4 MAIL TRIBUNE, Medford, Or.
TiMxby. Oct. 27, 1959
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Flight 'o Time
Medford and " Jackson County
History from the files ot The
Wail Tribune 10, 20. 30. 40
and 50 years ago.
10 YEARS AGO
Oct. 27, 1949 (Thursday)
West Coast Airlines back In
service after colliding with a
northbound duck in the fog
oVer Trail. Collision proved
fatal to the duck, plane re
ceived broken windshield.
Chamber of Commerce en
dorses TB X-ray program in
county.
20 YEARS AGO
-Oct. 27. 1939 (Friday)
Jackson county's budget is
approved in amount of $370,
715.13. From Arthur Perry's "Ye
Smudge. Pot" column: "The
rain freshened up the pastures
and gave a rough wash to
6,345 autos." '
30 YEARS AGO
Oct, 27. 1929 (Saturday)
Budget committee discusses
construction of a new road
to Lake of the Woods.
Griffin Creek farmer rob
bed by two young thugs who
takes his car and cash1.
40 YEARS AGO
Oct. 27. 1919 (Monday)
President Wilson vetoes
prohibition bill.
Lark Evans, .parolled con
vict, arrested in Klamath
Falls as Jacksonville murder
suspect. .- '
30 YEARS AGO
Oct. 27, 1909 (Wednesday)
Rogue River orchards yield
$1,000 an acre annually.
Medford Commercial club
to print 50,000 pamphlets on
Medford with all new pictures
and data.
What's Your I.Q.?
Nina or ten correct is tuperfoi;.
seven or fcjht is excellent; five
si is good.
1 1. Does, an. octupus have
six, eight, or 12 legs.
2. What three ingredients
are used in making nylon?
3. Was Will Hays once the
"czar" of baseball, motion pic
tures, or the motor car indus
try? ': - ' :
4. What scientist advanced
the Theory of Relativity?
5. What sculptor fell in
love with a statue he had
made, and which came to life?
6. How many men signed
the Declaration of Indepen
dence?
7. Name the Secretary of
State who negotiated the pur
chase of Alaska.
8. What character in "The
Tale of Two Cities" was an
inveterate knitter?
9. What quality in a wine
is described by the adjective
"dry"?
10. In mythology, the food
of the gods was ambrosia;
what was the drink of the
gods?
Answers:
1. Eight. 2. Air, water, and
coaL 3. Motion pictures. 4.
Albert Einstein. 5. Pygmalion.
6. Fifty six. 7. William H.
Seward. 8. Madame Defarge.
. 9. Mot sweet. 10. Nectar.
REPORT ALL WET
Carson City, Nev.-flJPD-Car-
son City authorities rushed
into action when they re
ceived a report that two car
loads of teenagers were in
volved in a running "gun bat
tle" city streets.
The guns were water
3n
Uses of
One popular misconception about the . pur
pose of newly-introduced legislation is responsi
ble for a lot of misunderstanding.
Most people think a bill entered into Congress
or the Legislature is a proposal for a law.
This, of course, is true. But a new bill is far
more than that. It can have purposes other than
the ultimate one of producing legislation.
This is the fact which, because it is not wide
ly acknowledged, causes misunderstanding.
HTAKE, f or instance, Congressman Charles
Porter's Rogue River basin 5.11.
In the popular eye it probably is regarded
as a hard and fast and unchangeable proposal
for legislation.
Nothing could be more wrong.
It is a proposal, all right, but it is tentative,
and subject to change as circumstances warrant.
It was not intended to be passed in the form it
was introduced.
'THEN, itaould be asked, why was it introduced ?
For one thing, it was introduced to stimulate
discussion and thought about the long-neglected
basin development program. This it accomplish
ed. For another, it was designed to make possible
more rapid and more detailed studies of the basin
by the federal agencies involved. This it has also
accomplished.
vFor still another, it was to serve as the vehicle
for hearings on the basin proposals, which would
provide the.f ederal agencies and the Congression
al committees with information they must have
about public response, and both the degree of
support or opposition there may be to the proposal
as a whole, or to its component parts. -
" . , - . .
THESE hearings. have. not yet been held, but
' they will be when ; the studies are - further
along.
Thus it can be seen that the bill, simply
through the act of being introduced, has . stimu
lated a great deal of activity, all of it designed
to help formulate, eventually, a new bill, or an
amended bill, which will be responsive to the
facts of the situation, and to the desires and
needs of the people involved.
