Heppner gazette., September 22, 1896, SUPPLEMENT, Image 5

SUPPLEMENT.
I ed by the McKinleu ?
I
Club of Heppner, Oregon. j
lll'liMltttklMlm(MiMtlM(MtlMlll'ltll'biUMillilM'
OIS Supplement is edit
MKIHlfR LETTER,
One of the Brightest, Brainest
Documents
Ever Presented to the American
People.
The Moses That Will Lead the
People
Out of the Land of Misery and Want, Into the
Bright Valley of Happiness and Prosperity.
CANTON, O., Aug. 17. John M.
Thurston and Other Members of the
Notification Committee of the Republi
can National Convention Gentlemen:
In pursuance of the promise made to
four committee when notified of my
nomination as the Republican candi
date for President, I beg to submit this
formal acceptance of that high honor
and to consider in detail the questions
at Issue in the pending campaign.
Perhaps this might be considered un
necessary in view of jny remarks on
that occasion and those I have made to
delegations that have visited me since
the 6t Louis Convention, but In view of
the momentous Importance of the prop
er settlement of the issues presented en
our future prosperity and standing as
a nation, and considering only the wel
fare and happiness of our people, I
eould not be content to omit again call
ing attention to the questions which, In
my opinion, vitally affect our strength
and position among the governments
f the world, and our morality, Integri
ty and patriotism as citizens of that Re
public which, for a century past, has
been the beat hope of the world and the
Inspiration of mankind. We must not
now prove false to our own high stand
ards In government, nor unmindful of
the noble example and wise precepts of
our fathers, or of the confidence and
trust which our oonduct In the past has
always Inspired.
THE FREE COINAGE OF SILVER.
For the first time since 1IG8, If ever
before, there Is urexented to the Amer
ican people this year a clear and direct
Issue as to our monetary system, ot
vast Importance In Its effects, and upon
the right settlement of which rests
largely the financial honor and pros
perity of the country. It Is proposed by
ene wing of the Democratic party and
Its allies, the People's and Silver par
ties, to Inaugurate the free and unlim
ited coinage of sliver by Independent
action on the part of the United States
at a ratio of sixteen ounces of silver to
ene ounce of gold. The mere declare
tlon of this purpose Is a menace to our
financial and Industrial Iniereits. and
has already created universal alarm.
It Involves great peril to the credit
end business of the country a peril so
grave that conservative men every
where are breaking away from their
old party Mediations and uniting with
ether patriotic cltlsens In emphatic
proloal against the platform of the
Lemucrailo National Convention as all
assault upon the faith and homr of the
Government and the welfare of the p-
pie. We have had few questions In the
lifetime of the Itepubllo more serious
taac the one which le thus presented.
NO BENEFIT TO LA DOR.
The character of the money which
Shall measure our values and eichng-
and settle our ba!an es with one anoth
er and with the nations of the w..rl. is
ef such primary Importance and eu far
reaching In Its consequences as to rail
for the moel painstaking lnilgut on,
and In the end a sober and unpreju iked
Judgment at the polls. We must n t le
misled by phieeet, nor de u ted by false
theorlee. Free silver Would not m- ati
that silver dollars were to be freeiy had
without eoet of labor. It would m-an
Ihe free uee of the mints of the L'i.I'jJ
(Hates for the few who are owner it
Silver bullion, but would make silver
eoln no freer te the many who are en
gaged In ether enterprises. It would
ut make labor easier, the hours of la
bor shorter or the t ay better. It wcu d
ot make farming teee laborious or
more profitable. It would not start a
fsrtory aor make a demand for an ad
ditional day's labor. It would crae no
ew ocreieilnns It would aid nothinf
te the comfort of the miiio, the i a il
ia I of the people or the wes'.lh of the
atlsn. It seeks to Introduce a r.
meet ere of value, but would all no
value to the thing meaeurel. It won d
tot eoneerve v,u n the contrary,
II would deranse all eiietti.g value It
would eat restore buin conrtWnie,
hut lie direct effect would he le desire
Ue lime which yet remains
WHAT IT MEAN!.
