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About Medford mail tribune. (Medford, Or.) 1909-1989 | View Entire Issue (Dec. 8, 1963)
MEDFORD MAIL TRIBUNE. MEDFORD, OREGON SUNDAY. DECEMBER 8. 1J NATO Temporarily Paralyzed by JFK's Death By JOSEPH W. GRIGG United Press International PARIS (UPI) - The flags of the 15 Atlantic alliance powers flap in a brave display of Allied unity outside the greying NATO headquarters building in Paris. Out at Supreme Allied Head quarters (SHAPE) 10 miles west of the city, officers in a kalei doscopic variety of uniforms of NATO member countries work over top-secret plans and try to understand each other's lan guages. But, behind this facade of unity, President Johnson has in herited leadership of an alliance strong militarily, but politically in disarray. It is paralyzed temporarily by John F. Kennedy's death. It waits anxiously to size up the new man in the White House. Western officials ask what will happen to the fragile ba lance achieved by Kennedy and Soviet Premier Nikita Khrush chev, based on the Cuba under standing, the Moscow test ban agreement and the mutual can celing out of thermonuclear ter ror? America's Allies have been reassured by Johnson's pledge he will continue the Kennedy ad ministration's foreign policies. His plans to meet with the West's top leaders early next year have been welcomed. But the alliance is riddled with disputes. Its IS member nations often are at cross-purposes. President Charles de Gaulle of France is seeking to ease the United States out of the driver's seat. The alliance is hesitant and unsure of itself, as seldom be fore in its 14 years' history. Today, the Atlantic alliance awaits guidance, purpose and, above all, leadership in what well may be one of the most critical eras in world history an era that could see the cold war end and the United States Soviet nuclear standoff give way gradually to a long-term accom modation between the Commu nists and the West. "The place held by the Unit ed States in the world explains why all mankind is worried when the American republic is shaken," wrote leading French commentator Raymond Aron in the Paris Le Figaro after Ken- OiOiaiOiOiOiOiOlOiOiOiOiOiOiOiOiOidiOiOiOiOie CHRISTMAS SPECIAL! KiiiiFidiiiiy 'tlpeo-milic Model 130 Tape Recorder Make an album of the sounds of fun, as well aa the pictures! Now it's so easy, with a lightweight V-M tape recorder that never "forgets" a word! 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"How long will it lake Khrushchev to give Lyndon Johnson the same respect John F. Kennedy won for himself in October, 1962 (the Cuba crisis)?" Strains and Stresses The new President has not been pitched into any dramatic new crisis in the alliance rather a complex of strains and stresses that add up to a situa tion of deep uncertainty. Conflicting nuclear policies. Al lied fears that the United States might pull the bulk of its troops out of Europe, De Gaulle's blackballing of Great Britain for European Common Market membership, his de mand for a bigger say for Eu rope in running NATO, the Unit ed States balance of payments difficulties all these and many other elements of discord exist in the alliance. There is a feeling, if not a fear, that the next few months will see a period of marking time rather than of energetic action by the United States. Question Marking Time Yet many experienced West ern diplomats question whether the alliance can, in fact, afford to mark time. "Would not this be an ideal opportunity for Khrushchev to try the mettle of the new leader in the White House by touching off a crisis in, say, Laos or on the Berlin Autobahn?", it is being asked. Western officials also are con cerned that De Gaulle might take the opportunity of a tem porary hiatus in allied leader ship to try to reinforce his own position. This thought was voiced by George Brown, deputy leader of the British Labor Party, who has warned that "President Johnson may have to learn even faster to deal with De Gaulle than with Khrushchev." Looms Over Alliance In fact, De Gaulle's long shadow does loom over the Western Alliance as constantly and often, seemingly, as menac ingly as that of Khrushchev. His odd-man-out tactics have upset the NATO applecart so many times that his Foreign Minister Maurice Couve de Mur ville felt impelled to explain recently that, though De Gaulle may be a difficult ally, he is a loval one who can be counted on to the limit when the chips are down. French officials recall that at the height of the Cuban Crisis De Gaulle was the first member of the alliance to pledge un conditional support to Kennedy if a thermonuclear world war resulted. They recall that in the latest Berlin crisis De Gaulle without hesitation ordered a French troop convoy down the Autobahn to back the strong United States stand. They recall, too, that De Gaulle was among the first Western leaders to announce his decision to fly to Washing ton for President Kennedy's funeral. He intended this as a striking show not only of esteem for the dead President but of genuine friendship for the Unit ed States. De Gaulle then hast ened to make a date to confer with Johnson in Washington early next year. Stem From Leader Yet, many of NATO's chronic headaches stem lrom tne sum- born old French leader. De Gaulle recently rejected Kennedy's plan for a mix-manned Allied nuclear force of sur face shins eauipped with Polaris missiles. Disregarding Britain's desire and America s wisnes, ne blackballed the British from Europe's Common Market. He refused to sim tne Moscow wu clear Test Ban Agreement and proclaimed he would continue