This was explained at the time the measure
was intrpduced, but in many minds it still rep
resents a flat and unalterable proposal which it
is not.
rlERE is a similar misconception about the
voriAiic Kille o1Kr nr tVi Tia nvantT rr r-p or.
Oregon Dunes National Seashore.
Some people have gone so far as to declare
that one or another of these bills is designed to
"cram down the throats of the people of Oregon"
an unwanted Dunes parje.
This simply isn't true and it is a misconcep
tion based on a lack of understanding of the
legislative process, and all the ramifications in
volved in the introduction of a piece of legislation.
It is a rare bill, indeed, which is passed in
just the form in which it is introduced. They all
are subject to revision and amendment. E. A.
The magazine Architectural Forum reports
that there are more people in America living in
slums than on farms.
This is another sign of the tremendous revolu
tion in society which has taken place; in this
country, in the past 30 to 40 years. It no longer
is an agricultural nation, as such despite the
fact that its per capita food production is prob
ably the highest in the world.
One other wry note from the magazine the
federal government spends more on farm aid
than it does to improve the conditions of those
living in the nation's slums. y
' In one case it is a natural resource which is
being aided to. the extent of glutted markets. In
the other, - it is human resources which . are, ; too
often, going to waste. Which is more valuable?
E.A. ; :- ' . : - ; ;
Ha, A
Thumbing through a magazine that adver
tises clothes for men we spied a picture, in color
at that, displaying a man wearing a vest. That
was not surprising to one who has often contend
ed that fashion was a circular affair and that
which was most out of style would soon be the
reigning fashion. But it was a delight.
A vest is the handiest piece of clothing a man
can wear; it is so full of pockets. A man can stuff
his upper vest pockets with cigarettes or cigars
and enhance his chest measurement by two inch
es giving him an unearned weight-lifter stance
whereas if he carries them in his coat pocket he
appeal's heavy about the middle which is definite
ly out of style. ,
A VEST is warm and snugly and the wind
"doesn't blow up it to chill the backbone as
it does a coat. A well fitted vest looks neater
than a shirt that has been worn a few hours and
becomes wrinkled or blackened by ashes. , ; ;
Man discarded the vest some years ago be
cause he wanted to let his abdomen stretch and
expand without restraint. Unfortunately an un
restrained tummy does not meet the modern de
mand for beauty and we judge we are going back
to the vest. It will not work if the vest is used as
a corset. Even a vest looks better if it is not over
extended. . ..
Welcome, old friend. Sherman County Jour
nal, Moro.
a Bill
s and Farms
Vest
Dennis the Menace
11 V . J Ml
10-21 1 m C
'1 GUBSS IT WAS PARTLY My FAULT. HE 00SAY'lQOK OUT''
Today & Tomorrow
By Walter
(Editor's note: The follow
ing article comprises ex
cerpts from a speech by
Waller Lippmann before
the Foreign Policy Associa
tion last week.) -
I would like to say a few
words about our common task,
which is to report and inter
pret the world
as it is today.
In doing that
it is a delusion
to suppose
that we can
or should ob
serve events
with an open
and empty
mind. Like
Walter
Lippmann .
anyone who
does research, be, : it in the
natural sciences or in the his
tory of mankind, the raw
facts are what William James
used to call a, blooming, buzz
ing confusion until we . ap
proach them with an hypothe
sis, with a conceptual frame
work into which they fit.
What I should like to note
is how in my own experience
the hypothesis has changed
vwith which we interpret our
relations with the rest of the
world. : :' : -..--"-r
Until very recently, very
recently indeed, our views of
American foreign policy were
controlled by the underlying
conception of the 19th cen-tury-the
conception that this
is one world whose political
center is in the North Atlan
tic region of the globe. This
conception has underlain our
thinking in foreign " affairs
not only throughout the 19th
century but down through
both . of the world . wars of
this century.
.
THUS in the first World War
we were drawn in when
Britain and her ally France
were threatened with defeat.
We were no longer to remain
isolated from Europe and un
intangled in the wars of Eu
rope, as we had been able
during the. 19th century. But
how were we drawn into the
first World War? We were
drawn in to reinforce ' Great
Britain. We were the auxil
iaries and the reserves. We
called ourselves an associated
power and our troops fought
in Europe under a supreme
commander who was a French
general, while1 our Navy was
under the over-all command
of the British Admiralty.
