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About The Oregon Argus. (Oregon City [Or.]) 1855-1863 | View Entire Issue (Jan. 24, 1857)
ADVERTISING RATKH. On square (13 lints or Urn) out (nMrtiui, 3jM - - two iiiMrtlnat, iJM " ' ' " this) lutrrtfcriif, ftNJ Each MtMqmM InMrtita, jtt RtaaoniKt dtdiwtiaui to thus who tdvertitt by Ui year. JOB PRINTING. Tut raerairrea ur ths ARGUS is ntrrr lo inform th puklie ihtt ha bat iutt rtetlvtd a ,., , ft'tUUKB tVV UrtU4 MUMIKa, BT WILLIAM L. ADAMS. 1 OiUco-Oood'f Building, Main tt. Edito rial Room in tint ttory, XEA3iSTk Aae mill kt fwniihii tt Thru Vtutrt tut rtjlf I lull fit , It titglt tHtteriUit Thru Dalian tttk tt tlul tf Im tt tnt tlfiee. A "Weekly Newspnper, devoted to the Principles of Jefl'ersoninn Democracy, nnd advocating the side of Truth iu every issnc. iiw nmuriti, nd win u th ntdy retipi or If T Otlttrttrtit mmlkfftt lultcrip tltmi rteeivtj fur Im ptriti. fjtf" Kt ftper ditetmlinted until til tmortft IIA.MIIIIUJ, ItloTKKH, ItLANKn. Vol. II. OREGON CITY, O.T., JANUARY 24, 1857. No. 41. CAUDS, CiltUaAKS, HA MI'I I KKT-WOltK trt , umrtt ti in tpm J I to ptuuktr. i and otktr kiols, dons to orritr, oa hort nntice. THE OREGON ARGUS, ' PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE. f'tllotf-cilUem of thi StnaU undo the Noun of lirpriitnlalivti : The Constitution require that the Pre. idcntihill, from time 10 lime, not only rec ommend to tho cenaidortiion of CongreM uch measure lie may judge necesary and expedient, but also thai lit shall (fire information In them of the Statt of Hit Un ion. To do thia fully involve exposition of all matter In the- actual condition oftht country, domestic or foreign, which etsen tially concern the general welfare. WLilo performing lii constitutional duty in tlii respect, the President doc not (peak merely to express peronal conviction, hut a the executive minuter of the Government, en bled by hi position, and called upon by hi ollicinl obligations, to scan witli an ini. partial eye the interest of the whole, and f every part of tlie United biatee. . Of the condition of the domestic inter est of ilio Union, it agriculture, minoa, manufactures, navigation, and commerce, it I necessary only in tar that the internal prosperity of the country, it continuous and steady advancement in wealth and population, and in private a writ a public wcllbeing, attest tho wisdom or our insti. tution, and tho predominant spirit of in tcWgenco and patriotism which, not with. standing occasional irregularities of opin ion or action resulting from popular freedom, lias distinguished and character izeil the peoplo of America. In the brief interval between the term! nation of the Inst and tho commencement of the present session of Congress, the public mind baa been occupied with the nre of selecting, for another constitutional term, the President nnd Vice President of the United Slates. The determination of the persons, who aro of right, or contingently, to preside over the administration of the government, is, under our system, committed to the Siate and the people. Wo appeal to tbem, by their voiuo pronounced in the form ol law, to call whomsoever they will lo the nigh post ot duel .Magistrate. And thus it is that iu tho Senators rep ceser.t .he respeclivo Stales of tha Union, and tao memiers of ths Mouse of Kepro tentative the several constituencies of .each Slate, so tho President represents llio aggregate population of the United States. 1 heir election or him i the explicit and Kolcmn act of I ha a'tlo sovereign authority of the JJaion. , H is anijiosxilllo te . misapprehend the great principles which, by tlieir recent po litical action,, the people of the United Strrte have sanctioned and aanounoe.l. 'They have assorted tha constitutional equnlify of each trad al of the States of the dune as State,; tlicy inve nflrrmed the constitutional equality of each and all ef tho citizens of the United Sinlex as cit izens, whatever their religion, wherever their birth or their residence ; ihey have nniotained the inviolability -of Theccmsti- lutional rights of tho different sections of tho Union; nnd Kiev have .proclaimed their devoted and niuitlcruble attachment lo the Union and to tha Constitution, as objects of interest suporior to all subjects of local or sectional controversy, as the safeguard" of the rights of all, as the spirit and (ho essence of the liberty, peace, and ' jjreathoss of the Republic. In doing this, they have, at the same time, emphatically condemned the idea of organizing in these United Slates mere geographical