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Flight o' Time
Medford and Jackson County
History from th files of Tha
Mall Trlbun 10, 20, 30, 40
and SO yean ago.
10 YEARS AGO
Dec. S, 1953 (Tuesday)
A valley mechanc, apparently
despondent over marriage prob
lems, fired three shots into his
sleeping 3-year-old daughter
and took his own life afterward
yesterday.
Jackson County employment,
as expected, continued to de
cline during November.
20 YEARS AGO
Dec. S. 1043 (Wednesday)
City Police Judge Ralph
Woodtord reports $184 collected
in fines during November.
From Arthur Perry's "Ye
Smudge Pot" column: "Who
remembers the bygone days
when at this season of the year,
the only drafting going on was
the schedules of CCC camp bas
ketball teams?"
30 YEABS AGO
Dec. 8. 1033 (Friday)
Circuit Judge H. D. Norton
resumes duties after being ab
sent because of Illness.
Dr. A. F. W. Fresse elected
president of Jackson County
Medical Society and Dr. It. W.
Stearns named to attend state
convention.
40 YEARS AGO
Dec. 8. 1923 (Saturday)
u.L,nn Tnttnlv ninneers at
tend dedication of memorial
tablet at historic Jacksonville
Methodist Episcopal Lhurcn.
w II llnmlln. Innstime coun
t motion! . recalls time in 1871
...nn thra foot nf SHOW Stood
on ground in Medford area for
six weeks.
50 YEARS AGO
Dec. 8, 1913 (Monday)
U.S. Attorney C. L. Reames
leaves for New York after de
livering principal address at
Elks Memorial in Ashland.
Mo,lfnrrl llvorv stable WOlker
accused of posing as bartender
at Moore s saloon to stem two
hnitlns nf whiskev : at
tempts to make off with loot
hidden in apron.
What's Your I.Q.7
fcj;.. tn earraet Is auo fler:
seven or elaht Is icallent; five ei
six is good.
t. With what industry do you
associate the words Chelten
ham, Caslon, Gothic?
2. Does the Statue nf Liberty
hold the torch in her right or
left hand0
3. In what country is Guy
Fawkos Day celebrated?
4 Name the Montana man
who is Senate majority leader.
5. The title of the wife of a
Maharajah Is what?
6. What are the male, female,
and young of a deer called?
7. What is the name for the
tribunals that try military per
sonnel for military offenses?
8. In what U. S. city was Pres
ident McKinley shot?
0. Which of these planets can
most closely approach the
earth: Venus, Mars, Mercury?
10. What is considered the
most valuable Rem?
Answrrs: 1. Printing. 2. Itlghl
hand. 3. In England. 4. Mike
Mansfield. 5. Maharanee. 6.
Buck, dne, faun. 7. Courts mar
tial. 8. Buffalo. N. Y. S. Venus.
10. Oriental ruby, found In Bur
ma and Thailand.
4 A
I VjJAMOCIATION
DECEMBER I, 1963
The Oswalds Among Us
What kind of a man was Lee Harvey Oswald?
How did he get that way?
The pieces are beginning to fall in place, as
more and more is known about him and his past.
An introverted and unhappy boyhood led to
an introverted and unhappy manhood. He didn't
like his own country; he
He couldn't get along
pro-Castro committee
amiiation.
He failed as a Marine, he failed as a citizen,
and, ultimately, he failed as a human being.
was this so?
which warped the
Uswam also operate to warp tne mind and per
sonality of other youngsters?
. We all know the answer. Of course they do.
There are potential Oswalds in every community
in the country who, for one reason or another, do
not fit the pattern of life today, and in rejecting
it, find other and often unacceptable patterns of
behavior.
The jails, prisons, correctional institutions
and mental hospitals are full of them. And at
what a terrible cost to society.
AT ONE time in the nation's history, there was
n nlar'O fnv tViouo my lurl liiutorl rhui"jrtni'o tn
go the frontier. Often, in the wide open spaces
they found themselves, and the history of the
westward movement is full of men who, while
they could not get along in organized society,
were fully capable of living in the wilds, and
even making successful careers for themselves.
Today the frontier, the wide open spaces, is
gone. And all men must find their place in so
ciety, whether they are equipped to do so or not.
As the population increases, so will the number
of persons who cannot make the adjustment un
assisted. And so too will the forces which warp
the minds and personalities of these weak and
defenseless souls.
