidation, believe that such provisions, with a weekly publication by each bank of a state ment of it condition, would g-i far to se cure us against future suspensions of specie payment. . A Congress, in my opinion, possess thn power to pass a uniform bankrupt law, ap plicable to nli banking institutions through out ihe United States, and I strongly re commend its exercise. This would make the irreversible organic law ef each bank's existence, that a suspension of spe cie payment shall produce its civil death. I he instinct of self-preservation would then compel it lo perform its duties in such a manner a to escape the penally and pre serve its life. The existence of banks and the circula tion of bank paper are so identified with the habits of our people, that they cannot at I his day be suddenly abolished without much immediate injury to the country. If we could conline them to their appropriate phere, and prevent them from administer- ng to the spirit of wild and reckless specu lation by extravagant loans and issues, they might be continued with advantage to the public. Hut ibis 1 say, after long and much re flection : if experience shall prove it to be impossible lo enjoy the facilities, which well-regulated bank might afford, without al the same time suffering ihe calamities winch the exce.-ses of the bank have hith erto inflicted upon the country, it would then be far the lesser evil to deprive them altogether of the power to issue a paper curiericy, and confine them to the function of banks of deposite and discount. KANSAS AFFAIRS. It is unnetes ary to date in detail the alarming condition of the Territory of Kansas at the time of my inauguration. The opposing parties then stood in hostile array against each other, and any accident mi. 'bt have re lighted the flames of civil war. Beside, at thi Critical moment, Kan as wa left without a Governor by the resignation of Gov. Geary. On the 19tb of February previous, the Territorial Legislature had passed a law providing for the election of deleg'' on the third Monday of Jane, to a Convention to meet on tb first Monday of September, fur the purpose of framing a Constitution preparatory I admission into the Union. This law was, In the main, fair and just ; and it is to be regretted that all the quali fied elector had not registered themselves and voted under it provision. At the time of the election for delegate, an extensive organization existed in the intend by leaving it to the peoplo that ihe people of Kansas themselves should decide this question by a direct vote? On this subject, I confess, I had never entertained a serious doubt; and, therefoie, in my in. atrtictions lo Governor Walker, of the 28th of March Inst, I merely said that when " a constitution shall be submitted to ihe peo ple of ihe Territory, they must he protected in the exercise of their right of voting for or against that instrument, and tho fair expression of the popular will must not be interrupted by fraud or violence. In expressing this opinion it wnt far from my intention to interfere with the decision of the people of Kansas, either for or against slavery, rrom this I have always care fully abstained. Intrusted with the duly of taking "care that the law be faithfully executed," my only deaire was that the people of Kansas should furnish to Con gress ihe evidence required by the organic act, whether fur or agaimt slavery ; and in thi manner smooth their passage into the Union. In emerging from the condition of territorial dependence into that of a sov creign Stale, il was their duty, in my opin ion, lo make known their will by the votes of the majority, on the direct question whether this important domestic institution should or should not continue lo exist. Indeed, this was the only possible mode in which their will could be authentically ascertained. The election of delegates to a convention must necessarily take place in separate districls. From this cause il may readily happen, as has ofren been the case, that a majority of the people of a State or Terri tory are on one side of a question, whilst a majority of the representatives from the several districts into which it is divided may be upon the other side. Thi arises from the fact that in some districts dele galas may be elected by small majorities, whilst in others those of different sentiments may receive majorities sufficiently great not only to overcome the votes given for llio former, but to leave a large majority ofihe whole people in direct opposition to a majority of the delegates. Besides, our history proves that influences may be brought to bear on the representative suffi ciently powerful lo induce him lo disregard the will of his constituents. Tho truth is, that no other authentio and satisfactory mode exists of ascertaining ihe will of a majority of the people of any State or Ter ritory on an important and exciting ques lion like that of slavery in Kansas, except by leaving it lo a direct vote, llow wise, then, was it for Congress to pass over all subordinate and intermediate agencies, and proceed directly to the source of all legiti mate power under our institutions I How vain would any other principle prove in practice ! 1 Ins may be illustrated by the case of Kansas. Should she be admitted into the Union, with a constitu tion either maintaining or abolishing slav ery, against ihe sentiment of the people, thi would have no other effect than lo con tinue and to exasperate tho existing agi tation during the brief period required to make the constitution conform to the irre sistible will of the majority. The friends and supporters of the Ne braska and Kansas Act, when struggling on a recent occasion to sustain its wise pro visions before the great tribunal of the American people, never differed about iis true meaning on ibis subject. Everywhere throughout the Union they publicly pledg ed their faith and iheir honor, that thry would cheerfully submit the question (if slavery to the decision ef the bona fide people of Kansas, without any restriction or qualification whatever. AH were cor dially united upon the great doctrine of popular sovereignly, which is the vital