' 8 ' ' ' - ' " j :' ' TgEi; OREGON UND
ilN IP M-Ll IIP IpT I' President ' ' Tpj::;fe-oftf-enci f
! y;;MoM:' Situation
(CHAPTER 21)
' V'.-- - : . ., . J - s .-i : ; . J ae
i : I - i
DCAA 1 It 1
d the fu
tie of the
. . .
.1?
"St
- I The Sunday Journal herewith presents the twenty-firrt installment of Bay Stannard Baker1!
"y. in peace, which is an arnnomative Mmtm of bow the peace of Paris was cone laded.
Weodrow Wilson cav Mr. Baker access to ail f his personal unpublished papers, which are
thai only reliable and 1ncontrbertible reports of the facta, and which heretofore have never been
PUDiic 'loe epoefcxl feature will be published ia The Journal serially throucboat the year.
(Coprrisht. 1922. by Doobleday, Pace Co. Published by Special Arrangement with
the Jacuiora Newspaper syndicate.)
TVTE COME n&w to the true reasons whv President Wilson wtt-h
Y unshakable determination upon making: the League of Nations "an
integral part of the general treaty of peace."
This, In many respects, is the most important subject
connected with the peace conference; for it was the
concrete symbol of the whole struggle between the
"new order" and the "old order." Again and again
Wilson called the league the "key to the whole settle
ment." The European allies and Japan wanted the terri
torial, military and economic settlements made first
and, in general, according to the provisions of the ojd
secret treaties: a peace based upon the necessities, in
terests and fears of the great nations. The league was
to come afterward if at all!
President Wilson wanted the American principles
and program, which had been accepted by everyone at
the armistice, applied now and to all the terms of the
settlement. He regarded the League of Nations as the cornerstone of that
program, without which the principles could not be upheld, nor the future
peace of the world America's supreme concern soundly guaranteed
.
- V
- j V 'e
, - S
,Kay Stannard
' Baker
u i- Ha waa, therefore, for the League now.
ant knit into every part of the settle
meet Ut was not Wilson's principles
! that cKused the trouble at Paris, but
: ids ' determination to apply them.
-v President Wilson once said of himself
: : that he had a "single-track mind." He
- exemplified It in these early days of the
conference. No matter what hkppened
he tnoved straight forward toward his
objectives.
. . On the first day of the conference
the! French offered their plan of pro
cedure, which put the consideration of
.) the League of Nations last. On the next
4ayi the president introduced his "list of
. subjects." which put. the league first
He evidently expected that it would be
diaousfed by the council itself, and its
. ; principles, if not its details, worked out
by the heads of states as the basis of the
settlements. ;
' The British, In their usual fashion,
set to work at once to draft a resolution
to bring the matter definitely before the
conference. Both; the British and French
, were adepts in the preparation of such
documents; they knew well the tactical
value of putting flown the aetual written
proposal.
- .Toe' principal purpose of this British
resoiutiloji was to get the discussion of
the JLeague out of the council and into
the frands of a special committee. The
copy which we find in Mr. Wilson's file
is printed on a? single sheet .of paper
v crowned by the British seal and dated
January 15. It was handed to the presi
dent, no doubt, for Immediate approval,
but he held it back for a week.
Ciiring all this time discussions were,
going on outside the counciL' The presi
dent's covenant described in the last
' . .ekapter-at least certain concrete pro-
- posals in it, like those .for cutting down
armaments and the mandatory control
of colonies had fallen into the Kuro-
i pean camp with something of the effects
of m bombshell. These things gave the
, U4e leaders a clear glimpse, for the
ftrstj time, of what the Americans in
tended to do if they could. Wide differ-
. ences of view at once developed, especl-
ally with the French and Italians.
r.WllioB Wanted General Discussion.
Nevertheless, the president still hoped
that I the League would be discussed, so
far as its general principles were con
cerned, in the main councils and by the
heads of states. On January 21 hetold
3i Clezqenceau. who so Informed the ten.
7
that he intended rto "submit the auea
tion of a league of nations at the next
meeting. Here follows the discussion in
the secret minutes
Lloyd George, stated that he agreed to
this, and suggested that the question of
tne league or nations be taken up at the
next meeting, and that those present lay
down the general principles and then ao-
point an international committee to work
on the constitution of the League.