parties; of marshaling in hostile array toward each other the different farts of the country, North orSouih, East .or West. Schemes ef this nnture, fraught with in calculable mischief, and which the consid erate sense of the people has rejected, could have had countenance in no pait of the country, had they not been disguised -by suggestions pl.iutible in appearance, acting upon an excited state of the public mind, induced by causes temporary in iheir oharucier, and, it is to be hoped, transient in their influence. ', Perfect liberty of association for politi cal objects', nnd the widest scope of discus sion, aro the received and ordinary condi tions of government in our country. Our institutions, framed in' the spirit of confi xlence in the intelligence and integrity of the people, do not forbid citizens, either in dividually or associated together, to attack hy writing, speech, or any other methods hert of physical force, the Constitution and the very existence of the Union. Un der the shelter of this great liberty, nnd protected by the laws and usages of the (jovernment they assail, associations have 'en formed in some of tee Slates, of inrii tto!e w "retching to seek only to ipreverrt 0.7 spread the mil.-tut ion of 'slavery into the present or iuiui Statea of the Union, aro really inflame 'with a desire to change the domestic insti tutions of existing States. ,- To accomplish their objects, they dedi cate themselves to the odious task of de preciating the government organization which stands in tlieir way, and of caluro iating, with indiscriminate invective, not only the citizens of particular Slates, with whose laws they find fault, but all others of their fellow-citizens throughout the country who do not participate with them in their assatrlis npon (be Constitution, framed and adopted -by oar fathers, and claiming for the privileges it has lecftred, and the blessinzs it has conferred, the steady support and grateful reverence of their children, iney seen an oujcci wuica Ihey well know to be a revolutionary cne. They are perfectly aware that the change fa the relative condition of ths white and Wack races in tlie slaveholding States which they would promote, is beyond their lawful authority ; that to them it is a for eign object ; that it caunot be effected by any peaceful instrumentality of theirs; that for them, and the Slates of which tbey sra citizens tlie only path to iu ac complishment it through burning Cities, and ravaged Held, and slaughtered popu latlons, and all thtre Is most terrible in foreign, complicated with civil and servile war; and that tlie first step in the attempt I the rorcibie disruption ot a country em braoing in Its broad bosom a degree of lilxirty, and an amount of individual and public prosperity, lo which there Is no par allel in history, and substituting in In place Doaiiio governments, driven at once, and Inevitably inlo mutual devastation and frat nciunl carnage, traiislorining the now peaceful and felicitous brotherhood into a vast permanent camp of armed men, like the rival monarchies of Europe and Asia. Vt ell knowing I but such, and such only, are the means and the consequences of ihelr plans And purpose, they endeavor to prepare tho peoplo or the United hlnOs fiir civil war by doing everything in their power to deprive the Constitution nnd the aw or moral authonr, and to undermine the fabric ef the Union by appeal to pas sion and sectional prejudico, by indoctrinn ting it people with reciprocal hatred, and by educating them to stand face to face as enomies, rather than shoulder to shoulder as friends. It it by the agency ol such unwarranta ble interference, foreign and domestic, that the mind of many, otherwise good ciiizrns,' have been so inflamed into the pnstionsto condemnation of the domestic institutions of tho Southern Slates, as at length to pa's insensibly to almost equally passionnte hostility toward their (ellow. citizens of thoso Stales, and thus finally to full into temporary fellowship with the avowed and active enemies of the Constitution. Ar- dcutly attached to liberiy in tho abstract, they do not stop to consider practically how the objects they would attain can bo occnmplUhed, nor to reflect that, even if ho evil wcro as great as I bey deem it, they have no remedy to apply, and that it can bo only aggravated by their violence nnd unconstitutional nciion. A question which is one of tho most difficult of all the problems of social institutions, political economy nnd statesmanship, I hey treat with unreasoning intemperance ot thought and language. Extremes