So, as a matter of self-protection, and as a
matter of long-range economy (to say nothing of
the humanitarian aspects), society has been
forced to begin using its resources to help them.
IT HAS started counselling services in the
schools. It has organized a system of public
health measures, which more and more is devot
ing its attention to mental and personality quirks.
And it is setting up child guidance and family
counselling clinics.
It is difficult to measure the effectiveness of
such measures. But it is much easier to measure
the costs if they fail. They are measured in the
millions of tax dollars poured into police protcc-
uuii, me l-ouius. uie . ana,
otner institutions, to say
society of constructive, taxpaying citizens.
If these social services are able to salvage
only one child a year from a hopeless and use
less life, they will, in the long run, have paid for
their own cost of operation.
AT BUDGET time last year, pleas were pre
COM J-nr. fr. flio .Tontcnti fi-i unfit Knrl irnf iniiimit.
uviivvu tu mils u txv. noun
tee for needed funds for
1 M.. ii:
ami lamuy counselling
denied.
It may be idle to speculate on the results, or
lack of them, this particular action might cause.
But it is not idle speculation to observe that
we're going to have to do far more than at present
if the safety and security of society is to be pre
served from the potential Lee Harvey Oswalds
who are growing up in our midst. E.A.
A "Waste" of Funds?
The newspapers of Oregon were peppered
with letters to the editor, before and just after
the Oct. 15 election, in which the writers sharply
attacked the use of public funds to maintain a
guard at the home of Gov. Mark Hatfield.
The guard had been ordered there by the
Legislature, on evidence showing that the Gover
nor had been the target of vicious mail and tele
phone calls, of vandalism at his home, and once
of bullets which struck his automobile only min
utes after he and his wife and two small children
ha'1 left it.
Since the assassination of President Kennedy,
we haven't seen any such letters, and hope to
see none. Is it a "waste" of public funds to pro
tect the lives of our Chief Executive and his fam
ily, who, by the very nature of the task we have
elected him to do, is the target of cranks and nuts
who will not stop short of violence?
Surely not. E.A.
Betancourt
Without coine; into
details, it is a pleasure to note that Venezuela has
passed, with flying colors, a major test of con
stitutional democracy far too rare in Latin
lands.
President Betancourt has served his term and,!
against the violent opposition of pro-Castro j
forces, has given the nation a free election itsj
second in history. He will now step down, having!
none me 100 ne sei out to do. I
All this, of course, shows un for the nonsense I
they are the accusations
tlanung red, which were tossed around so freely
a year ago by the likes of Dan Smoot. E.A.
didn't like Russia, either
with others, even in the
with which he claimed
And do the same forces
mind and personality of
prisons, nosimais aiut
nothintr of the Joss to
vuuuv ejitvii, unniin,-
the local child guidance
..i' j i -..i.T.i-
cunic, iuncis wmen were
Vindicated
all the backuround and
that Betancourt was a
MEDFORD
"It's The Christmas Season Time To Hang Up
The Legislation"
e3
ON CONTINUING
In the preceding article I talk
ed about some of the difficulties
at home and abroad which com
plicate President Johnson's in
tention to continue the policies
of President Kennedy. It is tak
ing too simple a view of his
problems to overlook the dead
lock and standstill which pre
vail at home and abroad.
Although President Kennedy
might have waited until he had
been re-elected, he could not
have put off indefinitely a seri
ous reappraisal of many of his
foreign policies. The condition
of affairs has changed tremen
dously since these policies were
first conceived and formulated.
They were addressed to the
world of the late 1940s and the
1950s when there were two, and
only two, great powers.
Now, there are several, and
the two big nuclear powers are
finding that in the outer world
their control is weakening and
their influence diminishing.
IT WILL be necessary to reap
praise the policies which
come down from the time when
the non-Communist world, and
particularly the European part
of it, looked to Washington for
leadership because it depended
wholly upon the United States
for its defense against commu
nism and for its recovery from
the war. This abnormal relation
ship had to come to an end.
It was the avowed purpose
of our postwar policies to
bring it to an end. And
though it is human to cling to a
superior place, we must recog
nize that Europe has recovered
and enjoys a freedom of action
hitherto denied it. This is be
cause the balance of power has
been organized successfully to
rule out great war.
By the end of the 1950s, when
the New Frontier was strug
gling to come into power, the
abnormal preeminence n( the
United States had already be
gun to fade away. The phenom
enon was then ascribed to the
weakness of Eisenhower and not
to the nature of things.