" When the war ended in
1918, we hoped and believed
that we had won a victory for
the idea that the principles!
and ideals of our Western so
ciety are universal. Woodrow
Wilson proclaimed a world
order. But it was a world
order based on our Western
principles and " ideals. More
over, it was to be an order in
which the nations of the North
Atlantic region would con
tinue to be the political lead
ers of mankind.
In 1918 there was much on
the surface to justify this op
timistic view. The North At
lantic community had won a
smashing military victory,
and the United States had
emerged as a new and power
ful member " of the Western
society. Russia , was still a
primitive and backward coun
try in the 'throes of a deep so
cial revolution. China was a
feeble and backward country,
divided up among foreign
powers. India was still under
British rule; North Africa, the
Middle East, and Southeast
Asia were under British or
French imperial dominion. On
the surface, in Woodrow Wil
son's time, , it: looked as if
Britain and France, reinforc
ed by the United States and
Canada, would prolong indef
initely the world order that
bad existed in the 19th cen
tury, ; .. , ,
WE NOW know that this
. was a brilliant illusion.
Both France and Britain were
profoundly weakened by their
IX
Lippmann
fearful losses in the first
World War. As representa
tives of the Western philoso
phy, they were challenged
as imperialists over all of
Asia and of Africa.. We did not
know this in 1918. We took
it for granted that with Amer
ican military and financial
help the world-wide predom
inance of the Atlantic Com
munity would continue. .
In the Second World War,
the role played by the United
States was no longer that of
an associated power bringing
up the reinforcements and the
reserves. But before Pearl
Harbor and before we actual
ly entered the Second World
War, we still thought of our
selves in terms of the first
World War. We used to talk,
you will remember, about aid
ing the Allies to defend Amer
ica. In fact, however, it was
soon plain that we must take
up the whole burden of the
war in the Pacific, including
the defense of Australia and
of New Zealand. In Europe
the French army had been de
feated and Great Britain was
under violent assault and
strained to the limit. We had
not only to supply the weap
ons and the other economic
necessities but we had to
raise a great army ourselves.
The difference between the
two world wars is marked by
the fact that in the second, as
distinguished from the first,
the supreme commanders on
sea and on land were Amer
icans. Nevertheless, until
World War II ended, we
could still believe - perhaps
I should say we still tried to
believe - that as and when
Britain and France and West
ern Europe recovered from
the damages of the war, the
North Atlantic community
would still be the political
center of the world. .
I VENTURE to believe that
in the last analysis this was
the underlying assumption in
the minds of both Churcftui
and Roosevelt at the close of
the war. They believed that
as Britain and America, act
ing as partners, they could
handle Russia and have the
deciding voice in the postwar
settlement.
They were mistaken. The
fact of the matter is that
Churchill himself was so big
that he made the British
power look bigger than it
was It soon anpeared that
Britain, though it was a great
power by the old standards,
was not like the U. S- A. and
the U. S. S. R-, a super power.
It was soon evident tnat in
the postwar world the Atlan
tic community, with the British-American
partnership at
is core, was no longer the
paramount power in the
world.
Since the war, we have
found ourselves in a Dosition
different from anything in our
whole previous experience.
We are no longer members of
the world order which is ac
cepted by mankind-as being
universal. There are other
world orders which challenge
ours and which compete with
it. What is more, tnrougnout
our history as a nation - the
center of world power has
been in the North Atlantic re
gion of the globe and the fun
damental decisions of our for
eign policy have had to do
with our relations in the
North Atlantic, particularly
with our relations with Great
Britain.
11TE achieved our independ-
ence amidst the rivalry
in the 18th century of the
North Atlantic powers. We
developed the continent in se
curity behind the supremacy
of the British power. .We
fought the first World War
as an auxiliary of the Atlan
tic powers. We fought the
second World War as the
leading power of the Atlantic
community.
Now this situation U funda-
Washington Report
By William S. White
PERSUASION WONT DO
Washington - A favorite
anecdote of old newspaper
men deals with the cub re
porter who was dispatched by
his city editor to cover a mine
d i s a s ter. It
was a big
story and the
i news desk
waited with
growing im
patience to
hear from its
man on the
scene.
A t length,
long after the
early editions had all gone to
press, the cub filed this sole
and poignant message to his
paper: "All is confusion; can
send nothing."
To almost every Congres
sional faction on the issue of
labor legislation President
Eisnehower, however uninten
tionally, has just sent about
the same kind of message.