Tke tneanirg ef the enineie
adopted at Inleage le that any one
entr take a quantity of si.ver tu lion
ow wortk U eenis to the mints of :r.e
t'nlied aietea. have II coined at the
ttettee of the Government end receive
for It a silver doner bit .,! be legal
lender for the payment of all debts,
pub. ia and private. The owner of ihe
bullion wou.d (e the s.lver dollar It
belong te Mm and nobody at other
peopl Would get It enlr tf Ihetr Ub.tr,
Ihe products of Iheir land r something
ef value. The but. Ion owner, en the
basis of present values, wuu d receive
Ihe Oliver dollar for I) rente' worta of
euver, and ether p'p: would be re
quired le receive It ae a fu.i dollar In
the payment of dbta Tke Uovern
en i w d get H"ihlrg from tke Irene
act tee,, it suid bear ike peae of
e4ig ike euver. a4 the eaeuaaaii
ve4 evkffer teas if Its
THE DOLLARS COMPARED.
We have coined since 1878 more than
400,000,000 of silver dollars, which are
maintained by the Government at par
ity with gold and are a full legal tender
tor the payment of all debts, public and
private. How are the silver dollars now
In use different from those which would
be In use under free coinage? They are
to be of the same weight and fineness;
they are to bear the same stamp of the
Government. Why would they
not be of the same value?
I answer: The silver dollars
now In use were coined on account
of the Government and not for private
account or gain, and the Government
bas solemnly agreed to keep them as
good as the best dollars we have. The
Government bought the silver bullion
at Its market value and coined It. Hav
ing exclusle control of the mintage it
ouiy uoina waai u can noia at a parity
with gold.
The profit representing the difference
between the commercial value of the
silver bullion and the face value of the
silver dollar goes to the Government
for the benefit of the people. The Gov
ernment bought the silver bullion con
tained In the silver dollar at very much
less than its coinage value. It paid It
out to Its creditors and put In circula
tion among the people at Its face value
of 100 cents or a full dollar. It required
the people to accept It as a legal tender
and is thus morally bound to maintain
It at a parity with gold, which was then,
as now, the recognized standard with
us, and the most enlightened nations of
the world. The Government having is
sued and circulated the silver dollar, It
must In honor protect the holder from
loss. This obligation it has so far sa
credly kept. Not only Is there a moral
obligation but there Is a legal obliga
tion expressed In public statute to
maintain the parity.
THEY COULD NOT BE KEPT AT
PAR.
These dollars In the particulars I
have named are not the same as the
dollars which would be Issued under
free coinage. They would be the same
In form but different In value. The
Government would have no part In the
transaction except to coin the silver
bullion Into dollars. It would share In
no part of the profit. It would take
upon Itself no obligations. It wtuld not
put the dollars Into circulation. It
could only get them as any citizen
would get them by giving something
for them. It would deliver them to
those who deposited the silver, and Its
connection with the transaction would
there end. Such are the sliver dollars
which would be Issued under free coin
age of silver at a ratio of IS to 1.
Who would then maintain the parity?
What would keep them at par with
gold? There would be- no obligation
resting upon the Government to do It,
and if there were It would be powerless
to do It. The simple truth Is, we would
bo driven to a silver basis to silver
momoinetallism. These dollars, there
fore, would stand upon their real value.
If the free and unlimited coinage of sli
ver at a ratio of sixteen ounces of sil
ver to one ounce of gold would, as some
of Its advocates assert, make SI cents'
In sliver worth 100 cents, and the sliver
dollar equal to the gold dollar, then we
would have no cheaper money than now
and It would be no easier to get. Rut
that such would be the result Is against
reason, and Is contradicted by experi
ence In nil times and in nil lands It
means the debasement of our currency
by the amount of the difference between
the commercial and coin value of the
silver dollar, which Is vor changing,
and th effect would be to reduce prop
erty values, entail untold financial lore,
destroy confidence. Impair the obliga
tions of existing contracts, further im
poverish the laborers and producers of
the country, create a panic of unparal
leled severity, and Inflict upon trade
and commerce a deadly blow. To any
such policy I am unalterably opposed.
BIMETALLISM.
Bimetallism cannot be secured by In
dependent action on our part. It can
not be obtained by the opening of our
mints to the unlimited coinage of the sil
ver of the world at a ratio of sixteen
ounces of silver to one ounce ot gold,
when the commercial ratio Is more than
thirty ounces of silver to one ounce of
gold. Moxlco and China have tried the
experiment. Mexico has free coinage
of silver and gold at a ratio slightly In
excess of sixteen and one-half ounces
of sliver to on ounce of gold, and while
her mints are freely open to both met
als at that ratio, not a single dollar In
gold bullion Is coined and circulated as
money. Oold has been driven out of
circulation In these eountrle. and they
are on a silver basis alone. Until an In
ternational agreement Is had It la Ihe
plain duty of the United States to main
tain the gold standard. It Is the recog
nised and sole standard of th great
commercial nations ot the world with
which we trade more largely than any
other. F.lghiy-four percent of our for
eign trsde for the fiscal year ll'ti was
with gold-standard countries, and our
trade with other countrlee was settled
on a gold basis.