It was necessary at that time
lo prepare ourselves for giving
up our former position of undis-
! puled leadership. Insofar as our
European policies have been
working badly, it is not so much
because General De Gaulle is
spoiling them but because events
have overtaken them. General
De Gaulle has not brought about
the decline of NATO and the
American-led Atlantic partner
ship and the primacy of the
United Slates in all the underde
veloped continents. General De
Gaulle is pointing out the de-
I cline of an American leadership
j which was temporarily neces
! sary but inherently abnormal
abnormal in regard to the na
"Control yourself
he people like thai
V
! 'p! I MM
! (' S DALLAS I 11 " I
J l VISITORS L.L !
a, (wQ4fHWy'w ' wW yi $l?y
MAIL TRIBUNE, MEDFORD,
Today and
Tomorrow
By Walter Lippmann
(C) 1963 The Wjihlnglon Post
tional spiirt of the Europeans,
abnormal also in regard to the
historic traditions of the Ameri
cans.
TN MY view, President Johnson
1 will do well to begin with a
confident acceptance of an ac
complished and unavoidable fact
that our position in relation to
Europe is no longer that of guar
dian and tutor. From abjuring
the pretension to superiority in
world leadership will come, one
may hope, the end of that eager-
beavensm which has interferred
with our serious thinking and
has done nothing but irritate
and destroy confidence. We
should accept the fact that since
we are no longer needed or able
to lead Europe, the time is over
for hot-foot missions to Paris
and London and Bonn and Rome
to sell some one of our devices.
It is time to relax and wait
considerately and receptively
for proposals from Europe. It
is most emphatically not the
time for the new President to
consider traveling abroad, for
him to listen lo the naive argu
ment that, face to face with the
European leaders and with suf
ficiently large crowds cheering
him along, Europe will relapse
once more mlo the dependent
posture of the 1940s and the
early 1950s.
The time before our elections
is too short, the accumulated
problems here at home are ton
many, to allow time or energy
for the diversions and distrac
tions of propaganda travels
abroad. What cannot be done
through diplomatic channels, or
face to face in Washington, al
most certainly cannot be done
at all.
We are in the totals, and we
must search our minds lest we
accept unexamined the assump
tions of the postwar years, lest
! we act on the reflexes which
were conditioned in another age
The paramount theme of the
linns was the necessity ot Amer
ican intervention to save Euro
pean civilization from destruc
tion. The paramount theme of
the 1950s was to consolidate the
j western world against the onset
of revolutionary communism.
The paramount theme of this
decade as we know it thus far
is that we are emerging from a
two-power world and entering
one where there are many
powers.
It will be false to say that a
recognition of the change in our
relative position is a revival of
isolationism. A reappraisal of
our position involves no reireat
from the task of maintaining the
nuclear peace. It means no with
drawal and no desertion of our
friends. But it does mean a
change in our role in power pol
itics, let us say from wooer to
wooed, from buyer to seller,
from seeker to sought.
there'll alay
in the world!"
,11 J AW
OREGON
GREAT IDEAS...
re
PASSIVE RESISTANCE
Dear Dr. Adler: Our coun
try is witnessing today a mas
sive demonstration of "non
violent action," not only by
organirations and persons for
civil rights, but also by peace
unions, labor groups, etc. This
has taken the form of picket
ing, marches, sit-ins, and oth
er types of passive resistance.
What have been the views of
the great philosophers and
thinkers on non-violent and
passive action, as opposed to
violence? Would most of
them approve or disapprove of
what is happening in Ameri
ca today?
Lily Wang
61 North St.
Camillus. N.Y.
O
Dear Miss Wang: Mahatma
Gandhi, the leader of the In
dian independence movement,
was the most eminent and ef
fective spokesman for passive
resistance as a method of
achieving social and political re
forms. His teaching has inspired
present-day leaders of non-violent
revolutionary movements,
such as Martin Luther King.
Gandhi himself, however, was
indebted to a long line of ethi
cal and religious thinkers, both
in the Eastern and the Western
traditions.
He began with the basic In
dian religious precept that one
must not harm any living thing,
and added the New Testament
injunction of non-retaliation or
non-resistance to evil. He was
also deeply impressed by Tol
stoy's preaching of non-violence
as the only moral and effective
way of achieving social reform,
and by Thorcau's program of
civil disobedience as the only
righteous response to unjust
laws and institutions.