President Wilson asked whether
Lloyd George contemplated a committee
formed of delegates
Lloyd George answered that he thought
it wouia De desirable to have qualified
persons on the committee.
resident Wilson then explained for
tne inrormation of those present how he
had gone about drawing up a constitu
tion. He stated that he had taken the
Pbilllmore report and had asked Colonel
iiouse to rewrite It. He had th.n r-
written Colonel House's constitution to
sun nis own ideas. Subsequently he had
studied the plans prepared by General
omuts ana Lord Robert Cecil, and then
he had rewritten the constitution once
more. Finally he had had a talk with
Mr. Bourgeois, and he was glad to say
that he had found his ideas in substan
tial accord with Mr. Bourgeois, General
Smuts and Lord Robert Cecil.
"Mr. Balfour sureested that th r.v-
denf s draft be referred to the com
mittee. Vt.
"President Wilson thonrht it Wn
the committee be formed of those men
who had already studied the question.
Mr. Lloyd George agreed to this, and
as he would like to have both General
Smuts and Lord Georere
committee, he suggested that the com
mittee do composed or two persons ap-
iHJiuicu oy eacn or tne delegations of
the great powers."
ACCEPTING COMMITTEE IDEA
It was not onlv the Aivnraitv nf
ion that was developing- over- the coven
ant that caused the president to accept
the committee idea, but the council it
self was already overwhelmed with the
problems of Russia and Poland and of
a world still in chaos, or the world
was not waiting either for the Council
of Ten or for a League of Nations com
mission ! It was everywhere in dangerous
flux. On January 19, for example, there
was a political crisis in Italy and the
general elections in Germany, both of
which were sources of anxiety. Aus-
. . St
tria was starving; Hungary was already
uniting toward revolution.
On the following day (January. '22
the minutes recordJI- i , H h; t hi
"Mr. Lloyd George read certain reso
lutions regarding th League or Nations,
and they were accepted with certain
amenaments proposed by President
Wilson." --11 :'h :!fit;;;
These were the J British resolutions
w men had been la. the president's bands
icr a weeK and the amendments re
lerred to, which the president had xnaZle
one In typewriting i and one in his ,jawh
handwriting (see fae simile) were-of
immense significance. The printed text
"This league should be .Created-'
part or the peace." U- - ,,,
Under this provision tha ictfWonfn
might be made according to the French
plan of having twp divisions of the
peace conference, in I the first of which
all the settlements twere . to be made
according to the oM ideas, and then a,'
bcuuu --uugress wnjen would : discuss
a society oi nations." ; t.
W lth the president's changes it reads
"This league should be created as
an integral part of the general treaty of
peace." In short, he wanted-the league
to be an "integral j part" indeed the
cornerstone of the peace. "1 I .
DIVERSION BY ll,OTD GEOBQE!
While this was his! long-held purpose,
there was also an immediate tactical
significance in this Jamendment i If he
could get immediate consideration ;of the
principles of the league in the council
and by the beads of the states, as he
had intended, he Would iso place the
council on record that the league could
not be sidetracked. While this resolu
tion was adopted, al though with a res
ervation 6r Baron Makino. the very
next day (January 123) Lloyd George
precipitated the attempt (which will be
described in the nextli chapter) to divide
up the German colonjies along the Brit
ish dominions, the I French and the
Japanese which in itielf was an- attempt
io siaeu-acK tne league and get the set
tlements, on thei basis of the secret
agreements rather than on the basis lof
the "new order." On , January 25. dur
iner the second nlenarv wninn nf ts nnii
ference, while the conflict over the col
onies was raging in the council of ten,
these resolutions of January 23 ; were
passed by all the nations, an action
which later proved Of unexpected Im
portance. The league project was thus
fairly -launched. Wilfeon. In a powerful
speech - on that day! drove home his
main contention thajt the league was
to be "the keystone of the whole pro
gram" of the peace, i
"This is the central object of our
meeting. Settlements, , may be tempor
ary, but the action lof the nations In
the interest of peace! and it Justice i must
be permanent. We ian set "up perma
nent processes. We may not be able
to set up permanent decisions."