WE NOW HAVE MORE SILVER
THAN OOLD.
Chiefly by mesne of legislation during
and since IITI there hs been put In cir
culation more than l3t.nne ooo of silver
or Its representative This has been
done In the honest effort lo give silver.
If possible. Ihe same bullion and coin
age value, end encourage the concur
rent uee of both gold and silver as mon
ey. Trior to Ihsl lime there had been
teee that t.Oog MiO silver dollar coined In
the entire history of the United isle,
a period of eighty-nine yr. This tr
ie's tlon secured the largeet ue of sli
ver eons'stent wih financial s'e'y and
the pledge to mstn'ain Its peril? ""h
gold. We have to-day more stiver than
gold. This has been accomplished at
time wltk grave peril to the public
credit
The exalted bermen law eought lo
tie el the silver production of the
t'nlied Plate for money at Its market
valua From ! m Hl the Oovrm.
men! purchased f oo ounce of sil
ver a month, or 14 ouo oe ounce a yer.
Trts ws on H.ir I of the product of Ihe
world end practically all of IM roar..
try product. It was believed by lh"e
who then end now favor free coin
Irat Such ue nf silver would dvn
lis bullion value to Its Wi VaH.
but IM fp"ailea not reacted.
In a few month. wot wthin4lrg in
wnprec1ente4 market for lb silver
not witn saieij engage m runner eta- prejudice are Deneam tne spirit ana in- ot remunerative proouction ana manu-
. . . . . " . . . - m A 1.1 Via . 1 1 I-..U. IM M la.
perlments In this direction.
THE DOUBLE STANDARD.
On August 22, 1891, In a public address
I said: "It we could have an interna
tional ratio, which all the leading na
tions of the world would adopt, and the
true relation be fixed between the two
metals, and all agree upon the quantity
of silver which should constitute a dol
lar, then silver would be as free and un
limited in its privileges of coinage as
gold Is to-day. But that we have not
been able to secure, and with the free
and unlimited coinage of sliver adopted
in the United States at the present ra
tio, we would be atlll further removed
from any international agreement. We
mav never be able to secure It If we en
ter upon tne lsoiatea coinage oi nuver.
The double standard Implies equality at
a ratio, and that equality can only be
established by the ooncurrent law of na
tions. It was the concurrent law of na
tions that made the double standard; it
will require the concurrent law ot na
tions to reinstate and sustain it."
IT FAVORS THE USE OF SILVER
MONEY. .
The Republican party has not been,
and Is not now, opposed to the use of
silver money, aa its record abundantly
shows. It has done all that could be
done for its increased U3e with safety
and honor by the United States, acting
apart from other governments. There
are those who think It has already gone
beyond the limit of financial prudence.
Surely we can go no further, nnd we
must not permit false lights to lura us
across the danger line.
MORE THAN ANY COUNTRY.
We have much more silver In use than'
any country In the world, except India
or China $600,000,000 more than Great
Britain, J150.000.000 more than France,
(400,000,000 more than Germany, $323,
000,000 less than India, $125,000,003 less
than China. The Republican party has
declared In favor of an International
agreement, and, if elected President, It
will be my auty to employ an proper
means to promote it. The free coinage
of silver in this country would defer, If
not defeat, international bimetallism,
and until an international agreement
can be had every Interest requires us to
maintain our present standard.
teiiie-pnce of a free people and should be facture. with unusual Invitation to in
met with stern rebuks by those iliey are vestment and with satisfactory assur
sought to Influence, and 1 believe they ances to business enterprises, suddenly
will be. Every attempt to array class
against class, "the classes against the
masses," section against section, labor
ae-ainst caoltai. tne .poor usunn iie
rich, or interest against interest, in tne
United States Is in the highest degree
reprehensible. It is opposed to the na
tional Instinct and Interest, and should
be resisted by every citizen. We are not
a nation of classes, but of sturdy, free,
independent and honorable people, de
spising the demagogue and never capit
ulating to dishonor. This evernicurrlng
effort endangers popular' government,
and Is a menace to our liberties.