The result of these various
streams of thought was Gan
dhis doctrine of passive resis
tance or non-violent non-co-operalion,
which he summed up
inus: "Conquer hate by love,
untruth by truth, violence by
sufferins." He areuod that there
is a good principle in human
nature "the Uod within man
which must be awakened if
social reform is to take place
and which can be aroused only
oy loving, non-violent action
Violence, he said, evokes coun
ter-violence and makes the op
pressor or evil-doer more fixed
in his ways. Love and friendly
persuasion in word and in deed
drive out hatred, force, and
fear.
The emphasis of Gandhi's doc
trine, however, was not on pas
sivity but on action. Hence, he
substituted for "passive resist
ance" a more positive term
"satyagraha" coined from two
Sanskrit words meaning "truth
or right" and "firmness or de
termination." The new term
connotes absolute, constant
commitment to serve truth and
righteousness with sacrificial.
non-violent action s such as
economic boycotts, hunger
slimes, non-payment of taxes,
public demonstrations, or lying
in the palh of trains.
Only those who have cleansed
themselves of hate, fear, and
violent impulses can exercise
"satyagraha" effectively. An
inner Tightness and purity is re
quired to convert others and to
remain (irmly non-violent acainst
the strongest provocations. But
Gandhi, like Martin Luther King
in our own day, found that many
ot nis louowers were inwardly
unprepared; thev resorted to
Johnson: His Approach and His
By ERIC
SEVAREID
(lllilrlbutrd 19S3
Bv Thr Hall
SyndW'k.t, inc.)
(All nithU
Rfswrd)
The outlines of President
Johnson's vital relationships
to his work day, to the Ameri
can public, In the Congress and
lo the critical foreign problems
are already discernible and
quite different from the circum
stances that surrounded John
F. Kennedy three years ago.
Mr. Johnson is a strong hu
man being, but to his age of
55 must be added the few extra
years that a past heart attack
enforces upon a man in terms
of his daily conduct. Here the
new President is his own worst
enemy. He is not only a driv
ing, obsessive worker, but he
engages strong emotions in his
work, more than did any ol
his throe immediate predeces
sors. The circumstances of suc
cession to the Presidency are
so disturbing right now' that
President Johnson's first and
plain duty to the country, re
gardless of his personal wishes,
is to carefully control his work
t
From the Great Books
By Mortimer J. Adler
(c) 1963, Publishers Newapaper Syndicate
violence on crucial occasions.
The ability to suffer harm with
out retaliation is the great test
of the non-violent fighter against
evil, and it is also the ultimate
demonstration of the merits of
his case an incarnate lesson,
learned with his own hurt body
and feelings.
The adequacy of non-violent
resistance as a method of over
coming evil in all situations has
been challenged by many lead
ers and thinkers. The eminent
Jewish religious philosopher,
Martin Buber, for instance,
argued in an open letter to
Gandhi, that evil must be re
sisted and prevented from de
stroying the good by any neces
sary means even by force. Yet,
Buber said, violence must be
used only as a last resort and
with love not out of hate. "We
should be able even to fight for
justice but to fight lovingly."
Gandhi himself admitted ex
ceptional cases where killing is
necessary and right, for in-
instance, where an armed luna
tic is a danger to the commu
nity. The killer in this case is to
be regarded as a benevolent
man. However, such exception
al violence, Gandhi also insist
ed, must be done out of love and
good will, not out of a vengeful
spirit.
You can win a 54-volume set
of the Great Books of the West
ern World by writing a letter.
not to exceed 150 words, incor
porating a question of general
interest for Dr. Adler to con
sider for inclusion in this col
umn. Each week he will select
as first prize winners the writ
ers of the best letters. He will
use ONE of these letters as a
basis for a future column and
will answer it in terms of the
intellectual heritage of the
Great Books Wi works by 74
authors, spanning 30 centuries
of thought. Address the letters
to Dr. Mortimer J. Adler, in
care of this newspaper.
In the Day's News
By FRANK
President Johnson has set as
a goal for his administration a
five million increase in tne num
ber of jobs. Such an increase, he
said, would bring the number of
jobs available in the U.S.A. to a
record total of 75 million.
Which is to say:
The present population of the
United States is somewhere in
the neighborhood of 188 million,
according to the experts. A total
of 75 million jobs would mean
an average of one job for each
two and one-half persons.
TS THAT possible?