beget extremes. lolent a'tack from the North Hmls its in evitable consequence in the growth of a pint of nnry drliniico nt tlio ootilh. Thus in tlio progress of events wn had reached that consummation, which the oicc of the peoplo has so pointedly re buked, of the attempt of a portion of the States, by n fcc'ional organization nnd movement, to usurp tic control of the Gov. rmiicnt of the Unite States. I confidently believe that the great body of those who inconsiderately took I his fatal step, are sincerely attached to tho Consti tution and the Union. They would, upon e1 iteration, shrink with unaffected horror from nny conscious act of disunion or civil war. But they have entervd into a path which leads nowhere, unless it be to civil war and disunion, and which has no other possible outlet. Tbey have pro ceeded thus far in lhat direction in conse quence of tho successive stn"es of tlieir progress having consisted ol a series ol . . . . M secondary insiirs, each ol which professed to be confined within constitutional and peaceful limits, but which attempted indi rectly wlmt few men were willing to do i reel i y, that is, to act aggressively against the constitutional rights of nearly one half T i-he tin fly-one States. In the long scries of actsof indirect ag gression, the first was the strenuous agna tion, by citizens of the Northern stales, in Congress and out of it, of ihe question of negro emancipation in the boutliern Mates. The second step in (Lis path of evil con sisted of acts of the peoplo of the North- rn btates, and, in several instances, of iheir governments, aimed to facilitate the escape of persons held to service in tho Southern Slates, and to prevent their ex- rauition when reclaimed according to law and in virtue' of express provisions of the Constitution. To promote this object, legislative enactments and other mtans were adopted to take swaj or defeat rights hich the Constitution solemnly giinrnn- d. In order to nullify tlie then existing act of Congress concerning the extradition ef fugitive, from service, laws were enact ed in many Slates forbidding their officers, ndcr the severest penalties, to participate the execution of any act of Congress hatever. In this way that system of armonious co operation between the au thorities of the United Slates and of (be several States, for Ihe maintenance of their common institutions, which existed. in the early years of the Republic, was destroyed; conflict of jurisdiction came to be fre- uent ; and Congress found itself compelled, for the support of the Constitution, and tho vindication of its power, lo authorize the appointment of new officers charged with the execution or its acts, as U they nd the officers of the States were the ministers, respectively, or foreign govern ments is a stale of mutual hostility, rather than feliow-maslst rates of a common couo try, peacefully subsisting under the protec tion of one well-consiituted Union. Thus here, also, aggression was followed by re action ; and the attacks upon the Constitu tion at this point did but serve to raise up new barriers for its defense and security. The third stage of this unhappy sec tional controversy was in connection with the organization of Terriiorial govern ments, and the admission of new Slates into the Union. 'When it was proiiosed to admit the Slate of Maine, by separation of territory from that of Massachusetts, and the Stale of Missouri, formed of a portion of the territory ceded by France to the United Statu, Representatives in Congress objected to the admission of the latter, un less with conditions suited to particular views of public policy. The imposition of such a coodition was successfully resisted But, at the same perfod, the question was oresented of imposing restriction opon the residue of the territory ceded by France. That question was, for the time, disposed of by tho adoption of a jeowrspb ical line of limitatioa. to this wane ftion. it should n"t o; f.x. gotten that France, of her own accord, r. solved, for consideration of the most far-sighted sagacity, lo cede Louisiana to the United States, and that accession was accepted by the United Stales, the latter expressly engaging that " the inhabitant 'or the ceded territory shall be incorpora. 