It is not a new campaign device or
party appeal. It Is old as government
among men, hut was never more un
timely and unfortunate than now.
Washington warned us against It, and
Webster sold in the Senate, In words
which I feel are singularly appropriate
at this time: "I admonish the people
against the object of outcries like these.
1 admonish every Industrious laborer of
this country to be on his guard against
such a delusion. I tell him the attempt
to place his passion against his interest
and to prevail on him. In the name of
liberty, to destroy all the fruits of lib
erty." PROTECTION OF SUPREME IM
PORTANCE. An Issue of supreme Importance Is
that of protection. The peril of free sli
ver Is a menace to be feared; we are al
ready experiencing the effe.it if partial
free trade. The one must be averted; the
other corrected. The Republican party
is wedded to the doctrine of protection
and was never more earnest In its sup
port and advocacy than now. If argu
ment were needed to strengthen Its de
votion to the American system, or In
crease the hold of that system upon the
party and people, it is found In the les
son and experience of the past three
years. Men realize In their own dally
lives what before was to many of tntm
only report, history or tradition. They
have had a trial of both systems and
know what each has done for them.
DEMANDED BY THE PUBLIC EXIGENCIES.
Washington, In his farewell address.
Independent free coinage of silver at ef-K it 17q atumdr.d .....
a ratio of sixteen ounces of silver to one Ag a' rery Important source of
ounce oi goiu woum iiiiuii ins speeay strengtn ana security
rency. It would drive at least 500,iK)0,000
of gold dollars which we now have per
manently from the trade of the country
and greatly decrease our per capita cir
culation. It is not proposed by the Re
publican party to take from the circu
lating medium of the country any of the
silver we now have. On the contrary, it
Is pro' sed to keep all of the silver
monej .iow In circulation on a parity
i-nensn mimic
credit.' One method of preserving It Is
to use it as sparingly as possible; nvol
the accumulation of debt, not only by
shunning occasions of expense, but by
vigorous exertions in time of peace to
discharge the debts which unavoidable
wars may have occasioned, not ungen
erously throwing upon posterity the
burden which we ourselves ought to
bear."
To facilitate the enforcement of the
with gold by maintaining the pledge of maxtma which, he announcod, he de-
the Government that all of It shall bu
equal to goia. This nas neen tne un
broken policy of the Republican party
since 1873. It has Inaugurated no new
policy. It will keep In circulation and as
good as gold all of the sliver and paper
money which are now Included In the
currency of the country. It vlll main
tain their parity. It will preserve their
equality In the future as It naa always
done In the past. It will not lonsent to
put this country on a silver basis, which
would Inevitably - follow Independent
free coinage at a ratio of It to I. It will
oppose the expulsion ot gold from our
circulation,
FARMERS AND LABORERS BUF
FER MOST.
If there la any one thing which should
be free from speculation and fluctua
tion. It Is the money of the country. It
ought never to be the subject ot mero
partisan contention. When w part with
our labor, our products, or our property,
w should receive In return money
which Is as stable and unchanging In
value as the Ingenuity of honest men
can make It. Debasement ot the cur
rency means destruction of values. No
one suffers so much from cheap money
as the farmers and laborers. They are
the first to feel Its bad effects and the
last to recover from them. This hss
bn the uniform experience of all
countries, and here, ae elsewhere, the
poor and not th rich ar the greater
sufferers from every attempt to deleis
our money. It would fall with alarmiiig
severity upon Investments already
mad; upon Insurance companies end
their policy holders; upon saving bank
and their depositors; upon building end
loan associations and their members;
upon the savings of thrift; upon pen
sioner and their families, and upon
wage-earners and the purchasing power
of their wage.
UNLIMITED IRRF.nrFMABLB PA
PLR MONEY.
The silver question Is not tbeonly lesu
affecting our money In lh r-enJIng con
test. Not content with urging th fre
olnage of silver. Its etrongeet thorn
ploes demand that our tor money
snail o issue oirectiy oy me teveeto
ment of Ihe United State. Thle I th
Chicago Democratic declaration. Tl
6L Loul People's party declaration la
that "our national money shall b lu
d by th General Ciovrnment only,
without lh Intervention of nk of Is
sue, be full lege I tender for Ihe payment
of ell debts, private and pub.K and be
distributed direct to the p tle end
through lawful disbursement of Ihe
Oovernrteet.