How far any of his hearers " svmna
thized with this point of view may be
doubted ; but they accepted the resolu
tion providing for a committee to draft
the covenant. There were still plenty
of chances for them either to get the
essential settlements made before the
covenant was ready I and accepted as
they were at that mtjment trying-to do
with German colonies or else to get a
covenant to suit them. I :
DISBELIEF I3f THE LEAGUE
There can be no doLbt that the other
heads of states not dine of whom reallv
believed In the league! (Smuts and Cecil
believed in it, but not Lloyd George)
considered that in referring It to a com
mission they were getting it, at least
temporarily, out of the . way so I they
could proceed to the business that really
interested them: the division of the col
onies, the assessment of damages against
the Germans, and so on And they
began Ky making the new commission
as Awkward and unwieldy as possible
as nearly a. debating society by adding
jjuubjs i . lrora as many small na
tioBs - as possible.,: Clemenceau, Lloyd
Eeorge-and- ikmnino, whe had been so
Intent dpert'ejtcluding the! amaU natioiks
rrom tne effective ! deliberations of the
preaK powers on, ue terms of the treaty,
now insisted .that these small nations be
aiiowea a voice In the formulation of
uie .league. ; . -1 .j . ;.: r i ;.
i So. tor reasons or uuiineir. it -or
to allow delegates from five smail
powers 01 the , commissiotbr-a number
wnicB. was increased to nine after the
sessions bes-am ii th" :ut nnia
reaci had twof delegates, there was thus
iinanx- lormed a commission of 13,
With the. small powers In a mtherity of
oneJ. s.plaoned for. the : councU of the
league. , ?,. ,: : jHn f i ' f
V. COXXeQUT I3T iTHE rfiTTXfTTT.
l Tf cbupq'uy 'm the' secret session of
Janlia3ry'. ?2S-of the council of -ten is at
one .- - Btt ;v" fiubtle,-; sq v Insignificant, so
touched, indeed. . tothe underatunlne
m, wjisb irony,,, Kjai it is here re-
n?President Wlhm1 observed that as a
practical matter he would RlieVAfit that
an (nitial draft fpr i the -League f Na
tions oe maae by a commission appoint
ed by the . srreat . nowera. TTita Hra ft
coum men De submitted to a larger
commission on i which all the small
powers would be represented. In a
word, thfl Hraftlnv : wmiM v..
. T' -.0 w UUUB UJ
the fgreat powers, and the result sub
mitted to the criticism of the small
powers.
; 'Lloy4 George tfiought that inas
much as the Leasue of Nations Is tn a
In fket, a sort ;of shield of the small
powers, tney should be represented on
the t drafting committee, r Perhans it
might be better to have the great powers
nominate their own, -representatives,
and j also name the small powers, who
should likewise have representatives on
the Commission. : i
President Wilson stated he would
prefer to see, a more elastic arranee.
ment, and' thought it most desirable that
the Opinion of the thoughtful men rep
r? seitlng the small powers should be
sought. Would it not be well to have
the Commission of 10 to be appointed by
the kveat powers authorized to -call in
any one they choose and discuss withi
representatives of the small powers!
wose reatures or the scheme most likely
to effect the latter? Moreover, they;
nfeedj not confine themselves to a few.j
It seemed to him .that it was most ad-j
'visafile to proceeoT in this -way. Much
more would be gotten out of the small
powejrs, if they were called In as friends
and kdvisers. Furthermore in that way
the great powers would avoid the diffi
cult of seeming to pick out men whom
the small powers should themselves
-ckoofewj v'. ' J 'j j
1 1 "Mi Clemenceau Observed that the
work! was as much for the great powers
a it was for? the small powers. He
thought it most desirable that the great
and Ismail powers should get together,!
and ihat their work should be intimately
connected. It Was Important to let the
public if eel that their work was con
nected. He suggested that the great
powers name two representatives apiece
and . .the small i powers name five. ' He
thought; they would! be only too glad
tt$ follow the advice of. the representa
tlyesof the great powers. He proposed
that the bureau ask the small powers to ;
get together and name five. The re
sponsibility would then be theirs. He
spoke,- fit' course, of belligerents only,
arid 6ot of neutrals, lie was most anx
ious the work should begin as soon as
possible and h;e hoped the commission
woultfr' be. appointed at once.
