2 ' . MAIL TRIBUNE, M.dforJ, Or. A Sunday, March 27, 1 90
Question of
Issues May Get
Lost in Oratory
Of Election Year
(Editor's note: This is the
last in the Great Decisions
... 1960 topics which will
be discussed by groups
throughout the country this
.week. The material has
been prepared and furnish,
ed by the Foreign Policy
association. Today's article
discusses "Which 'Great De
cisions' Are the Urgent
Ones?")
Nineteen-sixty is an election
year. The symptoms are al
ready unmistakable: the jock
eying for partisan advantage
in Congress, the hustling
about the country of a parade
of potential candidates, the
endless public opinion polls
on the popularity of possible
nominees, and the spreading
barrage of campaign talk
In an election y ear, two
things are probable:
First, the American public
will be treated to more than
its usual share of debate on
complex issues of national
policy. Candidates and cam
paigners will explore exhaust
ively such difficult controver
sies as national defense, na
tional economic growth, the
farm problem, inflation, edu
cation and similar issues. Fur
thermore, a great deal of the
talk will center on foreign
policj-what this country can
or cannot afford to do, and
what it must do, to insure its
own survival. '
Become More Confused
Second, as the election-year
debate grows more intense,
the American public may be
come more, rather than less,
confused. The really urgent is
sues are always in danger of
getting buried in the oratory
and heat of the political con
test. How, then, can the Individ
ual citizen make private order
out of the public chaos of
ideas? How can he or she sort
out the really important
"great decisions" facing the
American electorate this year?
The problem, obviously, it
not lack of information; the
press and airwaves will be
more loaded with information
than usual. The problem, ra
ther, Is to find ways to organ
ize information so that it can
be digested and used intelli
gently. James Reston, Chief of the
New York Times Washington
bureau, put it this way in a
recent speech:
Develop Philosophy
"We need ... to develop a
philosophy about our coun
try's place in the world today,
a way of looking at these end
less scare headlines. Other
wise, I fear, the constant press
of events will drive us into a
state of indifference, which is
a menace to democratic gov
ernment, or into a condition
of constant anxiety, which de
stroys both a tolerant public
opinion and private tranquili
ty." This last in the series of
articles on "Great Decisions
. . . 1060" will attempt to deal
with this problem. Following
are some of the guidlines sug
gested by leading American
thinkers. Many of these ideas
have appeared quite recently
in a variety of studies and re
ports issued by private edu
cational and research organi
zations, some of them work
ing on contract to the U.S.
Senate Committee on Foreign
Relations.
Together these ideas may be
treated as a kind of road map
-a beginning aid to the indi
vidual citizen who is trying
to make sense out of the cur
rent political debate. And, be
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cause of widespread agree
ment that national survival
is the overriding issue, this
summary focuses largely on
U.S. foreign policy.
Fundamental Agreement
A battery of America's top
foreign affairs specialists has
reached fundamental agree
ment that the basic aim of
U.S. foreign policy can no
longer be described in such
narrow terms as (a) protect
ing the American people and
territory from outside dan
ger, or (b) preserving the
existing world order in some
kind of balance or status quo.
The first proposition is out
of date, they say, for several
reasons. Modern technology
especially weapons technolo
gy-has shrunk the planet to
the size of a single neighbor
hood. Oceans and the Polar
Cap are no longer significant
protection. No single nation
can any longer insure its own
survival.
The global contest Is be
tween powerful groups of na
tions, some free and some to
talitarian. Allies are now es
sential - and not only in the
military sense, but also eco
nomically. Finally, the global
contest will determine whe
ther the world of the future
is pluralistic, diverse and tol
erant, or whether it is mono
lithic, dogmatic and totalitar
ian. Second Proposition
The second proposition is
out of date, according to the
experts, simply because the
world "order" or "system" is
changing with phenomenal
rapidity. The old fashioned
"balance of power" has virtu
ally collapsed in a bipolar
world.