Thus, la addlttoa to th fre mlng
of gold and e1lvr, we are aeked to en
ter upon aa era of unlimited irredeem
able paper currency. Th queatloei
whlrtt we fought out from l'4 lo l:$
le thus to be reopened, with all It rhesp
money gper1ment of every ronceiv
abi form Meted upon Tht Indi
cate a moet siertllng reactionary red
try, irngty el vartsnc with every
requirement of sound flnsnce; but the
declaration show the tlrlt snd rur
two of ihoea who, by combined action,
ar contending for lh control of th
Government. Not Mtlsned with lh de.
basement of our coin, which would In
evitably follow Ihe fre eoin of sil
ver at II to 1. Ihey would tiil further
rrd our currency and threaten the
public honor by lh unlimited lu t-f
a irredeemable paper turren-y. A
graver menere i our f nanritl etandlng
and credit eould hardly k eniwHei
and every patriotic HHen should b
aroueed to promptly meet and ffsrtu
auv defeat 11
INTHC inoitrTb:otE nnrnE
III.M1HLE.
It Is a f aoo far painful ret r and
reeeol
sngef t
trt-t
produced In th UH'od Plsle. lh pelr. jir,,, tttoit an effort I heing mad bf (uf -rfnf ananrt! plight I ot
clard: "It Is essential that you should
practically bear In mind that toward
th payment of debts ther must be rev
enues; that to have revenue there must
be taxes; that no taxes can b devised
which are not more or less Inconvenient
or unpleasant; that the Intrinsic em
barrassment Inseparable from the seleo.
tlon of proper objects (which Is nlwayg
a choice of difficulties) ought to be a de
cisive motive for a candid construction
of the conduct of the Government In
making it and for a, spirit of acquies
cence in the measures for obttlnlng rev
enue which the publla exigencies may at
any time dictate."
Animated by like sentiment the peo.
pie of the country must now face the
conditions which beset them. "The
fubtio exigencies demand prompt pro
tective legislation which will avoid the
accumulation of further debt by pro
viding adequate revenues for the ex
penses of the Government. This Is man
ifestly the requirement of duty. If elect,
ed President of th United State It will
be my aim to vigorously promel this
object and glv that ampl encourage
ment lo the occupations of th Ameri
can peopl which, abov all else. Is Im
peratively demanded at this juncture of
our national aft air.
OUR CONDITION,
In December, 1891, Prealdent Harrison
sent his Isst message to Congress. It
was an able and exhaustive review of
the condition and resourrrs of the coun
try. It stated our situation so accurate,
ly that 1 am sure that It will not be
amiss to recite bis official and valuable
testimony.
"There never has been a time In our
bletorv." said be. "when work wa so
anuniant, or wnen wages wtre so man,
whether measured by th currency In
which they ar paid or by their power 10
supply the necessaries and comforts of
life. Th general aversg of price ha
been aurh a to give to agib-ulture a
fair participation In th general pros
perity. Th new Industrial plants ettsb.
llehed since October . I0, and up 10
October ll, M. number $41. and th i
tension of eslstlng plant IM. Th rsp
Hal Invested amounts to 41,44.0iJ. and
th number of additional employe S',
1U. During lh first sis months of th
present ratendar year IU new rectories
wer built, of which forty wer cotton
mills and forty-eight knitting mills,
Iweniy-sig woolen mills, fifteen Si.k
mins, four plush mill and two linen
mill Of th forty cotton mill twenty,
on hsv been bull! In lh outher
State " Thl fairly describe the happy
condition of lh country In Iecmbr,
lilt Whit baa It beea einte? Asd weal
le it now t
OUR CONDITION FtfiriT MONTHS
LA T tit
The mage of Preeldeet Cleveland
from Ihe beginning of hi eund ed
mlnlsirstlnn t the prent time bound
wltk description if th deplorable In
dustrial end financial ilutoa of th
Country. W'hli h resort in history or
Official statement I required to edvte
ef th preeenl rondiilon and that
which ha prevailed during lh tt
lhre yr. I venture lo quot from
-resident nvlnd firet meeeag.
Auguet I, !. addreesed lo lh Flfir
third t ongteee, which he called tf eta
r in itr-r dinar aeeetont
Th siienc of an e armlng end .
Iraordmery fcuemee situation." J he.