IWmililinMamwi..M1.f1
"President Wilson observed that
was impossible to draft an instrument
oii a large committee. It would be far
napre practical to appoint a manageable
drafting committee, letting this small
committee or a : few men prepare 1 and
submit a draft to the others, land obtain
tneir impressions; and opinions, i I
rsairour understood it ! was in
tended that the committee should, from
time to time, consult the members of the
great powers. . ; : t i i : j
i uoya ueorge thought it well to
remember that the smail powers were
becoming very restive, and fejt they had
been locked out. so to sneak.! Whv not
iei jrresiaent Wilson prepare a draft for
immeaiate consideration by the commis
sian? He did not think it would b im.
possible to have a commission of fifteen
representatives. . As to the fear that the
assignment of only five to reornwnt ill
th small powers might cause some em
barrassment to their- delegates, he saw
no reason why the matter should not be
put up to them, letting them discuss and
fight over-the question of who should
represent them. i
ijsn. ciemeneeau reneated that v.
inougnt u most necessary that the great
jjvwers anouia mane the conference feel
mat they wanted the smaller nnwri
lania aK an to come Ir with them.
TEMPORARILY SIDETRACKED
iiioya ueoree and Cemnmin t,A
tnus got the league idea "temoorariiv
sidetracked in s a committee land then
they had overloaded the conmltiM
making it a kind of blowing-off . place
for the small powers ; so that they could
be! left free, in their small council Nf
tne great powers, to settle and divide
up tne world as they pleased. But the
president, although severely bam tiered
acceptea the challenge; and then did
something that the others! had never In
the least calculated upon. They had
expected Colonel House to be! the chief
American representative on the ; League
or , aauons commission knowing his
deep Interest In the subject but the
president himself became a member and
chairman of the League of Nations com
mission, thus giving it unexpected power
and prominence. He and Orlando were
the only heads of great states upon it.
(Lloyd George, having already aDDointed
Smits and Cecil, could not easily come
in, even ir ne had cared to do so.)
Interest even shifted from the council
itself : to the League of Nations com
mission. It was keen strategy on both
sioes I; i
What the European and ' Japanese
leaders never seemed to understand was
the; deadly earnestness and determina
tion . of this American president. They
did not realize at the time that the
clearness with which he had made up
his mind as to his course or to what
depths his convictions went, that he
represented not only the ideals: and tra
ditions of America, but the hope of the
world. During the tragedy and suffering
of the war every one had thought, talked
and! written about some great vague
association of nations that most emerge
In the final settlements to prevent the
recurrence of such a disaster; j It filled
men's minds. All statesmen, French and
British as well as Americans, Included It
in' their declarations of policy. Only
the Japanese never let go emotionally!
None had given clearer and more forci
ble expression to this great hope than
Wilson; but whereas many ;of these
spoke ; of it under the fleeting! Impulse
of a current of sentiment or of political
expediency, leaving harder and more
sordid motives undisturbed underneath,
the American president meant ; every
word he said and came to Paris deter
mined to do what he had agreed to.
what had!
been promised. I I :
WlLSOirc DETERMINATION
V" ",oet impressive-pand: necessary
this TKlinlt(V T.mtn fVi. ama1
make the
Gorky Sees
Of Soviet-
Dream Is
Failure
Declares
Impossible
Bt Maxim f!rv
j I'wAuauu oj rwuis or tu rreat spbeaTal
Bneni. Maxhn Gerkr fled the Soviet repabtte
: aaa eoacbt refae ia Germany. In the first
'uMaooi articlaa aine be left his oarira land the
oisctoaea secrets of the causes which ted
toe rsTohrbon and rntiueaab; holds up to tha
luwos exisuns m tns land.
Tiaw tha ecodit
M I (Timnslai
- fCoprnaht.
(Timnslated hy Isaae Don Lertne)
Poirtriarfat. 1B22 br UnlMiai si.i..i
.CAD ttictata Tfini J In the 17. S. and Canada)
'- ; . A am asked by people whom I am ac
. euatamed to regard with respect what
. tnaut or Russia.
' What X think of my country, or to
put t more accurately, of the Russian
i people. of the peasantry forming its
: majority, distresses me greatly. It
would be easier for me not to answer
the euestion. butvI went through and
know too much to have a right to silence.
" However, it should be understood that
X. condemn and justify no one.
KORBT HE'S BIGHT
"I simply narrate here how my numer
ous Expressions shaped themselves. An
, " opinion Is not necessarily a condemna
tion, j and I should not be sorry If my
opinions should prove to have been erro-
ceoug.
1 ,In Xhe essence every people is an ele
: mental tide of anarchy. People want
t eat as much sua possible and work as
little 'a possible. - They want to have all
the rights and have no duties. The at
mosphere of lawlessness in which man
kind (has been accustomed to live since
ancient times has Induced it to believe
' in .in legitimacy or lawlessness, in the
zoological naturalness of anarchy.