There are two ways in which
it might be done:
1. An economy in which peo
ple will be able to earn so much
money that they will be able to
pay practically any price for
what they want.
2. An economy in which prices
will remain so low that people
can afford to buy what they
want.
QUESTION:
Which is the better way?
T ET'S put it this way:
It can be done either wav.
but it can't be done both ways
at once, it prices go up every
time wages go up and wages go
up every time prices go up,
compulsions and avoid exhaus
tion.
In these early days he has
the overwhelming sympathy
and support of the American
people, as did Harry Truman
in 1945. Soon his degree of popu
li support will be what he him
self and the enemies that
will arise make it. Manner
is not so likely to be confused
with matter. The eyes of the
press, and therefore of the peo
ple, will be more on what he
does and less on how he docs
it, because he will not benefit
by the public fascination with
youth, style and glamour thai
so strengthened Mr. Kennedy's
hold on the people. Here his
problem in following Mr. Ken
nedy is not entirely unlike Tru
man's problem in following
Roosevelt. It is more severe in
that Truman had four years in
which to prove himself and
Johnson has one.
For this reason, among oth
ers, he is bound to concentrate
his considerable personal pow-
ers on the Congress, the chief
block to action, seeking his big- i
gesl success where his prede
cessor suffered his worst fail
ure in the realm of domestic
legislation. When Mr. Kennedy
assumed office there was an
electric feeling, at least around i
the White House, that a newj
day had dawned, that a sharp j
EQUATION TO SOLVE
WASHINGTON - Whatever
else happens, politics go on as
usual. In the last days leading
politicians of both parties have
therefore been hard at work,
taking soundings all over the
country, in order to chart the
outlines of the new American
political situation.
The results of these soundings
are interesting in themselves,
even though they contain no
great surprises. And they are
certainly worth summarizing at
this time, since they usefully de
fine the radically changed politi
cal equation which President
Johnson must try to solve.
To- begin with the least unex
pected but most important re
sult, President Johnson still has
the same grave handicap that
doomed his bid for the Presi
dential nomination in 1960. As
all political buffs will recall, this
was his apparent lack of any
popular following in the big in
dustrial states.
THUS in Pennsylvannia, for in
stance, the then Governor,
David Lawrence, was Johnson's
warm friend and admirer. Other
things being equal, Lawrence
would certainly have preferred
to throw the Pennsylvania dele
gation to Johnson.
In part, Lawrence was blocked
from doing so because too many
of the local Pennsylvania Demo
cratic leaders were convinced
that the voters in their districts
preferred John F. Kennedy. But
Lawrence also ended by choos
ing Kennedy from conviction,
because he too was somewhat
reluctantly forced to agree that
Kennedy could carry Pennsyl
vania, whereas Johnson prob
ably could not do so.
The recent soundings show that
this old pattern has not been
radically altered by President
Kennedy's years in the White
House. President Johnson is still
thought about, first of all, as a
Texan and a Southerner. Mainly
for that reason he still arouses
little enthusiasm in the big in
dustrial states.
JENKINS
there will be no change in the
situation.
K NOTHER modern nroblem:
Portland was host last week
to the 17th clinical meeting of
the American Medical Associa
tion. At Wednesday's session,
Dr. Lee Farr, a professor of nu
clear medicine at Houston, Tex
as, told his hearers that NOT
bacteria or viruses but NOISE
CONTROL may be the medical
frontier today.
He added:
"The air today is polluted as
much by noise as by virus, bac
teria, fall-out or dirt. If your
nerves go jingle, jangle, jingle,
the trouble may lie not in tired
blood but in DECIBEL1TIS,
which means noise sickness."
TIE CONCLUDED:
" "Add them all together and
you get a pandemonium louder
than a -10-ton truck or a light
twin-engined airplane louder
man the law allows in many fac
tories."
"And-
"Noisc can produce as great
a hangover as the alcohol. You
don't hear many complaints
; about the alcohol, but some, cs-
penally older people, reject
cocktail parties because they
I can't stand the noise."
break with the past could be
made. There was much illusion
in this, but acting upon the be
lief, President Kennedy poured
upon the Congress an enormous
cargo of proposals.
President Johnson cannot do
this and would not. The phrase,
"politics is the art of the pos
sible" is not a cliche to his
mind; it is virtually his credo.
His whole behavior as Senate
majority leader demonstrated
(his. He operated a Iwo-track
legislative highway.