principle of our free institutions. Ilad it then been insinuated from any quarter that it would be a sufficient compliance with the requisition of the organic law for the member of a convention, thereafter lo be elected, to withhold the question of slavery from lbs people, and to substitute their own will fur that of a legally ascertained majority of all tbeir constituents, thi would have been instantly rejected. Everywhere they remained true to the resolution adopted on a celebrated occasion recogniz ing " the right vt the people of all tb Ter ritoriesincluding Kansas and Nebraska acting through the legally and fairly eipretaed will of a majority ef actual resi dent, and whenever Ihe number of their inhabitants justifies it, lo form a constita lion, wiib or without slavery, aad be ad iheir right could in no manner affect tli legality of ihe convention. This convention proccoded to frame constitution for Kansas, and finally adjourn ed on the 7th day of November. But little difficulty occurred in the Convention, ex cept on tho subject of slavery. The truth is tb at the general provisions of our recent state Constitution are so similar and, may add, so excellent that the difference between them is not essential. Under tho earlier practice, of the government, no Con s'liution framed by the convention of Territory preparatory toil admission into ihe Union as a Mate had been submitted to thu people. I trust, however, the ex amplosct by the last Congress, requiring that the Constitution of Minnesota "should be subject to ilia approval and ratification of the people of the proposed Stute," may be tallowed on future occasions. I took it for granted that the Ceuvcnlion of Kansas would act in accordance with this cxamplo founded, as it is, on correct principle; and hence my instructions to Governor Walker in favor of submitting the Constitution to tho people, were expressed in general and unqualified terms. In the Kansas-Nebraska Act, however, this requirement, as applicable to the whole Constitution, had not been inserted, nnd tho convention weto not bound by its terms lo submit any other portion of the instrument to an election, except that which relates to tho ''domestio Institution" of slavery. this will bo rendered clear by a auniilo reference lo its language. It w as " nut to legislate sluvery into any Territory or State nor to excludo it therefrom, but to leave llio people thereof perfectly free lo regulate their domestio institutions in their own way." According to the plain construe tion of the sentence, the words " domestic institution ' have a direct, as they have nn appropriate reference to slavery. "Do mestic institutions" are limited to tho fanii ly. The relation between muster and slave and a few others are "domestio inslitu lions," and are entirely distinct from In stilutinnsof a poliiical character. Besides, there was no question then before (Jon grcss, nor indeed has there since been any serious question before Ihe people of Knn sas or Ihe country, except that which re lases lo the "domestic institution" of slav Territory, he aoed object it wa, if mr.t4 ia'.o tfce Uaioa upon terms of per- The convention, after an angry and excited debate, hnally determined, by ( majority of only two, to submit the ques tion of slavery to tho peoplo, though at the last, forty. three or ho htty delegates pres ent affixed their signatures to llio con stitutinn. A large majority of the convention were in favor of establishing slavery in hansns. They accordingly inserted an article in the constitution for tins purpose, aimilur in form to those which had been adopted by other territorial conventions. In the sched ule, however, providing for the transition from a terrritorial lo a Slate government, the question has been fairly and explicitly referred to the people, wbother they will have a constitution " with or without slav ery." It declaros thnt, before ihe consti. tulion adopted by the convention "shall be sent lo Congress for admission into tho Union as a Slate," an election shall be held lo docide this question, at which all the while malo inhabitants of the territory above the age of twenty-one are entitled lo vote. They are to vote by ballot; and " the ballots cast at said election ore to be endorsed 'constitution with slavery,' and 'constitution with no slavery.'" If thero be a majority in favor of the " constitution with slavery," then it is lo be transmitted to Congress by Ihe president of this con vention in its original form. If, on the contrary, there shall be a majority for the "consiitutioti with no slavery," " then tho arliclo providing for slavery shall bo strick en from tho constitution by the president of the convention;" and it is expressly declared that "no slavery shall exist in the State of Kansas, except that the right of property in slaves now in tho territory shall in no manner be interfered with ;" and in that event it is made his duty to have the constitution thus ratified trans mitted to the Congress of the United States for the admission of the Stale into the Union. At this election every citlzon will have an opportunity of expressing his opinion by his vote, " whether Kansas shall be re ceived inte the Union with or without slavery;" and thus this exciting question my be peacefully settled in thn very mode required by the organic law. I he election will be held under legitimate authority; and if any portion of the inhabitants shall refuse lo vote, a fair opportunity to uo so having been prrsented, this will be their ewn voluntary act, and thny alone will be responsible for the consequences. Whether Ksnsas shall be a free or a slave Stale must eventually, under some authority, be decided by an election; and ihe question can never he more clearly or distinctly presented to the people than it is at the present moment. Should Ibis oppor tunity be rejected. she may be involved for years in domestic discord, and possibly in civil war, before she can again make up the issue now so fortunately tendered, and again reach the point ah ha already at tained. Kansas has for om year occupied too much of Ihe public attention. It is high time this should