Involving lh welfare and tropr'tr of
all of our pe"p ha eotrjnet rt.e
rail together In lr eae..a th peo
ple's repreeentattvee la on greet, In
nd lhal through wiee end patrlvtle
rcta .f tegle ailv dull with which
the o!.lr or rhrg4. Ik preeenl
vi, mav be miilgt4 end
threatening lh fuur may avert)
f ailver went down Very rro-lty, hiom high la lh round e of th tld
reaching a Point lor than er kefor
Then. wps lh recommend (low ef
freldet Oeviad. kMk ewiitkel par
tie anti4 la Ik repeal of Ik -
at tUM c Ue iaarma mm. vt i
parties I dlvld lh peopl of the eoui
try Into laee end treat distinct!.!
un.
try Into lee n4 creel aitincw"n
among , which, la fact d h"t iet
aad are foewtge le f fore of Severe-
Tkea aeswaj to easel a4 M
the reeu't r-r iiM ecie "of M
oi..iii.-.i re.n to our im re.
e-une Nor Is H t fares 1.1 I r tf to
emi'tione whiek frequently rhwk oa
tlonaJ growth aad rpe1tf Will
Wltk AJU
financial distrust and fears have tprung
up on every side. Numerous moneyed
institutions have suspended becaupe
abundant assets were not Immediately
available to meet the demands fright
ened depositors. Surviving corpora
tions and Individuals are content to
keep in hand the-money they are usu
ally anxious to loan, and those engaged
in legitimate business are surprised to
find that the . securities they offer for
loans, though heretofore satisfactory,
are no longer accepted. Values supposed
to be fixed are fast becoming conjectur
al and loss and failure have invaded
every branch of business."
THE CAUSE OF THE CHANGE.
What a startling and sudden change
within the short period of eight months,
from December, 1892, to August, 1S93.
What had occurred? A change of ad
ministration. All branches ot the Gov
ernment had been Intrusted to tho
Democratlo party, which was commit
ted against the protective policy that
had prevailed uninterruptedly for more
than thirty-two years and brought un
exampled prosperity to the country, and
firmly pledged to Its complew over
throw and the substitution of a tariff
for revenue only. The change havtng
been decreed by the elections of No
vember, Its effects were at once antici
pated and felt. We cannot close our
eyes to these altered conditions, nor
would It be wise to exclude from con
templation and Investigation the causes
which produced them. They are facts
which we cannot, as a people, disregard,
and we can only hope to Improve our
present condition by a study of their
causes.
In December, 1892, we had the same
currency and practically the same vol
ume of currency that we have now. It
aggregated. In 1892, $2,372,599,501; In 1893,
$2,323,000,000; In 1894, $2,323,442,362 and in
December, 1895, $2,194,000,030. The per
capita of money has been practically
the same during this whole period. The
quality of the money has been Identical,
all kept equal to gokl. There Is nothing
connected with our money, therefore, to
account for this sudden and aggravat
ed Industrial change. Whatever Is to be
deprecated In our finances, It must be
everywhere admitted that our money
has been absolutely good and has
brought neither loss nor Inconvenience
to Its holders. A depreciated currency
has not existed to further vex the trou
bled business situation.
GOOD MONEY NEVER MADE THE
TIMES HARD.
It la a pretense to attribute the hard
times to the fact that all our currency
Is on a gold basis. Good money never
made times hard. Those who assert
thai our present Industrial and financial
depression Is the result of a gold stand
ard have not read American history
aright or been careful ctudnnts of the
events of recent years. We never had
greater prosprlty In this country in
every field of employment and Industry
than In the busy years from 18S0 to 1892.
during all of which time this country
wss on a gold basis and employed more
gold In It fiscal and business opera
tions than ever before We had, too, a
protective tariff, under which ample
revenues wer collected for the Govern
ment and accumulating a surplus,
which was constantly applied to th
payment of the publla debt.
Let us hold fast to that which w
know la good. It Is not mor money w
want What we want Is to put the
money w already have at work. When
money le employed men ar employe..
Both have always been steadily and re
muneratively enraged during all the
rears of protective tariff legislation.
When those who hav money le-k con
fidence In the stability or value and
Investments they will not part with
their money. Business Is stagnated, the
life blood of trade la checked and con
gested. We cannot restore public con
fldenre by an act which would revolu
tionise all statute, nr an act which en
tails a deficiency In the public revenues.
We cannot Inspire confidence by advo
cating repudiation or practicing dis
honesty. We cannot rtnr confidence
either t tke Treasury or to th popl
without a chang in our present lajnf
legislation.
