Corvallis gazette., September 07, 1900, Supplement to CORVALLIS GAZETTE, Image 5

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Supplement
CORVALLIS GAZETTE.
FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 7. 1i)Ot.
IS NOT FOR BRYAN.
ECKELSTELLS WHY HE'S AGAINST
THE NEBRASKAN.
Ex-Comptroller of the Currency Under
President Cleveland Will Vigorously
Oppose the Election of the Demo
cratic Candidate.
I did not support Mr. Bryan in 1800,
and I do not intend to now. I shall op
Jose his election this year with all the
Yij-or and ability I possess. I do not feel
that T could stand to my convictions by
remaining merely passive and contenting
any self with simply voting against him.
Bryan the Issne.
No issue set forth in any platform, no
natter how cunningly devised and ar
ranged, in this campaign can be made
paramount to the issue of Mr. Bryan
himself, his erroneous views of public
questions, his numerous vagaries and his
demonstrated desire to find popularity
and votes in a never-absent appeal to
class prejudices and supposed race ha
treds. I am still a Democrat, if believing in
Ttemocratic principles correctly interpret
ed and properly enforced as an agency
for good constitutes true Democracy; but
I am not one if the utterances of the plat
form adopted at Chicago four years since
and just reaffirmed and re-emphasized at
Kansas City are the rightful expressions
f what modern Democracy stands for.
Isms of Populism.
The many isms of Populism were ab
fcorrent four years since to my sense of
vhat is 6afe and sound in the operations
f government and the general well
being of the people, because I viewed
them as being fundamentally wrong, and,
le!ng so, neither lapse of time nor er
rors of the party in power reconcile me
to their adoption or make it possible that
I should support a candidate who not
nly approves of them, but is their best
embodiment and most vigorous champion.
I have not read all of Mr. Bryan's
utterances during the past four years,
but I have taken note of enough of them
to know that his views have not changed
on any important question since 1896,
and his determination to stir up class
atrife is not less manifest. Throughout
all his addresses, public and private, is
ahown uniformly an apparent pleasure in
preaching the desirability of discord be
tween employe and employer, class and
class. No appeal ever 1 comes from him
which is not tinged with advice to those
who must work to distrust those who
must employ.
T Harmful to Labor.
I Ail this is not only un-American, but it
is unjust, unfair and harmful, most of all
to the laborer, for whose well-being be
yond all others it is necessary that com
plete harmony between capital and labor
nd not continual antagonism should ex
ist. The interests of labor are never in
such great jeopardy as when intrusted
to a man who has the gift of oratory
coupled with unbounded political ambi
tion and no business judgmeut or train
ing No man is fitted for the presidency who
flay in and day out proclaims, in the
midst of a demonstrated better condition
f affairs, the reverse to be true in order
to foment a discontent, which will gain
to himself aud party a political advan
tage. Ignorant or Blind.
Mr. Bryan, without the statesmanship
to analyze the conditions as they exist,
and find a remedy therefor, gives utter
ance to nothing that would -improve them,
but only to that which would make them
worse and cause greater injury to the
jreat mass of the people, whose fate he
constantly bewails. I do not believe in
the public value of any man who is, un
der any and all circumstances, a fault
finder and mere protester against all ex
taring order of things.
Mr. Bryan's friends insist that he is
nothing if not intellectually honest and
fearless. Granted that their contention
la true, the inquiring public must then
toe forced to conclude that he is either
woefully ignorant or willfully blind. At
o time since his coming into political
power has he made an economic predic
tion which has not failed of fulfillment,
r laid down as truth an economic doc
trine which has not in the eonrse of quick
rents been demonstrated to be n econ
omic fallacy.
Dictation of Platform.
If he does not study grave public ques
tions in the light of past history and
present facts and human experiences, but
nly views them in the glare of his own
preconceived notions and flame of his own
fiery political oratory, he is unsuited eith
er to advise the public as a teacher or
guide them as a leader.
If he was unfit because of his errone
ous views and economic heresies, to be
elected to the presidency in 1896, he is
equally an unfit man now, for he boasts,
with triumphant self-satisfaction, that
toe stands to-day on all these questions
exactly where he stood then, and to make
more manifest and clearly defined his po
sition he compels bis party to blazon such
fact in a platform so constructed as to
accord with his views and wishes.