In his last press conference
he has hit a hard, sudden
blow at the hopes of the great
bulk of his own party for a
"tougher" labor bill at the
next session of Congress. By
indicating that he didn't think
much of the Taft-Hartley Act
he has, in a single, casual sen
tence, thrown down the most
significant single legislative
achievement of the GOP in
the postwar years.
AND, in the eyes of the or
thodox Republicans, he
has dropped a curious and un
deserved slur upon the late
"Mr. Republican." Senator
Robert A. Taft of Ohio, the fa
ther of that legislation.
Worse yet, from the view
point, of the Republicans, he
has indicated that while Taft-
Hartly isn't adequate, no
new legislation might be . de
sirable, either. This is strange
ly similar to the position of
the extremist labor leaders
themselves. To them it is the
most unexpected - support
from the most unexpected
quarter.
But it is not only the Re
publicans who have been put
in a different position. So has
management generally. ' And
so, too, for that matter, has
a majority of the Democrats.
For, by at least 3 to 1, both
parties in Congress are com
mitted to the policy that great
labor - management struggles
cannot simply be left to work
themselves out. Both parties
in Congress have, long since
firmly concluded, that, some
sort of that "compulsory type
of action" so deplored by the
President is necessary if the
government is to continue to
govern in strike emergencies,
It may be, of course, that
Mr. Eisenhower did not mean
literally to imply that the
only good .solution of big
strikes, like the present one
mentally altered. The great
est powers with which we
have to concern ourselves are
no longer in the North Atlan
tic region. They are in East
ern Europe and in Asia. While
the welfare of the Atlantic
community is a close and vi
tal interest of the United
States, the Atlantic commun
ity is no longer the political
center of the world. We are
living in the midst of the de
cline of Britain as one of the
leading powers of the world
and .we find ourselves with
out a powerful ally in the face
of the new powers of Eastern
Europe and of Asia and of
Africa. ..
To dramatize the rapid
change in the past hundred
years, we might say' that
throughout most of the 19th
century the world capital was
London. After the first World
War the world capitals were
London and Washington.- Af
ter the second World War,
the V world capitals were
Washington, Moscow, and
London. Now, as the postwar
period comes to an end, the
world capitals are Washing
ton, Moscow, London, Peking,
New Delhi, and , who knows,
p e r h a p s i eventually, , also
Cairo.
. v
I SAID earlier . and I must
say again, that we are in a
wholly new situation. It is
not a clearly visible situation,
with all its land-marks and
features weU defined.There
are no reliable maps. This is
in part because so much of
th world is hidden by cen
sorship and obscured by prop
aganda.. But there is another
reason, ' and perhaps a more
compelling reason why there
are no reliable maps. It is
that so much of the world is
in the midst of revolutionary
changes of which, we cannot
now foresee the outcome.
I am sorry I cannot finish
with a neat useful conclusion.
The task of reporting and in-,
terpreting this ' changed and
changing world is a very dif
ficult one. We have to find
our way across rough seas
and through uncharted for
ests. But that is what makes
our lives interesting. And that
is why, once we have been
bitten by the bug, as are the
best men in our two profes
sions, we never get over it.
(c) 1959 New York Herald
Tribune Inc.
It
William S.
White
Red Chinese Threats Aids In
Indian-Pakistani Settlement
BY PHIL NEWSOM
TJPI Foreign Editor
Pakistan believes that Red
China will be in a position to
attack both Pakistan and In-
d i a in five
years.
Both coun
tries share a
common
apprehensi o n
over the net
work of roads
being built by
Soviet Rus
sion engineers
Phil Nrwsom in Aignani-
stan and by the Red Chinese
in conquered Tibet. One road
newly bailt by the Red Chi
nese allegedly with Tibetan
slave labor cuts directly
across the disputed territory
where Indian and Chinese
troops already, have clashed.
' The latter runs from Chi
na's Sinkiang Province to Ti
bet, through the. towering Hi
malaya mountains where any
road at all is a major engi
neering feat. '
It, like the Russian-built
roads in Afghanistan, points
south, toward the heart of
Pakistan and India, Red Chi
nese airfields also dot the
area. .
The fear uniting the two
nations provides the best pos
sibility now that they will
settle their own frequently
bloody differences in a com
mon defense against a greater
enemy. .