nuclear testing m ine aimos Dhere as lone as he saw fit. De Gaulle continues to take a lone wolf stand in the Alliance bv refusing any part in the West's "dialogue" with the So viets. He also has withdrawn the bulk of his armed forces from NATO command. He refuses to let nuclear warheads be stock piled in France unless he con trols them. Hut most disquieting of all to many Western officials is De Giulle's basic attitude to NATO. Regards NATO Obsolete While proclaiming himself a loyal member of the Western Alliance and friend of the United States, De Gaulle has made it clear he regards NATO, as es tablished in April, 1949, as obsolete. Dc Gaulle's argument is this: When NATO was founded 14 years ago, Europe was barely rising from the ashes of World War II. Its war-ravaged econ omies were entirely dependent on American aid. Today tne situation has changed radically. Western Europe is prosperous, proud and strong and it is the United States that is having money troubles. The 1949 NATO setup has served its purpose and is out-dated. The Alliance's whole structure needs drastic revamping to give Europe a far greater say in running it. He asserts that in a show down the United States could not be counted on to hit back with its full nuclear might and to risk total destruction of its cities in defense of European interests, if United States in terests were not directly and vitally involved. Holds Up Bugbear Curiously almost paradoxi cally De Gaulle at the same time holds up constantly the bugbear that the United States some day may get tired of de fending Europe and pull out its troops. De Gaulle is not alone in voicing this fear. The West Ger mans not to mention two-and-a-half million West Berliners are haunted perpetually by it. The recent "big lift" opera- tion, in which the U.S. 2nd Armored Division was airlifted from Texas to Germany and back, had exactly the opposite effect in Europe from what Washington intended. It simply increased fears that the United States was planning troop cuts, despite formal American re assurances to the contrary. Former President D w i g h t Eisenhower's simultaneous sug gestion tnat the bulk of the crack U.S. Seventh Army should be pulled out of Germany added fuel to Allied nervousness in Europe. NATO's troubles do not all stem from De Gaulle. Are Sharply Divided The United States and Britain are sharply divided on Wash ington's recent efforts to per suade NATO countries not to grant long-term credits to the Communist Bloc. Britain insists on trading with whom she sees fit and as she sees fit, except m strategic goods. President Kennedy's proposal for an Allied mix-manned nu clear force of surface ships has met witn little genuine enthu siasm except from the West Germans, who are suspected to see in it a backdoor means of entry into the "nuclear club." The United States long has felt it carries too heavy a mili tary load in the Alliance and that some NATO member coun tries do not pull their weight. Spent on Defense The United States, Washing ton does not fail to note, spends nearly 10 per cent of its gross national product on defense, compared with 7.9 per cent by France. 7.5 per cent by Britain, and 6.3 per cent By west uer- B 5 OPEN EVERY NIGHT 'TIL 9 rxA LVAJ SITE OF NATO Paralyzed temporarily by death of President John F. Kennedy, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, housed in the greying headquarters building in Paris shown above, is waiting anxiously to size up the new man in the White House. (UPI) Militarily, the Alliance is not in bad shape. Admittedly, it never has reached the relatively modest goal of 30 divisions which for mer Supreme Commander Gen. Lauris Norstad set as a mini mum for defense of the central front in Europe. In 1961, at the height of the Berlin crisis, Allied forces on this front reached a peak of 25 divisions. Today they are only 23 divisions, many of them not up to full strength. But Allied estimates of Com munist armed strength also have been revised radically downwards since the 30 di vision "minimum" was set. In stead of the 170 Soviet divisions it once was assumed are per manently under arms, Western officials now estimate the total about 60 divisions. Has Better Aircraft U.S. Defense Secretary Robert S. McNamara said in New York on Nov. 18 that NATO has more men and more combat troops on the ground in Central Europe than those of the Communist Warsaw Pact. He said NATO has more and better aircraft than the Communists. Still more important, McNa- tons of TNT and "thousands" of warheads. The NATO Council of Minis ters meets here for its annual pre-Christmas stock-taking ses sion Dec. 16. Its mood will be one of expectancy of waiting U.S. leadership of the Alliance. It will want to hear again that the United States is de termined to defend Europe particularly isolated West Berlin Willi its full nuclear might. Want Renewed Pledge It will want a renewed pledge that no U.S. troops will be pull ed out of Europe. It will want to hear that the new administration continues supporting the European Com mon Market and the Kennedy round program of across-the- board tariff cuts. It will want to know that the new administration will con tinue working for East West disarmament, particularly in the nuclear field. Above all, America's Allies will be awaiting proof that John son can be counted on Kennedy proved he could be to stand up to Khrushchev in a showdown while missing no chance of hastening a cold war settlement that would banish the thermonuclear nightmare for all times. Latest Hearing Aids) NEW XMAS PURCHASE PLAN many. 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