Alliance with Croker. .
I can conceive of nothing more pitia
ble than the sight of accredited dele
fates of a once great political party in
a national convention supinely surrender
ing their own views on a vitally impor
tant economic question at the behest of
a once defeated presidential candidate,
who only had brought that party into dis
grace and disrepute, unless it be the sight
of that presidential candidate .and to be
nominee, appealing through his confiden
tial agent. Richard Croker, Tammany dic
tator, to be his chief aid, trusted friend
and lieutenant in the emergency which
confronted him.
Heretofore Democratic presidential
candidates have gained public respect and
trength by having the open enmity of
Tammany. Mr. Bryan, who more than
any of them has boasted of his stand for
principle and his integrity of character,
has done what Mr. Seymour, Mr. Til
den and Mr. Cleveland would not do.
He has formed an open alliance, offensive
and defensive, with Tammany, and that
too, at a time when that organization is
known to he thoroughly corrupt, and a
constant menace to all the best interests
of good government.
Unity with Populists.
Mr. Bryan hardly appeals to the
thoughtful citizen, with whom political
parties are only agencies for public good
to the extent that they stand for funda
mentally right principles and honest ad
ministration, when upon the one hand he
is presented by the Populists and on the
other by Tammany. The joining hands
with one constitutes an' offense against
safety in governmental administration,
the alliance with the other an offense
against political decency, making it
doubtful as to his ability, no matter how
strenuously he might try, to secure hon
esty in the conduct of public affairs in an
administration over which he presided.
l't is not difficult to prertfot what would
lie the outcome of any administration
based upon the socialism of Populism and
the rapacity of Tammany.
Reaffirm iriu of 16 to 1
I am told that not a few Democrats
who refused to sanction the nominee and
platform of the Chicago convention will
aid the nominee presented at Kansas
City. I doubt if there are many who will
do so. Why should they? The same
candidate has been named, the same doc
trines announced, only in a more offensive
way.
It must not be forgotten thai, the re
affirming of the principles of the Chicago
platform was the repledging of an inten
tion, when opportunity is afforded, to de
base the country's currency. It was re
assaulting the Supreme Court of the
country. It means a realliance with the
element of disorder, as against the prop
erly constituted authorities of peace, in
tegrity of property and person. It is the
announcing once more of a desire to get
into power that the sacred right of pri
vate contract under the guaranty of law
may be abrogated. It is the acceptance
of those elements of socialism which work
injury to both government and people.
In fine, the reaffirmation at Kansas
City was the re-asserting of the utter
ances made at Chicago, which, revolu
tionary then, are none the less so now.
A source of menace to the country then,
they are equally so now; and every man
THE
THE
'Senator Tillman in Congress -
who stood out against them then ought
not on some new issue, which does not in
any degree lessen the danger of these for
harm, fail to denounce and defeat them.
I do not think that the fact that here
and there may be some elements more
conservative in the party than seemed to
be the case in 1886, makes any difference.
Mr. Bryan still gives official voice to the
party's views, maps out its campaigns
and writes its platforms. Mr. Bryan's
intimates and advisers are still Populists
and self-seekers, with the added contin
gent of Tammany bosses. He has neither
use nor care for any man who is con
servative in his views or careful in his
utterances.
Kffect on Gold Basis.
If elected President the public must be
prepared to see Mr. Bryan as chief execu
tive and those associated with him as
cabinet counsellors construe every law
bearing upon the currency and the pow
ers of the Treasury Department in such
a manner as to nullify as best they can
its provisions in so far as they bear upon
the question of the maintenance of the
gold standard. His Populist allies boast
that they seek power that they may bring
about the repeal of the existing laws and
to this end they are Mr. Bryan's cham
pions and defenders.