On the main track he push
ed unceasingly at those matters
he judged COULD get through.
To Uie side-track he relegated
all those matters he judged
could NOT get through, no mat
ter how many powerful groups
thought they were of prime im
portance. For the present, of
course, the priority of the tax
and civil rights bills has been
settled for him. On these he
will concentrate his full ener
gies, and in my opinion will
have more success than Mr.
Kennedy would have had, not
only because of the country's
chastened mood, but because
he will be much rougher in
private on obstructive Congress
men. Here he will be like Frank
lin Roosevelt, save in manner;
Mr. Roosevelt cut political
throats with the air of one say-
Matter
of Fact
By Joseph Alsop
le) New York Herald Tribune Syndicate
IiHlS difficulty is gravest for
Johnson in the Northeast
ern bloc of states, which he
would probably lose, as of now,
to any Republican candidate but
Sen. Barry Goldwater. But in
the big Midwestern states like
Illinois, and even in tne f ar
West, in California, Johnson has
dangerously little support among
the very- voting groups that ara
most important to any Demo
cratic Presidential candidate.
If he is to carry Illinois, for
example, he will unquestionably
have to come out of Cook County
with a really big majority. That
is the only way a Democrat can
carry Illinois. But as of today,
the Chicago organization of
Mayor Richard Daley would cer
tainly be hard put to muster the
needed Cook County majority
for Johnson.
To be sure, the new President
has an important asset to bal
ance against his basic difficulty.
Whereas President Kennedy was
in deep trouble in the tradition
ally Democratic South, Presi
dent Johnson would probably
carry all the Southern States as
of now, even against Sen. Gold
water. A GREAT many Southern vot
ers are in fact responding
to the fact that Johnson will be
the first Southern Presidential
candidate since the Civil War, in
just the same way that a good
many Catholic voters responded
to the fact that John F. Kennedy
was the first Catholic candidate.
It remains to be seen, how
ever, whether this initial South
ern response will survive the in
evitable bitterness of the coming
battle over the civil rights bill.
Meanwhile, President Johnson's
extremely vigorous preparations
for that battle not only reveal a
strong, previously proven belief
in equai rights for all Ameri
cans. They also reveal his own
reading of the political equa
tion. Formidably sensitive political
antennae are part of the equip
ment of this formidable man. He
has not had to wait for sound
ings by the local Democratic
chieftains in order to sense the
areas where he will have to
work hardest for the support
needed for re-election.
THUS he has gone all out to
assure his Administration's
continuity with the Kennedy ad
ministration. He has done this
not only because he believes
deeply in President Kennedy's
approach to national problems,
but also because he considers
this continuity is absolutely es
sential to win over the big indus
trial states. Here, as in the case
of the civil rights bill, his con
victions and his reading of his
interests exactly coincide.
"With less than a year to go be
fore Election Day, President
Johnson has no time to waste.
His task will be made harder,
too, by the widespread predic
tions that he will be able to
work all sorts of miracles with a
do-nothing, sordidly complacent
Congress. As President, Johnson
is no better, placed than Kennedy
to produce Congressional mira
cles; and it is unfair to the new
President to set a false standard
by arousing false expectations.
But the new President will
also be aided in his task by the
dreadful Republican disarray
that the hot-eyed Goldwater en
thusiasts can be counted on to
cause. And precisely because he
is a formidable man, the new
political equation is certainly
not beyond his power to solve to
his advantage.
Problems
ing it hurt him more than the
victim.
When Presdent Kennedy took
office, he found some fluidity
in foreign affairs. His creations,
such as the Alianza and the
Peace Corps, were imaginative,
and his act of defiance over
the Cuban missiles an historic
stroke. But President Johnson
now confronts an immobility in
world affairs such as Mr. Ken
nedy confronted in domestic
affairs. It is the great powers
that have been losing their abil
ity to act; it is the small pow
ers that are creating what
movement there is.
This is true in our relations
with our major enemy and it is
true in relation to our major
allies. The alliance cannot be
held as it is unless the problem
of ' sharing nuclear power is
solved and it cannot be solved
without a common agreement
on the German role. All present
signs are that President John
son will continue to press for
the multi-national nuclear fleet,
including the Germans; that he
will give no encouragement to
De Gaulle's nuclear aspirations
or general view of the future
Europe.
The leaders are new in
America. Britain, Germany and
Italy but the old dilemma of
the West is unchanged.