Page 8A EUGENE REGISTER-GUARD, Sunday, April 21, 1963
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J07 hn jCVI a, , U
w v (AP Newifeatures photo)
I Jnpacv Youngsters investigate a trench in New Delhi, one of the many
J reminders that India is prepared for another attack by the
rp Chinese Communists. In the background is Connaught Circle,
1 rUCG New Delhi's marketing center.
Despite Chinese Withdrawal
Red Attack Wrought
Deep Changes inlndia
By HENRY S. BRADSHER
Of the Associated Prui
Dusty men In turbans chipped
way at a brick wall and it
tumbled Into the narrow bazaar
treet of old Delhi. A symbol of
the Chinese danger was gone.
The wall had been built half
a year earlier at the peak of
the fear that Communist China
might send its warplanes over
the capital of India. Delhi mu
nicipal corporation spent $10,
500 lining the sidewalks with
walls to protect pedestrians
from bomb splinters.
Some were made of substand
ard cement and crumbled by
themselves long bctoro the cor
poration decided they were use
less. Now the rest are coming
down.
Slit trenches dug in grassy
paces that bcautity New Delhi
are filling up with refuse with
out aver filling with refugees
' from air raids.
Air raids have not come yet.
But the Indian government,
thrown off balance by the Chi
nese voluntary withdrawal after
their invasion victories, is still
apprehensive that they might at
tack again. Fear of an attack
this spring has, however, les
sened since the Chinese began
April 10 to return Indians taken
prisoner last autumn.
War Standing Remains
With the fading of fear, tho
tense of emergency too has dis
sipated, although the formal
state of emergency remains on
the government books. India is
still under war regulations im
posed without a declaration ot
war with China.
On tho surface little differ
ence is visible between India
before Oct. 20 and the nation
of today, six months after the
Chinese attack.
But there is a major change
In tho image that India holds of
Itself and that others hnve of
this ancient nation of halt a
million villnges. Tho imago re
flects tho internal change of
mood.
Tho Imago had been that ot
a frail little man, Mohandas K.
Gandhi, who preached a non
violent approach to a hostile
world, and of his lieutenant,
Jawaharal Nehru, who admon
ished tho world to be less hos
tile. India was a nntion that tried
to solve others' problems. It
specialized in telling the West
that-Cnmmunists, especially Chi
nese Communists in Korea and
Indochina, were not really so
bad If treated decently.
It urged others to settle dis
putes by peaceful means.
Like a domesticated elephant
that turns rogue, nonviolent In
dia seized Goa from Portugal in
December 1081. But if the West
disapproved, China and Afro
Asian nations applauded this
deviation.
Prime Minister Nehru slill
talked as if the world could he
a place of peaceful Internation
al brotherhood.
Nehru could not believe the
dispute with China over 51,000
quare miles of rugged Hima
layan borderlands would de
stroy the friendship of the two
most populous nations on earth.
But the Chinese attacked.
'Artificial Atmosphere'
"We were living in an artifi
cial atmosphere of our own
creation and we have been
shocked out of it," Nehru ad
mitted. The new reality for India be
came power. Walking the tight
. rope of nonalignment was re
vealed to require not only a
delicate ,-onso of balance but
also steely muscles. India lucked
muscles.
Acquiring them meant devel
oping a patriotic spirit. It came
when Nehru told India's 4H1
million people that the entire
nation was threatened by the
thinking all along that the Chi
nese had only limited objec
tives. People rallied together in the
name of the motherland that
they had previously ignored in
preference for regional linguist
tic and caste loyalties which
cut India into dozens of pieces.
"We finally got the kind of
nationalism that flowered in
19th century Europe," an In
dian historian commented.
Acquiring muscles also meant
turning to anyone abroad who
would provide weapons. The
only significant help has come
from tho United States, Britain,
Canada and Australia.
1 Nehru says India remains
nonaligncd. One reason is a de
sire to keep the Soviet Union
friendly In the hope It will not
help China much even if it does
not help India and more than
the token shipment of four
MIG-21 jet fighters promised
before the Chinese attack.
Nehru is now wavering be
tween two conflicting roles:
War leader doing what is neces
sary to defend his peoplo and
exponent of nonviolence and
nonalignment.
In the first, he has to accept
Western help including the
promise of fighter planes to op
erate from Indian airfields if
the Chinese should launch air
raids. But the second role as
well as national pride prevent
Nehru from admitting this de
pendence. The result is a policy
that is publicly fuzzy although
clear to people who run the
Indian government.
Few Act 'Nonaligncd'
"What's to bo gained by say
ing we've given up nonalign
ment? An external affairs min
istry official asks himself.