He can and will keep the country in a
state of ferment and uncertainty in an
attempt to bring about the larger use of
silver as a redemptive money. The ex
periment is too dangerous a one to be en
tered upon by any on the grounds that
the gold standard is so fixed injaw that
it cannot be disturbed, no matter who
may be President or Secretary of the
Treasury. The law ought to be executed
with a construction favorable to it to
fully carry out its provisions and not in
a manner antagonistic to them. l't is
not a perfect law, but can be made so by
its friends. It can be made abortive by
its enemies once firmly entrenched in
power.
Bryan and Recent War.
It will hardly do for any sound money
Democrat or Republican to support Mr.
Bryan because of a supposed better po
sition he occupies than Mr. McKinley on
the question of colonial possessions de
spite his worst position on the question
of the monetary standard, the Supreme
Court, the enforcement of law and the
right of private contract. Mr. Bryan's
position can hardly be as satisfactory a
one on an analysis growing out of the
Spanish war.
He and his friends, in order to put the
administration to a political disadvan
tage, urged on the declaration of war
with Spain, and when it was over Mr.
Bryan. personally at Washington,
through personal advice and solicitation,
brought Into line a sufficient number of
Democratic Senators to ratify the treaty
of Paris, despite the fact that it provided
for the purchase and taking sovereign
possession of Porto Rico, and the Philip
pines, without any provision for giving
them any home government whatsoever.
The evils and burdens of the present mo
ment growing out of the Spanish war
are to be laid as much at the door of Mr.
Bryan and his party as at that of Mr.
McKinley and his. His explanation of
his reason for wishing the treaty ratified
is wholly superficial and does not bear
analysis.
Policy on Philippines.
I imagine that self-government will
come quite as readily through the admin
istration of 'Mr. McKinley as through
that of Mr. Bryan. It will not come un
der either until the Philippines are fitted
for it, property rights safe and personal
ones protected. I hardly believe Mr.
Bryan could do more than send a com
mission there, as the President has done,
in order to take steps looking to sup
planting the military government with a
civil one.
The country will not sanction the im
mediate abandonment of those islands to
disorder aud pillage. When a time comes
that there is safety in a constitutional
home government, only remaining within
tlie sphere of the influence of the Unit
ed States, and public sentiment is to this
end. it can be Tut down that Mr. Mc
Kinley's administration will readily grant
it, for I believe it is generally admitted
that no one is more ready to put himself
in touch with pnblic sentiment than the
President, or act in accordance there
with with more alacrity. If Mr. Bryan
means an immediate abandonment of our
control in the islands he must certainly
fall of support, for no thoughtful person
will sanction a policy which will make
the country ridiculous in the eyes of the
world. .
Would Not Trust Him.
If Mr. Bryan and his party had stood
out as they should have against the Span
ish war and had opposed instead of as
sisted in ratifying the Paris treaty;, they
would be in a better position to confront
Republican plans and purposes, for they
would at least be consistent with their
action. As it is now, they urged the war,
but now wish to avoid the consequences
in order to gain political power by so
doiug. As it is, I don't see that Mr.
Bryan is less of an expansionist, through
force of circumstances which he assisted
in creating, than is Mr. McKinley. The
NEGRO DISFRANCHISED
FIRST STEP INTO A NEW SLAVERY
"? do our best to Keep euery negro
difference is certainly not great enough
to make any man surrender his convic
tions on other great questions to accept
hiin upon one.
It may also be fairly doubted whether
a man with so many erroneous ideas as
to the conduct of the domestic affairs of
the n a I ion can he trusted to have right
ones when it comes to managing our
foreign properties.
As to Porto Rico.
As to the question growing out of the
Porto Rican tariff, I believe the admin
istration made a most egregious error, but
as Democracy is now constituted and con
trolled it stands for nothing so far as a
tariff policy is concerned. It has aban
doned all the advantages of its position
on this question, by advocating in its sil
ver policy the very worst kind of protec
tion. Mr. Bryan stands responsible for
making it a party unable to manfully
advocate a Democratic tariff doctrine.
It is to-day under Mr. Bryan's leader
ship, a party emphasizing a desire for
special privileges and class legislation, ap
pealing" for the support of every element
of discontent by falling in with and ad
vocating the particularly special legisla
tion which such element stands for. Its
demagogy is manifest on every hand.
Raisins the Boer Issue.