1 ted in the Union of Ihe Untied Siato, 'and admitted as soon a poible, accord Mng lo the principle of the Federal Cn 'litutiou, to the enjoyment of all the ' rights, advantage, and immunities ofcit ' Izen of the United State J and in the 'mean lima they shall be maintained and ' protected in the free enjoyment of their liOtrty, property, and tho religion which 'they profe" that is to say, while ll remains la a territorial condition, it in habitants aro maintnined and protected iu the free enjoyment of their liberiy and properly, with a right then to pas into the condition of Stale an a footing of ferfect equality with the original State. The enactment which tiiublishcd the re strictive geographical line was acquiesced in rather than approved by the Slide of me unlom ji stood on the statute book, however, for a number of year ; and the people of the respective States acquiesced in ihe ro-enactincm or the principle ns ap plied lo the Slate of Texas; and it was proposed to acquiesce in its further Appli cation to the ten itory acquired by tho Uni ted States from Mexico. I3ul this propo sition was successfully resitted by the Representatives from the Northern States, who, regardless of the statute line, insisted upon applying restriction lo the new terri tory generally, whether lying north or Houlh of it thereby repealing it as a legislotivo compromise, and, on the part of tho North, persistently violating the com pile!, if compact there was. Thereupon iLis enactment ceased to have bimling vir tue in any sense, whether as respects tho North or the South ; and so in effect it was treated on the occasion of tho admission of the Stato of California, and tho organiza tion of the territories of New Mexico, Utah, nnd Washington Such was the stato of this question, when the timo arrived for I lib organization of the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska. In the progress of constitutional inquiry and reflection, it had now at length conio to bo seen clearly that Congress docs not possess constitutional power to impose restrictions of this character upon any present or fu ture b:ato of llio Union. In a long soncs of decisious, on tho fullost argumont, and a fur the most deliberate consideration, the Supreme Court of the Uuited States had dually determined this paint, in every form under which llio question could arise, whether as affecting publio or private rights in questions of the publio domain, vf religion, of navigation, and of servitude. J he several Slates of the Union are, hv force of the Constitution, co equal in domestio legislative power. Congress cannot chango a law of domestic relation in the State of Maine ; no more can it in the Stato of Missouri. Any statue which proposes to do this is a mero nullity ; it takes away no right, it confers none. If it remains on the stntue.book unrepealed, il remains there only as a monument of er ror, and a beacon of warning to the legis lator and statesmen. To repeal it will be only to remove imperfection from the statutes, without affecting, cither in the seme of permission or of prohibition, the action of ihe States, or of their citizens. Still, when the nominal restriction of this nature, already a dead loiter in law, was in terms repealed by the last Congress in a clause of the act organizing the Ter ritories of Kansas and Nebraska, that re peal was made the occasion of a wide spread and dangerous agitation. It was alleged that tlie original enact ment bcinz a comoact of perpetual moral Obligation, its repeal constituted an odious breech of faith. An act of Congres, while it remains un repealed, more especially if it be constitu tionally valid in the judgment of those pub lio functionaries whose duly it is to pro nounce on that point, is undoubtedly binding on the conscience of each good citizen of the Republic But in what sense can it be asserted that tho enactment in question was invested with perpetuity and entitled to tho respect of a solemn compact I Between whom was the compact? IS o dis tinct contending powers of tho government, no separate sections of the Union, treating as such, entered into treaty stipulations on the subject. It was a mere clause of no. act of Con gress, and like any other controverted mat ter of legislation, received its final shape and was passed by compromise of ihe con flicting opinions or sentiments of the mem bers of Congress. But il it had authority over men s consciences, to wnom aid mm authority attach! Not to those or the North, who had repeatedly refused to con firm it by extension, and who had zealously striven to establish other and incompatible reculaiions upon the subject. And if, as it thus appears, the supposed compact had no obligatory force as to the North, of course it could not nave had any a to the South, for all such compacts must be mu tual and of reciprocal obligation. It has not unfrequently happened