There is no longer a single
world economy in which var
ious nations play larger or
smaller roles; there are emerg
ing two competing economic
systems-one based on private,
com petitive, interdependent
trade and a communist eco
nomic system designed to re
place the other.
Furthermore, the entire un
derdeveloped world is in the
midst of a basic revolution in
which emerging nations hope
to accomplish in 10 years
what the advanced nations
took as much as 100 years to
accomplish.
In short, the experts say,
the American people must re
define the very basis of this
country's foreign policy. They
must come up with a philoso
phy or set of objectives that
will deal with the world as it
is. What would such a defini
tion include? Here are some
of the suggestions:
Broad, Basic Aim
"First and foremost," says
a report issued by the Council
on Foreign Relations, "the
United, States must have a
broad, basic aim which re
sponds to the deep aspirations
of the world's peoples, as well
as meets the challenge from
the communist bloc. Such an
aim is the building, jointly
with other free nations, of a
new international order."
The challenge," says the
Rockefeller Report on foreign
economic policy," is to build
new structure that will
make possible the fulfillment
of the basic purposes of hu
manity . . . No country not
even the United States can
meet the expectations of its
people to continue to grow
merely by developing and
using its own resources alone.
The free world must devise
the institutions for a world
community in which free so
cieties may flourish and free
men may have the opportuni
ty to realize their potentiali
ties as human beings."
Still another report, one
prepared by the Center for In
ternational Affairs at Harvard
university, puts the challenge
to U.S. foreign policy in three
parts: -
- "(a) That the basic conflict
. .
BARCO
SUPPLY. CO.
Which
(in the world) is between hu
man freedom and welfare on
the one hand, and totalitar
ianism on the other . . ."
Rival Conceptions
"(b) That also at issue are
two rival conceptions of world
order one based on plural
ism and diversity and the
other based on dogmatic total
itarianism ...
"(c) That in the minds of
many, the United States ap
pears as satisfied, comfort
able, interested primarily in
the status quo ..."
Thus, some of America's
keenest thinkers believe that
this nation must, in the years
ahead, make bold decisions in
each of the following areas:
Domestically. Strengthen
and enrich American society,
make better and wiser use of
our resources, speed the
growth of our national econ
omy, pay less attention (if ne
cessary) to gimmicks and
gadgets, pay more attention to
the things (such as education)
that will make us stronger.
Doing . these things will, of
course, cost money and sacri
fice. With other free nations. Ac
cept the interdependence of
all free nations, and our com
mon cause in building a new
world order in which freedom
can survive; work for closer
cooperation on economic,
political and military matters;
set goals and build the kinds
of institutions that will con
tribute to the joint well-being,
power and security of
free societies. These things,
too, will take money, sacrifice
and, perhaps, wholly new con
cepts of the meaning of na
tional sovereignty.
In the underdeveloped
world. Accept greater respon
sibilities for hastening the
economic growth and social
development of backward so
cieties; in cooperation with
other free and wealthy na
tions, invest in world-wide
economic growth with both
increased government aid and
increased private investment;
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Decisions': Are
take greater pains to foster
the development of free po
litical institutions in these
areas not necessarily on our
own pattern, but free in the
sense that individual rights
and liberties will be guaran
teed. All these things will
also take planning, effort and
money.
In the struggle with com
munism. Recognizing the cri
tical nature of the conflict,
take the firm steps and make
the investments of effort and
money necessary to insure vic
tory; accept second place in
nothing not in science, tech
nology, education, economic
power or military power; ne
gotiate but do not retreat;
strive for peace but be equip
ped for . war. To carry out
these aims, dedication and a
clear free world strategy will
be necessary, as well as
money.
Globally. Act on the convic
tion that our positive goal is
to create a world environ
ment in which free societies,
by peaceful consent, can sur
vive and prosper and that,
in the long run, this is the
only course of action which
holds out any hope for blunt
ing and eventually modifying
communist ambitions for a
global, totalitarian order.