What thoughtful and inquiring" person
can possibly believe that either Mr. Bry
an or the delegates at Kansas City are
really deeply solicitous to the extent
which it is made to appear that they are
as to the alleged wrongs of the Boers in
South Africa? Is it not manifest, through
the thin disguise of a love of human
freedom, rights and republican form of
government, that Mr. Bryan and his fol
lowers hope for the German and Dutch
vote as a determining factor in the elec
tion because of racial affiliations with the
Boers and a supposed race prejudice
Against Great Britain, and not because
the question or the integrity of the Boer
republics is so dear to them?
It is absurd that the great questions
with which we have to do affecting the
vital interests of the United States shall
be overlooked in a debate upon how Great
Britain shall conduct its own affairs, es
pecially in the face of a proclaimed reaf
firmation of the Monroe doctrine, which
means, properly interpreted, that the
people of the United States shall attend
to their own affairs and let European na
tions look after theirs.
Confidence in German.
Having voiced such a sentiment, the
Kansas City convention, under the in
spiration of Mr. Bryan, immediately pro
ceeds, for. political effect, to express a
wish to interfere with a European gov
ernment in a matter strictly its own. I
think such politics cheap, and unstates
manlike, quite beneath the dignity of any
great party or leader.
I shall be surprised if any German vot
er, heretofore the bulwark of the coun
try, against every assault upon the in
tegrity of the country's currency system
and protesting against any debasement of
the country's coin, will aid and abet
such a proceeding because of a belief in
any injustice done by Great Britain to
some affiliated race ten thousand miles
away.
If Mr. Bryan was a statesman and not
a mere declaimer, and dealt in a states
manlike manner with American problems,
we would 'not be treated to the floods of
petulant fault-finding and appeals to pre
judice which are manifest in all that he
says, but would have instead suggested
solutions, grounded upon principles, and
in accord with the facts of national his
tory and national experience.
Distrust His Wisdom.
I am sure the American people rightly
distrust the wisdom of one who thus far
in life has been a living expression, in
every address he has made of that best
definition of the essential elements of
stump speech, namely, to claim every
thing and denounce well.
I am not unmindful of the fact that
there are many conditions in this country
requiring careful, thoughtful and states
manlike dealing with. There are many
evils to which labor is subject that need
to be remedied. Likewise there are many
prejudices unjustly entertained against
capital, but in neither instance can they
be dealt with to the good, of all by any
one who brings to them none of the ele
ments of a statesman and all of those
which wholly make up the successful
stump speaker and campaign orator.
Where Remedies Lie.
I believe that more of the remedy lies
without the pale of enacted legislation
than within it, and that neither labor
nor capital is benefited by public utter
ances on the platform, in legislative halls
and through the columns of the press to
the effect that there is an irrepressible
conflict between them.
I do not believe any man benefits his
country by being a preacher of discon
tent, strife between classes, social and
political pessimism, financial disorder and
continuous financial gloom, despite sur
roundings and widespread prosperity, and
therefore V do not believe in Mr. Bryan.
There are some things in President Mo
Kinley's administration and official acts
I am not in accord with. I do not accept
in our State from voting
Republican doctrines as against pure
Democratic ones, rightly interpreted aud
incorporated into the administration of
public affairs. But as between Repub
licanism and Populism, filtered through
the channel of Bryanism, I prefer Repub
licanism. llenie His Democracy.
There is no Democratic doctrine pre
sented this year and no Democratic can
didate. Mr. Bryan was first named by
the Populists because he best stood for
Populistic doctrines. He was only in
dorsed by the convention at Kansas City,
called under alleged Democratic auspices,
because Bryanism, Populism and Democ
racy as now made up are synonymous
terms.
The combined forces of the elements of
discontent of the country having gathered
in one fold and found without a dissent
ing voice a candidate so in..u u .is
to respond with an equal degree of satis
faction to each one's peculiar ism, it
seems to me the part of wisdom to meet
them in another election, and again dem
onstrate that the electorate of this conn
try in every critical time always stands
ready to do that which is wise, putting
down the wrong thing and putting up the
right.
To Vote for McKinley.