This applies especially closest to the
.masses of the Russian peasantry which
have .experienced a more protracted and
brutal period, of ' servitude than the
- etherl peoples of Europe. The Russian
peasant baa been dreaming for centuries
fori at state which would have no right L
to influence tne win or the Individual
and the - freedom of his actions ; of a
state having no power over man.
HOPE HELD IMPOSSIBLE
, In the impossible hope of attaining
equality for all. while 'the liberty of
everyf one remained unlimited, the Rus
sian people endeavored to establish such
: at- state ia the ' form of Cossackdom of
the Ukrainian "Setch."
Even bow there still lives in the dark
soul ef the Russian sectarian the vision
' of & ifabulous "Messianic Kingdom" it
exisfcj somewhere at the "border, of the
earth,', mad people live there undis
turbed, knowing nothing of the "anti
Christian vanity" f life, of the city tor
mented painfully by the convulsions of
the progress of civilisation. .
The nomadic Instinct has not yet van
ished rrom the Russian peasant. He
rardst the toil of the piougher as a, curse 1 property of : desolating man. of suckinr
rf God and is sick with desire to move lout his aspirations. The peasant: will
from one place to another.- He la almost sometimes gt out. beyond the pale ox
WckLtg in aa vaggresaiv desire to settle his village, gaze into the aurroundina:
firmly on a chosen point and Influence
the surrounding environment In his in
terests at least this desire is very
weakly developed. And when he re
solves to do so, he has a difficult and
fruitless struggle facing him. Those
who endeavor to contribute to the life
of the village sortie thing of themselves,
something new, meet with distrust and
hostility on the part of the viUage which
either squeezes or throws them out of
its midst. But It happens even more
frequently that the reformers. In conflict
with the insuperable conservatism of
the Russian village, -desert It themselves.
There is plenty of room elsewhere; the
empty plain extends in all directions
and temptingly lures one on.
WHAT HISTORIAN SAT$
The gifted Russian historian Kosto-
marofx says
"Opposition to the state always ex-
lsiea among the common peoeple, but on
account of too extensive geographic ex
panse of the country it took the form of
flight, desertion from the duties im
posed by the state on the people and not
or active resistance and fighting.
Since the days to which this refers.
the population of the Russian plain has
increased, the "geographic. expanse" has
contracted, but the psychology of the
people remains the same and finds its
expression In the curious proverb-
counsel: "Do not desert your job, but
dont work." ;
TEEWS VAST ACHIEVEMENTS
The western man from his early child
hood, as soon as he can stand on bis
hind lesrs. sees about him tha monu
mental achievements of the labor of his
ancestors. From the sluices of Holland
to the tunnels of the Italian Riviera and
the vineyards of Vesuvius, from the
great works of England to the mighty
Suesian foctories, the whole face of
Europe is thickly covered with the
grandest incarnations of the organised
will f men a will which set for itself
the arrogant goal of subduing the ele
mental forces of nature to the prudent
interests of roan.
"The earth is in the hands of man.
and he is its real master." . This Im
pression is absorbed by the child of the
West and it rears in him in apprecia
tion of the worth of man. of respect for
his labor and. a sense of personal Im
portance as an heir to the wonders et
the works and creations of bis an
cestors.
. Such Ideas, such, sense and -appreciations,
cannot arise - in the soul of the
Russian peasant. The limitless plain on
which are thickly crowded the wooden
straw-roofed villages has the malignant
at 'this point to examine the
wjdaon's determination to
League "an integral nart of the e-ener&l
treaty of peace," and, indeed, Xhe most
important part. ! It was no sudden or
capricious - decision, no; mere tactical
feint as some of the diplomats seemed
to i think. ; He had been wrestling with
the problems it! presented! tor three
years, throughout the ordeal of the war.
It had been gradually evolved, and in
hisi! mind was the Inevitable and logical
result to be achieved from American in
tervention in the war; What other in
terest or purpose had America than to
secure from these settlements the future
permanent peace of the World? The
diplomats j of Europe had no conception
of the depth of the president's convic
tion upon this DoinL
His thinking on thfs subject had gone
mrougn three distinct stages, each cor
responding to the changing attitude -of
America toward this world conflagra-
tion. ; I I
Early in the war he began to see that
America, whatever the outcome, would
re profounaiy affected : that our Isola
tion as a nation- was henceforward im
possible, ij ;j i
"TR. . . . . - . .