Settle Border Dispute
One immediate result has
been announcement of settle
ment-of a long-standing bor
der dispute between India
and East Pakistan. There are
indications that a better at
mosphere has been estab
lished for settlement of the
Kashmire dispute between
the two nations, each of whom
now holds a part of Kashmir
territory along a shaky cease
fire line. " : .' "
The lone-standing dispute
over use of Indus River wat
ers also" seems virtually
in steel, would come through
"self-discipline" on both sides.
. :
TJUT whether or not he so
A intended, one thing can
be said for sure: there is no
tough labor union negotiator,
no hard-bitten management
negotiator, in all the country
who can accept without a wry
smile so hopeful a view o nu
man nature.
It may be, too, that the
President himself will later
support additional legislation.
At the moment, however, he
has thrown the greatest cloud
over any early prospect for
anything of that land. '
And in all these various un
certainties there is one posn
tive certainty in the incident.
This is another of many illus
trations of the President s
amiable but disturbing lack
of grasp of the vital details
of the many domestic prob
lems which in any administra
tion just come to rest at last
upon the White House door
step. Actually, too, it is not so
much the opposition Demo
crats as the Republicans
themselves who, privately
chafe bitterly at this circum
stance. For no Republican
aware of recent history, can
go along with the notion that
Mr. Eisenhower has anything
approaching the understand
ing of. the labor problem that
Taft earned by years1 of hard
and devoted work ' jn this
field. -" .
And no one who has ever
himself been close to any
strike can accept the happy
view that once the disputants
realize the harm they are do
ing they wiU, voluntarily lay
down their economic wea
pons. It simply does not ever
work out that way any more
than this kind of moral per
suasion was able to stop the
big-business trusts a genera
tion ago. At last, there had
to be an anti-trust act.
(Copyright, 1959, . by United
Feature Syndicate, Inc.)
New York Man Has
$400,000 to Spend
New ; York-flJPD-Eugene Fi
Suter Jr. had $400,000 to
spend today but he wouldn't
have if he had been permit
ted to give it away in 1955 as
he tried to io. , ( '. -
: Suter, 27, petitioned ' the
court Monday to let him han
dle the legacy from his father,
a manufacturer of permanent
wave machines; Supreme
Court Justice Henry -: Clay
Greenberg declared him- com
petent to manage his own af
fairs. -- 1 ' " ' "
Suter gave, away the first
$36,000 in income from" the
legacy when he -was a student
at Yale university " in 1953.
He said that he gave it up
on "moral and political"
grounds.
- He was declared incompe
tent in August, . 1957 after
trying to give away the $350,
000 inheritance and the mon
ey was saved for him. It grew
to $400,000, which he now
can spend.
settled.
The Indus has its headquar
ters in the deep gorges of that
part of Kashmir held by In
dia. Thence it flows into
Pakistan's Punjab which
without it would be a desert.
Both nations have a vital in
terest in the areasnow
claimed by China.'
No .formal demands yet
have been made on Pakistan
by the Reds but Red Chinese
maps claim Pakistan as well
as Indian lands.
The Ladakh area where
Red Chinese surprised an In
dian police patrol, killing two
of its members and taking
others prisoner, is valuable
only stategically.
Little Arable Land
It has little arable land and
is thinly populated by a peo
ple who have been the pawns
of conquerors for 2,000 years.
Its huge mountain peaks in
clude such famous : Mames as
Godwin Austen K-2 and
Broad Peak, all noted "chair
Matter of Fact
REALLY HOG-TIED?
Hong Kong The Chinese
Communists have now made
their comment on the sad
Tibetan debate in the U. N.
by all but wiping out a troop
of Indian soldiers on the dis
puted Indian-Tibetan border.
To a great many people, this
-t new brand of
Chinese Com-
m u n l st ag-
) gression is not
j merely alarm-
ing. It is also
totally bewil
1 dering. Jawa
harlal Nehru
himself re
cently told a
; A A. 1 A.
loonh Alton viMiur mm
not so long ago "Chou En-Lai
absolutely sat at my feet,
seeking instruction -as a pu
pil might seek guidance
from a revered teacher. What
on earth, Nehru sadly asked,
had caused the terrible
change in Chou and his gov
ernment? There are analysts here,
however, who do not look at
the Chinese Communists with
Nehru's blinkers. These able
men offer a perfectly coher
ent explanation of the border
episodes, which is well worth
summarizing.