I am going to vote for President Mc
Kinley, and do whatever I consistently
can to aid in his election, not because I
favor all his policies or approve of all his
political acts, but because tinder all ex
isting conditions I believe the affairs of
the country will be better off in his bands
than in those of Mr. Bryan.
I hope some time to sec the Democratic
party re-created, advocating Democratic
candidates and Democratic principles,
but it cannot be more than a disturbing
force in the country's daily history until
it rids itself of a leadership which has
brought it to its present low estate and
ceases making itself the lying-in asylum
of those elements of discontent which,
if once entrusted with governmental pow
er would work injury at home and loss of
standing abroad.
Advice to Democrat'.
It can live under defeat without com
plete and ultimate destruction, but a vic
tory gained by it with a candidate holding
the views of Mr. Bryan and a platform
pledging the party to carry out the things
advocated at Chicago in 1896, and in
Kansas City this year, would work such
results to the country that it would pass
out of political power at a recurring elec
tion, without the smallest minorities to
do it honor.
"Unwept, unhonored and unsung."
The Democrat who wishes to save his
party's future will only aid that end by
defeating Mr. Bryan and burying his
platform. Its ultimate recurrence to pow
er and prestige lies in the independence
of Democrats who are such on principle,
and not through expediency.
JAMES H. ECKELS.
ASSENT OF GOVERNED
ARMY OF A MILLION VOTERS
DISFRANCHISED IN SOUTH.
Government by Force Imposed by
the Democrats at Home, While They
Denounce Republican Administra
tion in Our Colonic,
(From the New York Times.)
Four-oars ago, in the sor-called Demo
cratic convention at Chicago, Senator
Benjamin R. Tillman of South Carolina,
in offering a resolution to denounce the
administration of President Cleveland,
made an attempt to convert the conven
tion to his view that the campaign about
to begin was a sectional one, in which
the South and West were to be combined
by a common sentiment against the North
and East, to overthrow those sections and
make their financial opinions odious, and
to destroy their domination in future
national financial legislation and opera
tions. - Tillman has learned something since
that day, when he was deservedly hissed
and hooted in a convention otherwise
none too sane or sensible, and the merit
ed rebuke administered by Senator J. K.
Jones possibly convinced him that sec
tionalism is as hopeless an issue as se
cession to divide the country. But he
was still a man of impulse at Kansas
City. Restored to favor after a civilizing
ordeal of four years of service In the
Senate, he helped to prepare a platform
exposing his party to the charge of gross
inconsistency or insincerity.
To Tillman was assigned the task of
reading the platform. He docs not lack
dramatic sense, and he has a large voice.
With prodigious volume and vehemence
he rolled forth the references, In the
opening phrases to "the inalienable
rights" of men guaranteed by the Declar
ation of Independence and the Constitu
tion. As a sweet morsel he mouthed the
language of the declaration that govern
ments must "derive their just powers
from the consent of the governed.'" "Any
other government," he shouted with so
norous intensity, "is tyranny, and to im
pose upon any people a government of
force is to sustain the methods of impe
rialism." The case of the Porto Ricans
was described as appealing "with pecu
liar force to our justice and magnanim
ity." These sentiments were prepared and
emitted by Mr. Tillman for application
solely to the question of imperialism and
the conduct of the administration in en
deavoring to deal with the new problems
that vex the country. But they seem to
have a more interesting meaning, as ap
plied to Southern States, than they would
as interpreted only to denounce and em
barrass the administration in its effort to
establish free governments in the Phil
ippines, Cuba and Porto Rico.
Alabama' population in 1890 was 1,
513,017. There were upon the common
calculation of one voter in five, 302,203
voters in that State in 1896. Alabama
gave to all candidates for President 193,
6r3 votes, Bryan receiving 130,307. Lou
isiana's population in 1890 was 1,118,597.
The State was entitled in 1896 to at least
223.000 votes, l't cast 102,046,-and Bry
an had 77,000 of these. Mississippi had
1.289,000 population in 1890, and pre
sumably 257,920 males of voting age. In
1896 there were cast for President in
Mississippi 70,545 'votes, Bryan getting
53.859. North Carolina was reported in
1890, in the census of that year, as hav
ing 1.617,947 population. The State cast
331.210 votes in the presidential contest
of 1896, or a little more than the reason
able ratio for 1890. South Carolina,
with a reported population in 1890 of
1,151,149, and with not less than 230,000
voters, cast for all condidates in 1896
68,907 votes, and 58,798 of them went to
Mr. Tillman's man Bryan.