THE TARIFF OF Hit
Th only maaur of a general nature
that affected Ihe Treasury and th em
ployment of our peopl parted by in
rlfty-thlrd Congress was lh general
tariff act, which did not recelv th ap
proval of th President. WhMever vir
tue may be claimed for that act ther
la confessedly on which It doe not
poeeees. It lacks lh eeeentlal virtu of
Its creation, th railing of rvenui uf
flclent te aupply th need of th Gov
ernment It has at no Urn provided
nough rvnu for such need, but It
ha caused a constant defl, leiu y In th
Treasury and a steady depletion in th
arnlngsof labor and land. It he con
tributed lo swell our national debt mor
than .2.ooo,oon a sum nearly a great
lh debt of th Government from
Washington to Lincoln, Inclining all
our ware tmm th HevoluMon to in
Rebellion, fine It paeeag work at
bom ha been diminished, price of
agricultural production here fallen.
Ounndeitc ha been arrested aad want
le seen oa every band.
THE TAitirr fr in AND tlW CON.
THAkTKU
Th total receipt under Ihe tariff set
ef l4 of th Aral Iwenlytwe months of
It enforcement from Heptetnber, lt
lo June, IIH. were Ii7.ll l. and lh
etpendllure $l4 4il Mt, or a deficiency
ef tJl 0lt Th decree In our
port of agricultural produria end mn
wfeeiur during ihe first fifteen month
ef th present tariff, ea entre4 wlia
the port wf th first fifteen month
of Ihe tariff uo, I J O.I.I Th
tree of esport ever Import during
rb first "fleer, month of th isrtfT of
lis was l it ?! Ht. kul only 14 ?'. 4.1
wnder Ik firet fifteen month of IIM a
toe ender lh latter nf lllT.HI.l4t Th
Wet ! la h trade ba an.-e of th
United mate ha keen lXHt4t dur.
Ir.g Ik Hot tWieee. month' operating
Of lh tariff of l4 a on-ae4 mUH
the fleet fifteen month of lh tariff of
li The low h been Isrge, roceianl
end steady el lh rat at 111 It per
cnonih, or I o,o ff every buetoeee day
of the yeer.
imiNU in wnn Dinr.cTiox.
W hsv either been sending loo mu'k
wvittey et of in country or telling t oo
hit lo, kk. ha I. et siee tl f
la bulk dlrerlloo Our foreign !(
ha wee 4imlnlahed end our nnmeeu
he ffr4 Ineaieu'ahl I'M Owe aot
this ggea t eeue 4 ear prewenl
u) tesilf T
tjonnaence in nome enterprise nas al
most wholly disappeared. Our shops
are closed or running on half time at re
duced wages and small profit. If not ao
tual loss. Our men at home are Idle,
and while they are Idle, men abroad ar
occupied In supply us with goods. Our
unrivaled home market of the farmer
has also greatly suffered because they
who constitute It, the great army of
wage-earners, are without the work
and wages they formerly had. If they
cannot earn wages they cannot buy
products. They cannot earn If they
have no employment, and when they
don't earn the farmers' home market Is
ieusieneu anu uuptureu, anu wie ioee aa
felt by both producer and consumer.
The loss of earning power alone In this
country In the past three years la suffi
cient to have produced our unfortunate
business situation. If our labor wo
well employed and employed at as re
munerative wagea as in 1892 In a few
months every farmer In the land would
feel the glad change In the Increased
demand for his products and In the bet
ter prices which he would receive.
NOT OPEN
BUT OPEN
MINTS,
MILLS.
It Is not Increase In the volume of
money which Is the need of the time, but
an Increase In the volume of business.
Not an Increase of coinage, but an In
crease of confidence; not more coinage,
but a more active use of the money
coined; not open mints for the unlimit
ed coinage of the ailver of the world, hut
open mills for the full and unrestrict
ed labor of American workmen. The '
employment of our mints for the coin
age of the silver of the world would not
bring the necessaries and comforts of
life back to our people. This will only
come with the employment of the mass
es, and such employment Is certain te
follow the re-establlshment of a wlae
protective policy which shall encourage
manufacturing at home. Protection has
lost none of Its virtue and Importance.
The first duty of the Republican
party, If restored to power In the coun
try, will be the enactment of a tariff
law which will raise all the money ne
cessary toconduct the Government eco
nomically and honestly administered,
and so adjusted as to give the prefer
ence to home manufacturers and ade
quate protection to home labor and the
home market. We are not committed
to any special schedules or rates of
duty. They are and will be always sub
ject to changes to meet new conditions;
but the principle upon which rates of
duty are Imposed remains the same.