On the one hand, the hopes
that the Chinese Communists
cherished when Cou En-Lai
used to sit at Nehru's feet
have now been severely dis
appointed. Sweetness and
light of the Bandung type
have not paid off m the tang
ible form of important gains
by the Asian Communist par
ties. After long hesitation,
Nehru himself liquidated the
biggest, gain that had been
achieved, by suspending the
Communist government of the
Indian state of Kerala.
AN the . other hand, Peking
" could not continue the
policy of sweetness and light,
while suppressing the Tibetan
rebellion with the necessary
ferocity. When they were
forced to choose between good
public relations in Asia and
firm control of Tibet, the
Chinese Communists did not
hesitate for an instant." "What
we have we hold,"" is their
motto.
The Tibetan rebellion, in
turn, created the necessity for
the border incidents.. ;The two
Chinese Communist viceroys
there, Generals Chang Kuo
Hua and Chang 'Ching-Wu,
have not crushed the dissi
dents despite their utter ruth
lessnesg. They have only five
Chinese divisions; in Tibet.
Yet the task of supplying
these troops in active opera
tions, across the . trackless.
fuel-less, food-less roof of the
world, is a heavy burden for
overstrained China. The pres
sure to get the job finished
must therefore be great. '
Counsel With .
Mr. Insurance
- : Fred Brennan
: - or call
. Mr. Friendly
Bill Fish
Phone SP 3-7343
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lenges to ambitious mountain
climbers.
The general area long has
been known as Indian Tibet.
Its people are of Tibetan ori
gin and its forbidding geo
graphy also matches that of
Tibet For hundreds of years
the people of Ladakh, itself
a part of Kashmier, paid trib
ute to or were under the domi
nation of Tibetan rulers at
Lhasa.
Moslem, Chinese and other
conquerors have fought
through its narrow valleys for
hundreds of years, as often as
not falling to the murderous
weather rather than to the
sword. '
But it is the gateway to In
dia and it is territory Indian
Prime Minister Jawaharlal
Nehru has said he will never
give up.
As for Pakistan, a Pakistan
ian leader summed up the Red
Chinese-Indian territorial dis
pute simply. "We share the
same fate," he said.
By Joseph AIsop
Hope is the great nourisher
of aU rebellions. With the Da
lai Lama a refugee in India,
the need was surely felt to
show the Tibetan dissidents
that India offered them no
hope. What could be more
useful, then, than troop movfr
ments on the border, to assert
the territorial claims long
made by Peking, and also to
show that the Indians are
weak and easily bullied?
Such is the remarkably con
vincing expert explanation of
this ugly business. It leaves
only one area of mystery, the
area of the relations between
Communist China and Soviet
Russia, or it is pretty certain
that Peking's shows of force
on the Indian border have not
been, approved by Moscow.
Does this mean, then, that
Nikita S. Khrushchev "can no
longer restrain Mae Tse-e
Tung," as some people say?
Is Mao-now really going hog
wild? -
THE best tentative answer
to these questions lies in
the nature of the border inci
dents. They are military oper
ations, but they do not in- :
volve the slightest military -risk
for China. At times in
the past, when under special--stress,
the Chinese have ven
tured to take action on their
own hook - as long as no mil
itary risk was involved. The
most important instance of.
this character was the Indian"
proposal for a Korean truce,;
which so enraged Josef Sta-:
lin. The proposal actually
emanated from Chou En-Lai,
via the Indian Ambassador in :
Peking; and this was why Sta
lin . was. so angry.
But at no time in the past,
have the Chinese Commun
ists ever taken any action in
volving any - military risk,
without securing Moscow's
prior.- approval. Last year's
probe at Quemoy, concerted
at the Peking meeting of Mao,
Khrushchev, nnd their De
fense Ministers, is the classic
case in point. All the other
past -cases fit the same pat
tern. It is still reasonable to
expect that the pattern will
hold.
It is -also reasonable to ex
pect, however, that the Sino
Soviet partnership will go on
puzzling simple people by the
seeming conflict between the
peaceable Khrushchev and
the warlike Mao. In any part
nership, after all, it is ex
tremely useful for one part
ner to show the world a smil
ing, friendly face, while the
other partner plays the hard
nosed role. The outer contrast
need not imply inner dis
agreement, as this reporter
can testify, having once be
longed to a partnership which
sometimes indulged in this no
doubt reprehensible practice.
(c) 1959 New York Herald
Tribune Inc.
Fred Brennan
WHAT KIND OF SENSE?
o . .
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Bill Fish
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