that lawgiver, with undue estimation of ibe value of the law tbey give, or in tlie view of imparting to it peculiar strength, make il perpetual in terms; but they cannot thus bind the conscience, thejudgment, and the will of those who may succeed their, in vested with similar responsibilities, and clothed with equal authority. More care ful investigation may prv the law to be unsound in principle. Experience may show it to be imperfect in detail and im nrarirwWn in necution. And then both reason and right combine not merely lo iustifv but to require it repeal. The Constitution, supreme a it is over all the department of ihe government, leg islaiive, executive, and judicial, it open lo amendment by its very terms; and Con gress or the State may, in their discre te, propose amendment to it, solemn com pact though it in truth is between the sovareign btates of Ihe Union. In the present instance, a political enactment, which had ceased lo have legal power or authority of any kind, wa repealed. Ihe position assumed, that congress had no moral right lo enact such repeal, was strnnga enough, and singularly so in view of tho fact that the argument came from those who openly refuted obedience lo existing laws of llio land, having the same popular designation and quality as compromise acts nnv, more, who un equivocally disregarded and condemned the! most positive auu ouuga'ory injunctions 01 the Constitution itself, and sought, by every means, within Ihelr reach, to deprive a por tion of Iheir fellow-citizens of the equal en joyment of those rights and privileges guar, anlied alike lo all by the fundamental com pact of our Union. This argument agninst the repeal of the statute line in question, wns accompanied uy another or congenial character, and eqvnlly with tho former clestituto of foun dation in reason and truth. It was Impu ted that ihe measure originated in ihe con ception of extending the limits of slave la bor beyond those previously assigned to it, and that such was its natural as well as in tended effect; and these baseless assump lions were made, in the northern States, the ground of unceasing assault upon constitu tional right ihe repeal in leraas of a statute, wliieh wns already obsolete, and also null for un constitutionality, could have no influence lo obstruct or to promote the propagation of canflicting views of political or social in stitution. When the act organizing the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska was passed, the inherent effect upon that or lion of the public domain thus opened to la gal settlement was to admit settlers from all the States of the Union alike, ench with his convictions of public policy and private interest, there to loiind in their discretion, subject to such limitations as the Constitu tion and acts or Congress might prescribe, new States, hereafter to be admitted into tho Union. It wns a free field, open alike to all, whether the statute line ofassumcd restric tion wcro repealed or not. That repeal did not open lo free competition of tho di verse opinions and domestio institutions a field, which, without such repeal, would have bean closed against them : it found that field of competition already opened, in fict and iu law. - All tiie repeal did was to relieve the statute-book of an objec tionable enaclmont, unconstitutional in ef fect, and Injurious in terms to a large portion of tlio biates. Is it the fact, thnt, in all the unsettled re gions of the United States, if emigration be left free te act in this respect for itself, without Ugnl prohibitions on either side, slnve labor will spontaneously go every where, in preference to free labor l Is it the fact that the peculiar domestic institu tions of the Southern States possess rela tively so much of vigor, that whomsoever an avenue is freely open to all tho world, they will penetrate to the exclusion of those of the Northern Slatrst Is it tha fact that the former enjoy, com pared will) the hitter, such irresistibly su perior vitality, independent of climate, soil, nnd all other accidental circumstances, as to be able to produce the supposed result, in spile of the assumed morul and natural obstacles to its accomplishment, and of the more numerous population of the North ern Slates t The argument of those who advocate the enactment of new laws of lestriction, and condemn the repeal of old ones, in ef fect avers that their particular views of government have no self-extending or self sustaining power of their own, and will go nowhere unless forced by act of Congress. And if Congress do but pause