,ro are participants, wnetner we
would 1 or not. in,, the life of the world.
T We are partners with the rest.
What affects mankind is inevitably our
anair as well aa the affair of the na
tions of Enirope or Asia." I
He said this In an address to the
League to, Enforce Peace, May 27. 1916.
more man a year before America ' en
tered the war. If this great new fact
was true, then what should America
ao?' What should she demand in place
of the security of her former, but now
inevitably disappearing, isolation? She
could arm herself, become a great mill
tary power ; this was what the nations
of Europe- were doing. He rejected this
Idea utterly. The only alternative was
some form of international cooperation :
in which America could lead. She should
therefore Join with the other nations of
the world "to see that right prevails as
against any sort of selfish aggression,"
and; thus preserve peace in the woxld.
In short, there should be an associa
tion; of nations. This logic seemed to
him unescaptble. But at that time we
were neutrals. : the present war must
be settled "as the belligerents may
agree." We could have nothinsr to do.
of course, with the terms of the peace.
We might come Into the association of
nations afterwards.
"Our Interest is only in peace and its
future guarantees."
mi other words, the belligerents were
to settle the terms of the peace by ne
gotiation (with Germany, p.f course, at
the peace table), and we were to come
in -afterwards as a member of the as
sociation Of nations to hold the world
steady. .. ,
BELIEFS THAT THE WAR BROUGHT
But, the fiercer grew the' watt, and the
nearer America came to I being sweot
into jit, the more earnestly! the president
began to ask himself concerning the re
lationship of this association of ' nations
withi the terms of the peace. ! He still
envisaged a peace by negotiation, - a
peace without victory." as he told the
senate on January 22, 1917 s and he still
believed that! the future peace of the
world could sot be guaranteed without
the participation of the United States.
But , he had, seen the passions of Europe
rising to greater and greater heights ;
he had begun !to perceive how difficult it
would be, in such an atmosphere of
hatred and fear and greed, to get a
just peace." He therefore began to
be concerned ' about the terms of the
peace. He tells the senate that before
waste and after a while win feel this
1 waste flooding his I souL Nowhere
around him are there ; any lasting" signs
of. labor and creation I to be seen. : The
Restates of the landlords?:! Butthitre
are few of them and they are Inhabited
by enemies. The cities? But they are
far away and not much more civilized
than the villages. On. all i sides Is an
endless plain and in tits center an in.
significant little man, cast upon : this
lugubrious soil for penal servitude. And
the man is cloyed ijrith a feeling of
indifference which ktljs his capacity to
think, to remember the past, to work
out ideas from his experience. I The
historian of Russian j civilization, char
acterizing the peasant, said to him
"Many superstitions and no ideas."
CONFIRMED BT LO tE j ! ' L
This painful judgment is confirmed by
the entire Russian folklore. .
Unquestionably the Russian summer,
"the living gold of the sumptuous fields,"
is beautiful, but in (the autumn the
plower again faces the naked earth and
again it demands of him penal labor.
Then the severe, six ipontha' long- whi
ter arrives. The land is dressed: to
a dazzlinglywhlte shroud, storms rage
furiously and menacingly and man is
suffocated from idleness and loneliness)
in the cooped-up, filthy cabin. Nothing
remains of his labor! .but straw i and
a thatched hut which three times in
the life of every generation is wiped
out by fires.
The technically, prtriittve' toll of 'the
village is unbelievably oppressing , and
the peasant calls it "9 trada," ' from the
Russian verb "to suffer." - The burden
of his toil, as against its Insignificant
results, deepens the instinct of private
property in the peasant, making him
almost immune to thai Influence of the
doctrines which ascribe all human evils
to the power of this very instinct.