"Nothing. It is a useful shell
becauso it keeps some people
from getting mad at us and
might win some support."
Few officials below Ncliru act
very committed to tho shell and
it might not outlast him despite
tho emotional and moral appeal
of nonalignment for many In
dians.
Tho president of India, phil
ospher Sarvcpalli Radhakrish
nan, told American officials last
November no one here was sur
prised by the help from Wash
ington. Speaking of the deep
appreciation, he said India
knew America would always
help another democracy under
attack.
Nehru turns his temper on
anyone who advocates India's
formalizing this expectation of
help with alliances. It is be
neath national dignity to allow
alliances to make decisions for
India, he insists.
Increasingly, however, he is
being challenged on both for
eign and domestic policy. Some
observers think he would have
lost the prime minister's job
that he has hold for 16 years if
the Chinese had scored many
more victories last autumn and
will lose if it the Chinese attack
again with the same success.
Nehru answers criticism by
counterattacking opposition po
litical parties. He conveniently
overlooks the fact that some of
the strongest voices against his
policies are within his own Con
gress Party.
Menon Dropped
These were the voices that
forced him reluctantly to drop
V. K. Krishna Menon from the
job ot defense minister after
the Chinese showed how ill pre
pared the Indian army was.
Krishna Menon is campaign
ing hard to build the kind of
political base he has never had,
being Nehru's political creation.
But he and his pro-Communist
friends face a problem.
They have been discredited by
the failure of Communist coun
tries to help India in the time
of need. The Indian Reds have
invasion, despite some officials' been besmirched through guilt
by association with the Chinese
Reds although the Indian Com
munist party split into factions
facing Peking and Moscow.
Indian Communists cannot be
written off because they remain
the best organized party aside
from Nehru's Congress. In many
areas they offer the main alter
native to Congress, but their ap
peal has been weakened.
A former student leader re
ports Communist workers among
students are having to lie low i
Wanca nf hnstililv tnuarrl I
China. Krishna Menon has been
booed by student audiences.
To try to overcome their un
popularity, Communists have ap
I pointed themselves the chief
protectors of Nehru from what
1 they say are reactionary tenden-
I cics. Nehru, a Socialist at heart,
accepts some of this protection
but has tried to shake loose
from too close an embrace.
Even when shaking with an
ger, Nehru lacks his old vigor.
His age, 73, tells heavily on this
once bouncy man.
Nehru was stricken by severe
illness a year ago. By July, he
looked haggard, his face bloated
by drugs and his back bowed.
His energy seemed to be gone.
Crisis Beneficial
The symptoms had disap
peared by tho time of tho Chi
nese attack and it acted as a
stimulant, invigorating him.
Nehru told friends he had never
felt better than he did under
the pressure of the one-month
war.
The stalemate since Nov. 21
of the unsettled, unsigned peace
has been a physical letdown for
tho prime minister. He now fre
quently appears listless and
lethargic. - At a recent party
meeting, he sat on the stage
with tho blank, open-mouthed
expression of an empty, fatigued
mind.
Persons close to him say Neh
ru can no longer remember
little personal things very well.
His speeches, never noted for
conciseness, seem to ramble
even more badly and often be
devoid of meaning.
Yet ho is the only truly na
tional leader India has. The
rural masses worship him. Neh
ru Is India.
His physical letdown during
the stalemate reflects in many
ways the national letdown.
"It is sometimes said that the
spirit displayed in October and
November is now passing away,"
said Nehru's closest political as
sociate. Home Minister Lai
Bahadur Shastri. The loss of
spirit would be wrong, Shaslri
added, but he did not deny it
had happened.
Indian people rallied to the
war effort at the beginning with
a spirit that amazed many of the
more sophisticalcd city resi
dents. Widows gave their tiny
savings, laborers earning two
rupees (42 cents) a day gave a
bit. and students sought jobs to
earn money to contribute to the
j National Defense Fund.
The fund has now reached al
most SI 10 million plus more
than $2.5 million worlh of gold
from Hindu temple altars and
women's ornaments. Hut ot lale
the fund has almost stopped
growing. Few are giving any
more.
"1 promised to give one day's
pay a month." a middleagcd In
dian said. "But new taxes are
now taking an extra day and a
half in pay so I can't do both."
I He gave no sign of begrudging
I the money, however the gov
j eminent got it.
Tases Raised
Taxes that the finance minis
try long wanted to impose to
raise money for economic de
velopment, but hesitated to levy
because ot political repercus
sions, have now been imposed.
The emergency has made them
acceptable with relatively little
grumbling.
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