for a mo ment in the policy of stern coercion ; if it venture to try the experiment of leaving men to judge for themselves what institu tions will best suit tuenij if it be not strained up to perpetual legislative exer tion on this point ; if Congress proceed thus to act in tho very spirit of liberty, it is at once charged with aiming to extend slave labor into all the new territories of the United Slates. Of course, these imputations on the in tentions of Congress in this respect, con ceived as they were in prejudice, and dis seminated in passion, are utterly destitute, of any justification in the nature of things, nnd contrary to all tho fundamental doo- trincs and principles ot civil liberty and 'self-government. While therefore, in general, llio people of the Northern Slates have never, at any tunc, arrogated for the federal government the power 10 interfere directly with the domestic condition of persons in ihe South ern States, but on the contrary nave dis avowed all sucb intention, and have shrunk from conspicuous affiliatian with thoso few who pursue iheir fanatical ob jects vowdly through the contemplated means or. revolutionary change ot mo government, and wilb acceptance of the necessary consequences a civil and ser vile war yet many citizens have suffer ed themselves lo be drawn into one evan escent political issue of agitation after an other, appertaining to the same set of opin ions, and which subsided as rapidly at they arose when it came to be seen, as it uni formly did, that they were incompatible with the compacts ol Ibe lonsiuuuon ana ihe existence of the Union. . thus, when the acts of seme of the I!if tha etialinr extradition law imposed npon Congress the duty of passing a new one, the country wasinviwu by agitators to enter tnio parly organiza tion for iu repeal ; but that agitation speed ily crated by reason of tho impractical l(. ity of iu object. 8o, when lha ,tul, re. striciioa upon the insUto",ont 0f Dew Slates by geographic line, bad been repealed, the country wa urged to demand it res toration, and that project also died almost with il birth. 7 boo followed the cry of alarm from l North against impute aonthern encroachments; which cry sprang in reality Trout Ibe apint or revolutionary attack on Ihe domestio institution of the South, and, after a troubled existence of a lew months, ba been rebuked by the voice or a patriotic people Of this last agitation, one lamentable feature was, that it was carried on at the immediate expense of tho peace and hap pines of the peoplo of the Territory of Kansas, that was made tlio battle-field, not so much of opposing Tactions or inter ests within iisolf, as of tbn conflicting passions of the white people of tha United ( ncvoiuuuimrj uituruerin itanaai had it origin in projects of intervention, deliberately arranged y certain members of that Congress, which enacted tho law for the organization of the Territory, And whon propagandist colonization of Kama had thus been undertaken in one section of the Union, for the systematic promotion of lU peculiar views of policy, there ensued, a n matter of course, a counteraction with opposite view, in other sections ef Ihe Union. In consequence of these and other In eiilenis, many acU of disorder it is unde liable, have been perpoi rated in Kansas, lo Ihe occasional interruption, rather than the permanent suspension of regular govern, ment. , Aggressive .and most reprehenai bio incursions into the territory were un dertaken, both in the North andtheSouth, and entered en its northern bordorby way of Iowa, as well as on the eastern by way of Missouri ; and there has existed within il estate of insurrection agninst Ihe con stituted authorities, not without counten ance from inconsiderate persons in each of tho grtat sections of the Union, liut the difficulties in that territory have been ex travagantly exaggerated for purposes of political agitation elsewhere. Tho number and gravity of tho acts of violence have been mngmlied partly by statements entirely untrue, and partly by reiterated accounts of the same rumors or facts. Thus the territory ha been seem ingly filled with extreme violence, when the wholo amount of such acts hat not been greater than what occasionally past es before ns in singlo cities to the regret of nil good citizens, but without being re garded as of general or permanent political consequence. Imputed irregularities in the elections had in Kansas like occasional irregulari ties of the same description in the Stntes, were beyond the sphere of action of the Executive. Hut incidents of