These actions will also be ex
pensive. In briefest terms, these are
the guidelines for the future
which some of America's top
thinkers propose. The deci
sions they recommend will
cost money both public and
private investment in the fu
ture. Concrete plans and pro
grams are also implied; vague
"good intentions" will not get
these jobs done.
Finally, say the experts,
time is a vital factor. Deci
sions made by the next Presi
dent, in his first year in of
fice, can determine whether
or not America is equipped to
face the challenges of 1963 or
evci of 1970.
How can the individual
citizen judge? How can he
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250,000 Americans
Discuss Problems
Of Red China
An estimated 250,000 Amer
icans have completed a week
of study and discussion de
voted to .the problems of
United States policy toward
Red China, as part of the na
tionwide, eight-week program
"Great Decisions-1960."
An informal summary of
opinion of 4,600 of these par
ticipantsreleased by the For
eign Policy association, the
non-profit, non-partisan edu
cational organization which
sponsors "Great Decisions"
revealed that 31 per cent of
those included in the survey
favored continued blocking of
Peiping from the United Na
tions, 22 per cent agreed we
should "abstain" from block
ing Peiping in the United
Nations, and 47 per cent ac
cepted the statement: "Vote
for Peiping's entry into UN
if Peiping will make impor
tant concessions such as re
nunciation of the use of
force."
"Great Decisions" study
group members in 22 states
were included in the tally
which was composed of data
measure specific policies and
party platforms against these
recommendations? On these
questions the experts are less
precise.
The ultimate criterion is
perhaps individual judgment
how urgent is the individu
al's concern; how much does
he want his country to do, and
at what sacrifice to himself;
how much in other words, is
the individual American will
ing to invest in building a fu
ture that only his descendants
may enjoy?
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Urgent Ones
voluntarily submitted to . the
Foreign Policy association by
communities involved with
the program.
Unanimity of Opinion
The greatest unanimity of
opinion was on the subject
of Nationalist China. Sixty
one per cent agreed that the
U.S. should "work for an in
dependent Taiwan in any per
manent solution to the pres
ent situation." Only 11 per
cent were willing to accept
"Red China's right to control
all territories now controlled
by Nationalist China."
With regard to recognition
of Communist China, opinion
was divided over three prop
ositions. Thirty-two per cent
said "continue - present non
recognition policy," 27 per
cent were for recognizing
Peiping "outright," 41 per
cent agreed with the state
ment, "offer recognition if
Peiping will make important
concessions such as renuncia
tion of the use of force."
A number of "write-in"
comments, however, express
ed the view "Do not trust any
Communist promise that they
will not use force" or "any
concessions Peiping would
make would be ignored if it
suited their plan." Other com
ments: "price of recognition
should include pulling out of
Tibet, settling border dis
putes;" "recognize Red China
if it will give up claim to
Formosa," and "conditional
recognition-not moral &r
proval." Continued economic sup
port of Nationalist China (Tai
wan) was approved by 54 per
cent; 34 per cent advocated
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continued military support of
Nationalist China "only on
Taiwan and islands necessary
to defense of Taiwan;" 39
per cent agreed with the
statement: "continue U.S. mil
itary support of Nationalist
China and all territories it
now controls."
Complex Area
Trading with Red China
was another complex area in
which attitudes conflicted.
Forty-three per cent approved
of "relaxing trade restrictions
on Red China to match our
restrictions on trade with the
U.S.S.R.;" 23 per cent thought
it best to "continue embargo
on all U.S. trade with Red
China;" 29 per cent agreed
with the statement "relax em
bargo on trade."
Noting the difficulties of
the China issue, the Foreign
Policy association, in its study
materials on the subject, has
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American opinion is deep, per
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equally deep, complicated and
related so closely to people's
concepts of what is right and
wrong, and moral and im
moral, realistic and unrealis
tic." The Foreign Policy asso
ciation summaries of "Great
Decisions" group opinion are
not "polls" but informal ac
countings of the attitudes ex-
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