be directed to far more important object. When once admitted into the Uaion, whether with or without lavery, the excitement beyond her own limit will speedily pass away, nnd will then, for the first lime, be left, as she out to have been long since, to manage her own affairs in heroti way. If her Constitution on the subject if slavery, or en any other subject, be o'is leasing lo a majority of the people, no human rower can prevent them from changing it within a brief period. Under these circumstances, it may well be questioned whether the peace and quiet of the whole country are not of c fester importance than the mere temporary triumph of cither of the political panic in Kansas. Should the constitution without slavery be adopted by the vote of the majority, the rights of property in slaves now in liter Territory are reserved. Tho number of these is very small ; but if it were greater the provision would be equally just and reasonable. These slaves were brought into the Territory under the constitution of the United Stales, and are now the prop, crty of iheir masters. This point has nt length been finally decided bv the highest judicial tribunal of the country and this upon the plain princtplo Hint when a con federacy of sovereign Slates acquire a new territory al iheir jointexpense, both equal! Iv and itislice demand lliut ihe citizen of one and nil of them shall have the right to take into it whatsoever is recognised a properly by the common constitution. : To have summarily conliscsted the property la slaves already in tho Territory, would have been an act of grots injustice, nnd contrary to the practice of the older iittitea of the Union which have abolished slavery. Till! ton.V0N UR11F.LLI0X. A Territorial government was establish. ed for Utah by act of Congress approved the Olh September, 18o0, ami the consti. tulion nnd laws of the United States were thereby extended over it ''so far as the same, or any provisions thereof, may bo applicable." Ihis act provided for the np pointment by tho rrcstdent, by nnd wiih the advice and consent of the Senate, of a governor, who was to be ex-oflicio super intendent of Indian affairs, a secretary, three judges of thesupremo court, a marshal, and a district attorney. Subsequent nets pro vided for tho appointment of the officers necessary to extend our land and our Indian ' system over Ihe territory. Urigham Young was appointed the first governor en the iiOth September, 185", nnd has hold tho office ever since. Whilst Ooveruor Youns bus been bolh governor nnd super. iniendent of Indian affairs throughout this period, ho has attho same time been nt the head of the church called the Latter Day Saints, and professes to govern its mem bers nnd dispose of their property by direct inspiration nnd authority from the Al mighty. His power has been, therefore, absolute over bolh Church and Stuta. The people of Utah, almost exclusively, belong to this church, and believing with a fanatical spirit thnt he is Governor of the lerritory by divine apppointment, they obey his commands as if these were direct revelations Irom Heaven. It, therolore, he chooses that his government shall coma into collision with the government of the United States, the members of the Mormon church will yield implicit obedience to his will. Unfortunately, existing facts leave but little dottbl thut such is his detemitia- tion. Without entering upon a nunuto history of occurrences, it isrufficicnt to say that nil the officers of the United Slates, judicial and executive, niih the single ex. ception ol two Indian ngeats, have lound it necessary for their own personal salely lo withdraw from Ihe Territory, and there no longer remains anv government in Utah but the despotism of Biigham Young. This being the condition of .affairs in the Terri tory, I could not mistake the path of duty. As (Jluot Executive Magistrate, 1 was bound to reetoro the supremacy ef ihe con stitution and laws within its limits. In order lo effect this purpose, I appointed a new Governor nnd other ledurul oftioers for Utah, and sent with them a military force for their protection, and to aid as a posse eoiaitnlus, in ca'o ef need, in the exe cution of the laws. With the religious opinions of the Mor mons, ns long ns tney remain niero opin ions, however deplorable in themselves and revolting to the moral and religious senti ments of all Christendom, 1 had no right to interfere. Actions alono, when in viola- tion of the Constitution nnd laws ot I lie nitcd Stales, become the legitimate sub. jects for the jurisdiction of the civil tnagis- . . . . r- : iruto. Ply instruction iu uov. uiuiiioig have, therefore, been framed in strict ac cordance with these principles. At their date a hope was indulged that no necessity might exist for employing the military in restoring and maintaining the authority ef the law ; but this hope has now vanished. Jor. Younc has, by proclamation, declared iis determination to maintain his rewcr by force, nnd has already committed acts of hostility against the United States. Ua. less ho should retrace bis steps, the Terri- tory of Utah will be in a ttnto of open re bellion. Uo has committed these acts ot hostility, notwithstanding Major Van Vliet, an officer of the Army, sent to Utah by tha commanding General to purchase provis. ions for the troops, nao given mm mo strongest assurauce of the peaceful inten tion of the Government, nnd that lbs troops would only be employed as a pott eomitatut when called on by the civil an ihority to aid in the execution of the laws. There i reason to believe that Gov. Yourg has long contemplated ihis result. He knows llint the continuance of his des potic power depends upon the exclusion of all setters from the Tcrr'fory except tbosa who will a knowledge bis divine mission and implicitly obey his will ; and that an enlightened public opinion there would soon prostrate institutions at war with tha laws both of God and man. He hs there, fore for everal year, in order lo n.o!utaia hi independence, been industriously em ployed in collecting aad fabricating arm and munition of wr, and in disciplining the Mormons for miliurysenice. A8-