actual vi olence or of organized obstruction of law, pertinaciously renewed from time to time, have been met as they occurred, by such means as were available and as the cir cumstances required ; and nothing of this character now remains to affect tho gene ral pence of the Union. The attempt of a part of tho Inhabi tant! of the Territory to erect a revolu tionary government, though scduously en couraged and supplied with pecuniary aid fiomnctivo agenls ol disorder In someot tho States, hus completely failed. Bodies of nrmed men, foreign to the Territory, havo been prevented from entering or compelled to leave it. Predatory bands, engaged in acta of rapino, under cover of the existing political disturbances, have been nrrcsied nr dispersed. And every well disposed person is now enabled once more to devote himself in peace to the pursuits nf prosperous industry, for the prosecution of which be undertook to par ticipate in the settlement of the Territory. It affords me unroingled satisfaction thus to announce the peaceful condition of things in Kansas, especially considering the means to which it was necessary lo have recourse for tho attainment of tho end, namely, the employment of a part of the military force of the United States. The withdrawal of that force from its proper duty of defending the country against foreign foes or Ihe savages of ihe from lor, to employ it for the suppression of domestic insurrection, is, when the ex igency occurs, a mattor of the most earn est solicitdde. On this occasion of imperative necessity it has been done with the best results, nun my satisfaction in the attainment of such results by such means is greatly enhanced by the consideration, that though the w is dom and energy of tho present Executive of Kansas, and tho prndence, firmness and vigilance of the military officers on doty there, tranauiliiv has been restoied without One drop or blood having been shed in its ccompliMimentby the forces of the Uuited Stntes. The restoration of comparative tran quility in that Territory furnishes the means ol observing calmly, and appreci ating at iheir just value, the events which have occurred there, and the discussions of which the government of the Territory has been the subject. W perceive that controversy concern ing it future domestic institutions was in evitable ; that no human prudence, no form of legislaiion, no wisdom oh the part of Congress, could have prevented tint. Il is idle to suppose that the particular provisions of their organic law were the cause of agitation. Those provisions were but Ihe occasion, or the pretext of an agi tation, which was inherent in the nature of things. Congress legislated npon the sub ject in tuch term a were most conson ant with tl.e principle of popular roror eignty which underlie our government, It could not have legislated otherwise without doing Violence Id another great prinuipiQ ui our luauiuuuua, nig 'V.jret- l- ! .... I...:....! .u- criptible right of e-jualitv tha leveral States ePToeive, alto, that sectional Inter and pany pauiona, have been the great impediment lo the taluUry operation of Ihe organio principle adopted, and the chief cause of the auceettiv disturban ce in Kansas. The assumption that, be came in tha organization of the Terriia rieiof Nebraska and Kansas, Congrettab taised front imposing rettrainU open tbem It) whith oertata other Territories bad been subject, therefore disorders occurred1 in the latter Territory, la emphatically con tradicted by the fact that none have oc curred in the former. Those ditordirt were not the const- queiice, in Kansas, of tbe freedom of self government conceded to ihtt Territory by Congress, bul of unjust interference on the psrt of persons not inhabitants of ibe ter. ritory. Suoli inlet ference, wherever it has exhibited iuelf, by aeU of insvrree lienary character, or of obstruction to pro. cesset of law, hat been repelled or tup. pressed, by all tbe meant which the Con-, stitution and the 'awt place in tha hands of the Executive. In ihose partt of the United State where, by raon of the inflamed ttate of the public mind, false rumort and roitrep resentationt have the greatest currency, it- bat been nssumtd that it was the duty of the Executive not only In tupprett iutur rcctienary movement in Kansas, but alto lotoo to tha regularity ol local election. It nerd little argument to thow that lha President ha no tuch power. All government in tlie United State -rest tubsiantiallv uoon nouular election. The freedom of elecli nt is liable to be im paired by the intrusion of unlawful