Our duties should always be high
enough to measure the difference be
tween the wages paid labor at home and
In competing countries, and to ade
quately protect American Investments
and American enterprise.
Our farmers have been hurt by th
changes in our tariff legislation as se
verely as our laborers and manufactur
ers, badly aa they have suffered. The
Republican platform wisely declares In
favor ot such encouragement to our su
gar interests as will lead to the "pro
duction on American soil of all sugar
which the American people use." It
promises to our wool and woolen Inter
est "the most ample protection," a gusr.
antee that ought to commend Itself to
every patriotic citizen. Never was a
more grevlous wrong done the farmer
of our country than that so untustly In
flicted during the past three years upon
the woolgrowers of America. Although
among our most Industrious and useful
dtlsens, their Interests have been prao
tlcally destroyed and our woolen man- ,
ufaeturers Involved In similar disaster.'
At no time In the past thlrtyslx years,
and perhap even during any pre -lou
period, have so many nf our woolen fac
tories been suspended aa now. The Re
publican party ran be relied upon to
correct the great wrongs If again In
trusted with the control nf Congress.
RECIPROCITY.
Another declaration of the Republic
an platform that has my most cordial
topport Is that which favor reciprocity.
Th splendid result of th reciprocity
arrangement that wer mad tinder
authority of th tariff law of lio ar
striking and suggestive. Tne brief pert,
od that they wer In fore. In most rase
only thre year, wa not long enough
to thoroughly test their great value, but
sufficient was shown by th trial to con
clusively demonstrate the Importune
and wisdom of their adoption. In lt
th eipnrt trad of th United Stale
attained th highest point In our his
tory. Tb sggrrgate of our exports that
year reached th Inwiii'tiee sum of II.
Olo.tTI I4. a sum greater by f I'm oAt ooO
than th etporls of any pd lm year.
In l)l. rwlng to the threat of tmfilend.
IV tariff legislation, the total dn.ppel ID
lM7.Ml.r0. Ciur esports of domestle
merrhsndl" decreased ld.70fl ooft, but
reciprocity still secured us a large trede
In Central ami nouin amen'-a end a
larger trade with lh Wt lnlle than
w had ever before enjoyed. Th In
rroe.ee nf trad with the conn trie with
which w had rerlpiNe-lty r.--mnis
wa II III over our trade in it); and
114 440 7?) over our trade In l4
The only eountrle to which lh Unit
ed hlatea showed Inrreaeed esprts In
lit wer practically Ihoe with which
w had reciprocity arrangement. Th
reciprocity treaty between thl country
and fpain ton. h ng th market of u
be and f oi lura were announced dep.
temher I. li -I 1 he growth of our Irad
frith Cuba was hiiiomeiial la lll w
wld thai riMii try but III 411 barrel of
Boor, m I . Ci, In lot. l.4u, and
la i4. ..:! Her waa a growth of
wary V'l -r rent, whll our eipurt.
tlon of flour to Cub for th year end.
Ing June to. I'.. Ihe year following lb
repeal of th rerlprortiv treaty, fell
; I 4 barrel, a l'-e of nearly half ur
trad with lhal country. Th au of
our total ei porta of merciandl from
Ik Un.ted Hate to Cuba la ll. the
year prior ! th ieg'iiioa of th re-
rlprorlty treaty, waa III 7J4 , la l.
Ill Kit:, In I'1. I 4,U4. la It.
I. l.l.lll. but In UM, after the annul,
anenl of lh re- lpr lis agreement II
fell to only IIM; 441.
Many otmliar eiaoiple might be glv.
-n of our inreed trad ender rip
torlly with other rounirie but cnougH
he beea shown of Ihe emwr of It-
legleietlo of o Justify h (peedf
feMoreik.n of It relpronr proeieiona
In my Judgment, f'ongree ahouid lm.
tried. eleif r-etore th eeriprorliy Brliu)
of th rod law, wiih u h amendment.
If any, a lime and Iperienre nrO-l
e wiee and pr-per Th underlying
pdiMlpi nf thl Mgle'allon enuet how
ever, be strt'tiy ntwrrH ll I I f
ford hew fttarkeie fe our surplus grt
uiural end manufactured p'elut
without I" the Ameroan labor ef
a eingie 4y wwtk lhal k anight trtkwr.
wi prwiwre.
Cawit4 yt ,