What became of the 600,000 votes that
appear to have been missing from the
election returns of Alabama. Louisiana,
Mississippi anil South Carolina? Were
these .600.000 voters to be governed, in
case Mr. Bryan was chosen or defeated,
without their consent, thus subjecting
them to the "tyranny" referred to by the
Democratic platform? Have those miss
ing voters been since found and required
to give their consent to the election of
Representatives in Congress in order that
they should not be taxed without nation
al representation fairly secured? Or has
their consent been obtained to new re
strictions of the suffrage? Has there lieen
shown any tendency in any of those
States to exchange "the methods of im
perialism for those of a republic?"
How have Alabama, Louisiana, Missis
sippi, North Carolina and South Carolina
qualified themselves to reproach the ad
ministration for imperialism? Have not
three of those States formally and com
pletely aud the two others by progressive
steps undertaken to deprive some 860,
000 of "the governed" of the opportunity
to give or withhold that consent guaran
teed as a right according to the Demo
cratic application of the Declaration of
Independence, and secured by the Con
stitution? Why waste hypocritical platform senti
ment on the people of Porto Rico be
cause they have "a government without
their consent and taxation without rep
resentation," when 600,000 voters in four
States, all Democratic States, are depriv
ed of the right to consent, and about
1,000,000 altogether, if we consider Vir
ginia, Georgia, Florida and Tennessee,
are in like manner subjected to "tyran
ny." Mr. Tillman's platform also de
clares its opposition to "militarism" for
the reason that "it means conquest
abroad and intimidation and oppression
at home. It means the standing army
that has always been fatal to free insti
tutions." What apology does Senator
Tillman offer to the standing army of
1,000,000 voters disfranchised in South
ern States? Were "intimidation and op
pression at home" practiced to bring
about that result, peculiar only to one
section of the country? Does not the con
dition of these silenced voters "appeal
with peculiar force to our justice and
magnanimity?"
Labor Prosperous in New York.
Iu New York State the Bureau of La
bor Statistics shows that the number of
employes in 3,553 of the largest factories
in the State has increased in the last
three years by 56,321," or 18.7 per cent,
while the increase in wages is $21,400,
804, or 15.2 per cent.
Wages on the Great Lakes.
Wages of employes conected with the
shipping on the Great Lakes have been
generally advanced.
BRYAN'S SOLILOQUY.
(Dedicated to soft citizens.)
I favor Free Sliver and paper,
I honor Free Trade and Free Gold,
In fact, I shall play any. caper
That brings me a vote, young or old.
1 preach "the consent of the governed,"
And practice "Imperial sway,"
I'll promise all things to the voter
Who stands on my platform to-day.
I know I'm a talker from Way Buck,
And gifted with "gall" and with "mouth.
It matters not how I maneuver,
I'm sure of the lted, Solid South!
I favor "Expansion" and taxes.
But don't wish to justify wrong,
And believe in the riot of "Kcd Shirts"
If they vote for me often and strong.
I'll promise all things If elected,
And do what 1 please when I'm in;
I favor all virtue In office,
But wink at tough Tammany sin.
I know I'm a Blower aud Actor,
By hiding my "Sixteen to One"
Behind Antl-lmperial humbug,
That soon, like Free Silver, is gone,
I know I'm a Howler and Hoodoo.
But the Farmer and Miner don't Bee
That my Antl-Imperlal clap trap
Is a Paramount Fraud, just per ae.
A Dictator, I'm bold to my party;
I force them to do what I think,
And still to the trough I can lead them.
But can I Induce them to drink?
And when the election Is over,
If I should the White House attain,
I'll turn and twist with the Rabble
Bamboozle and fool them again!
JOHN A. JOYCiS, Washington, D. C.
VXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXy
"Dear Boy" Letters
it-rJr-fTTT-f-r TTr-f ttTtt
My Dear Boy In your last letter yon,
say that old man Skinner, your employ
er, says that he "doesn't see what a
farmer can be thinking of to vote for
McKinley when the trusts are squeez
ing the life out of the farmers and the
country is drifting right into imperialism
every dav."
You want to know how to answer him.
Well, I will tell you what to say to hira
and then I have a few words to say to
you. Ask Mr. Skinner if he remembers that
in 1896 he sold that sorrel mare that used
to work on the nigh side with old Jim
for $45. Ask him whether the sorrel
wasn't a better horse than that bay that
he sold to Crawford the other day for
$80. Remind him that he sold his wool
in 1896 for 14 cents and that he sold this
year at 27 cents, and kicked like a steer
because he didn't get 30.
Gently suggest that he sold a couple of
steers in 1896 for $3.25 per hundred, end
that they were as good as those splendid
fellows that he sold last week for $5.10.
The old man runs a huckster wagon in
to Nelsonville and sells produce to the
miners' wives. Ask him if he remem
bers that four years ago a woman would
come out to the wagon and say:
"Can you let me have a peck of pota
toes and trust me till John gets work?"
Remind him that the same- woman
comes out now and says: "Give me three
dozen of eggs and two pounds of butter.
What are those peaches worth? I'll take
a basketful of them. Giye me a peck
of those tomatoes. How much does it
all come to? Here's your money. When
are you going to bring in some veal? John
likes veal for breakfast."
Ask him if he doesn't know that more
money has been paid out as wages t
working men during the past year than la
any other year in the history of the Hock
ing Valley. Ask him whether a consid
erable part of this money hasn't found
its way into his capacious pocketbook.
Remind him that he told me that when
ever the Mayhew farm is put up for sale
he intends to bid on that upper eighty
that joins his, and that he has wade
enough money in the. last two years to
pay for it.
And then gently suggest that he does
not appear to be suffering much from
imperialism or trusts either. Tel! him
that perhaps he had better let well
enough alone. Tell him no! to vote for
what he doesn't want. Tell him thst
when trade is good and business confi
dence strong and healthful, it is not wise
to tear the whole thing down hv giving
the administration into untried hands.
I think that this is the only kind of
argument that will touch old man Skin
ner, but you, my boy, have a larger
soul. I want to say some other thing
to you.
My hoy, thank C!od that you live 1b a
country prosperous at home and honored
abroad, and never so prosperous and
honored as now.
When you come to vote this fall, re
member that the national credit ha
reached its highest point, that the work
of American laborers has gained its high
est reward, and that the glory of Ameri
can arms on land and seit has been moor
widely maintained under the wis-v,
thoughtful, patriotic administration of
William McKinley.
Remember that his administration is
carrying out the principle and policy at
the Republican party.
Remember that the blood of four fen
erations of American soldiers runs In
your veins, and then vote so that yoa
will not be ashamed of your vote on the
day after election. YOUR FATHER.
Farm Mortgaces and Interest.
In 1890 the farm mortgages of the
State of Kansas amounted to the vast
sum of $240,000,000, much of it bearing
the exorbitant interest of 12 per cent,
was reduced in 1899 to less than $41,000,
000. certainly a remarkable evidence of
the prosperity of the farmer. The pres
ent rates of interest on Kansas farm
loans are the lowest ever known.
Prosperity Proof in Money Orders.
Postoffice statistics are significant.
From June 30. 1895, to June 30. 1899,
there was a gain of 7,000,000 in the num
ber of money orders issued, while their
value increased by $55,000,000, and the
average amount of each order from $7.00
to $7.40. This is another proof of the
existence of McKinley prosperity.
Labor in Mi higan.
Labor Commissioner Cox, of Michigan,
says in his 1899 report: "Wages show a
decided increase over those of 1898, and
an average of more than 10 per cent in
crease over 1S97. The greatest gain is in
the fact that all idle labor is now steadily
employed at remunerative wages."
Sheep Worth Money Now.
Sheep are higher than for twenty years
and worth about double what they were
four years ago.
What Cows Are Worth.
The total value of the farmer's and
dairyman's milch cows is 53 per cent
greater than in 1S96.