X.OBOB IS VABXED
The labor of the city
firm and lasting. From the formless
lumps of dead ore he
and apparatus of. amasing intricacy.
vitalized by his mind.
subjugated for his .lofty purposes the
forces of nature and
what the Djins of the Oriental' tale were
nature. Ererrvherit lit mm !
embodied in , variety of mechanisms
and things, in thousands iof books and
pictures, and everywher are the marks
or grand torments of
dreams and hopes, his
doubts and beliefs, his!;
which: there burns anl
thirst for new forms.
a poignant striving to!
creta of nature and find the sense of
dweller is varied;
creates machines
! He ihas already
thej are to .'him
and involuntary wrongs,, the minute
movements of his eternally dissatisfied
spirit; ;; j
MABTTB. OF ENDEAVOR
; Being: a great sinner against his negh
boar and perhaps a greater one against
himself, heis a martyr of his own en
deavors .which, while deforming and
desolating' him. yet give birth to new
and ever newer torments and Joys of
life. Odis spirit, like that of the accursed
Ahasuerus (The wandering Jew)
marches into the infinity of the future,
somewhere towards the heart of the
cosmos or into .the cold emptiness of the
universe which he will perhaps fill with
his psychophysical energy, creating in
time something beyond the conceptions
of! the present-day intellect,
Instinct considers important only the
utilitarian results i of the progress of
the rwiman spirit, only that which in
crease the external prosperity of life.
even jthough it be a clear and base lie.
tJTTELLECT UNSELFISH
' Intellect finds the process of creation
Important in itself. ; The Intellect Is
foolish like the sun, it works unselfishly.
' There was In Russia once a certain
Ivan . Bolotnikov, a man of peculiar for
tune. As a child he: was captured by
the Tartars in the course of - one of
their Sraids on the border towns of the
Muscovite kingdom.:,; As a youth he was
sold Into bondage ' to the Turks, and
Slaved on the Turkish, "galleys. He -was
redeemed from slavery by Venetians and
after"' Jiving in . the .aristocratic republic
of the? Doges tor a while, he returned to
Russia. : f't- i
! This occurred in ISO. vThs Muscovite
Boy are had just poisoned. ; the gifted
Czar Boris uodunov and murdered the
cler, daring enigmatic youth who. assum
ing the name of Dmitri, the son of Ivan
the ' Terrible, occupied the Muscovite
thronjS and attempting to vanquish the
them. to their faces: !
f "Tod consider yourself the most righte
ous people in the world. -but you are
depraved and wicked, . you i love your
neiehnors too little and vou are net dis
posed !to do good." j; j
HE WAS MURDERED
: ' ' ...
He was murdered. The crafty, double-
minded prince Vassill Shuisky was elect-
to King Solomon. He had erectedoundt ed.TTTn.ap
him an atmosphere of reason, a "second tendertl who als renresented hlmseJf as
the son of the Terrible Ivan,
his -spiriL: of his
ove and hate his
sensitive soal in
inextinguishable
ideas; taski nd
discover s the See-
! .- 'f I
living.
SPIRIT IS FREE
EnsUved by the authority of the state.
his spirit remains free. And. toy this very
freedom of bis spirit, II he destroys ! tha
antiquated forms of life and creates new
cues. Being a man ofii action, "he made
his life painfully streduoua land: full of
vices, but beautiful in (its fullness, t He
is the instigator of an social ills. f per
versions of flesh and spirit, the creator
of falsehood nd social hypocrisy, but
it is also he who I constructed the
microscope of nelf-crticlsm which i per
mits him to see with terrible cleat-aese
all his own vies sjrsi Urtnuin. his wilful
himself as
and there
began j la Russia the bloody, tragedy of
political tussoiuuoni known in history
under the name : "The Confusion." Ivan
Bolotnlkov joined the second; pretender,
received from him the right to command
a small , detachment of the pretenders
folkwrs and marched1 with them to
Moscow, preaching to the serfs and peas
ants as follows: i ,
r ; "Kill the Boyars. take their! wives and
all their goods i j KID the merchants and
the wealthy people and divide their
property .among yourselves."
T0&RE3TS OF i BLOOD
3 This! tempting? program of primitive
communism ,attracted to Bolotnikov tens
of thousands of serfs, peasants and vag
abonds. They defeated again : and again
the armies of Czar Vassill. which were
better armed " and ; organized,, they be
sieged !jMscow and only iwith : great dif
ficultr! were thev beaten off bv tha
troops Sand Boyars and tradesmen. Ki-
nalry. this first mighty rebellion of the
peasants -: was - flooded i- in,.- torrents of
blood. Bolotaikov , was taken prisoner.
i -r t ' , '
i ) .
his eyes were
drowned.?