volet. or the exclusion of lawful ones, by im- , proper influence, by violence, or by fraud, but the people of the United Statea aro themaclvti Ihe ell. sufficient gutrditnt of their own rightt, and lo tuppott that they , will not remedy in duo eeatoa, any auch incidenU of civil freedom, ia la tuppott them to have coased to be csptb'e of self government. Hi President of the United Statea ha no power to interpose in election, to toe to . their freedom, to canvata their votes, or lo pass upon their legality in tbe Territories any more than in the State. If ho had audi power the government might be re publican in form, but It would be a mon archy in fact; and if be had undertaken to exercise it in the case of Kansas, La , would have been tustly aubiect to charm of usurpation, and of violation of lha dcaretl nghU of the peoplo of the United States. Unwise laws, equally with irregularities , at elections, are, in periods of great ex citement, the occasional incidentt of evon the freest and betl political instructions. But all experience demonstrates that in a country like ours, where the right of self constitution exists in its completes! form, , the attempt to remedy unwise legislation by a resort to revolution, i Idlally out of piace ; inasmuch as existing legal institu tions afford more Dromnt and efficaoiout means for (he redress of wrong. 1 confidently trust that now, when tho peaceful couditioa of Kansas afford op portunity for calm reflection and wise leg islation, either the legislative assembly of tha Territory, or Congress, will see thai no act shall remniu on its statute-book viola-, tiucof the provisions of the Constitution. , or subversive of the great objects for which th ut was ordained nnd established, and will take all ether necessary steps la assure to its inhabitants the enjoyment, without obstruction or abridgment, of all tho con stitutional rights, privileges, and Immu nities of citizens of the United btates, at contemplated by the orgtnio law of the lerntory. Full information in relation te recent evonU in this Territory will be found in the documents communioated herewith from the Departments of State and War. t refer vou to Ike report of the Secretary ef the Treasury for particular information concerning Ibe financial condition of the government, and the various branches of the public service oonneoted with Treasury Department, During the last fiscal year the receipts from cut omt wore, for the first time, more than 104,000,000, and from all sources 78,018,141 J which, with the balance on hand up te the 1st of July, 1855, made the total resources of tho year to amount to 02,800.117. The expenditures, including three mill ion dollars in execution of the treaty with Mexico, and excluding sums paid on ac count of the public debt, amounted lo sixty million one hundred and seventy-two thousand four hundred and one dollars I and, including the latter, to seventy-two million nino hundred and forty-eight thous and seven hundred and ninety-two dollars, tlio payment on this account having amounted lo twelve million seven hundred and seventy-six thousand three hundred and ninety dollars. On the 4th oT March, 1833, the amount of the publio debt was sixty-nine million one hundred nnd twenty-nine thousand nine hundred and thirty-seven dollurs.- There was a subsequent incroase of two million seven hundred and fifty thousand dollars for the debt ef Texas makiug A total of teveoty-one million eight hundred and seventy-nine thouaand nine hundred and thirty-seven dollars. Of this the sum of forty-fivo million five hundred and twtnty-fiv thousand three hundred and nineteen dollars, Including premium, ha been discharged, reducing the debt to thirty million seven hundred and thirty-seven thousand one hundred nnd tenty-ninu dollars ; alt which might be paid within a year without embar rassing the public tor vice, but being not yet due, and only redeemable at the option of ih holder, cannot bo pressed to paymou, by the rovernment. On oxs-aiining the cxpe'uure, tf the '.kit five year, it wili re ieeu that lb av erage, deducting payment on account of the publio dbt and ten million paid by I real y to Mexico, ha bnen but about forty eight million dollars. It i believed that, under an economical adinioistratioa of the government, tha averngo expenditure for tht entuing flvt year will not exceed thai urn, unlet extraordinary occasion fc iis increase should occur. The acts granting bounty bad will' oonr have been executed, while the extension of our frontier settlement! will eaose at eoatioued demand for 1I tad twgmeaU