dug out, and he was
The name of Bolotnikov has !not been
preserved in the memory of the peas
antry, . his life and activity are com
memorated neither by songs nor by leg
ends, "i And altogether the verbal folk
lore of the Russian peasantry i contains
not a word about the 10-year ! period
1602-1613 of bloody chaos, whieh the
historian characterizes as "a ' school of
licentiousness, lawless, political sense
lessness, duplicity, deceit, lightheaded
ness and petty egotism incapable of ap
preciating the common needs." j
PEASANT IS IGNORANT "
But all this left no trace in the life
or memory of the Russian peasant. In
the legends of Italy there still Jives the
memory of Pra Dolcino, the Czechs re
member Jan Geier, the French heroes
and martyrs of the "Jacquerie"! and the
English the name of Watt Taylor. About
all these, men there remain among the
common people songs, legends, tales. The
Russian peasantry does not know its
heroes, leaders, zealots of love justice.
vengeance. j
Fifty years after Bolotnikov, the Don
uossacK, . Stephen Razin, raised in re
beliion the peasantry of nearly: the en
tire Volga basin and advanced with
them toward Moscow, aroused 1 by the
same idea of political and economic
equality. Almost three years his bands
robbed and slaughtered Boyars and mer
chants.: He stood his ground in! regular
battlea wits! the ' armies of the Czar
Alexeif Romanoff. His rebellion threat
ened to spread to the whole of the peas
ant Russia. He was defeated, and then
he was quartered.; Only two or three
songs remain of him in the popular mem
ory, but the genuineness of their: popu
lar origin is in doubt. Their meaning
was unintelligible to the peasantry.
ATTEMPT OF COSSACKDOM I
Lot less in might and widespread In
its sweep was the rebellion started by
Ural Cossacks, under Pugatchovi in the
days of Catherine the Great, which was
the last fighting attempt on the Dart
of Cossackdom against the regime of
tne state, as tne historian s. . . Plat-
onov defined it. Also Pugatchovi even
as all the other less Important political
movements of the Russian people passed
Without! leaving any clear memories in
tne Russian peasantry. ; r !
It is! fit to add to this Judgment the
conclusion of a certain foreigner i who
carefully observed the Russian people:
This people has no memory: for his
tory. ! It does not; know its oast and
apparently it does not want to know it,"
CZAR WAS WARNED - r i-U .
The Grand Duke Serge Romanoff told
hie that in 3913, when the three hun
dredth anniversary of the Romanoff dy
nasty was beinsr celebrated and the Ozair
Nicholas was in Kostroma, Nicholas
fldicnauovitch, another grand duko. who
w-as the talented- author of a-j whole
Series of solid historical works, said to
the -czar, pointing to the! mob of thou
sands of peasants : ' j i" I
"They are exactly the same aa thev
were :ia the seventeenth century, when
they elected Michael, to the czardom.
really the same. Don't you think it is
4ertoU87 :vff-!;:, -:,-;;,! 'L, I
The czar was silent.- It is said thai
he always kept silence in reply to seri
ous questions. This Is wisdom of m. kind;
if it is neither the. result of cunning nor
fear. , r ,
I'M ' S vc 1 - " r r ' "
tell;
we guarantee : the
"worth guaranteeing" In itsel
w conuition our entrance
ture association upon the J
terms. -4' : " : i' hi
But when we took the grekt plunge
into the war itself, in April, everything
was -changed. We were no longer neui
trai; we were fighting side by I side with
tne allies ) we would have to sit in at
the peacej table. It would be a peace
with -Victory imposed.! not negotiated.
America would-be to 4t:. Germany out
of it. We now became deeply Involved
in responsibility for the terms ; we could
no longer: stand aside negatively and
say, "It Is up to yoq : to make a just
settlement or we will not guarantee itl
Consequently, the president devoted a
great deal.; of hard thought and effort to
. V. 1 . : . . - - b . . !
vziv imiuwauvu oi terms MUVil ns uie
United States could undertake to sud-
port positively and guarantee. The as
sociation Of nations ! always appeared
along with these terms.! It was the last
of the 14 points in January, 1918. )
But it was not until September, 1918,
(Metropolitan opera house speech) that
he comes finally to the decision that thi
constitution of the League of Nations i
to be the i "most essential paf t of the
peace settlement itself." because "withi
out .such ani, instrumentality, by which!
tne peace or tne world can oe guaran
teed, peace Will rest in part upon the
word of outlaws." But much emphasis
is still laid upon -the terms pf peace
The price all must pay is "impartial
justice in every item of the settlement
no matter whose interest is crossed." j
Again in his "armistice- speech" to.
congress, November 11, he reinforces the
same idea.
FACING REALITIES IN PARIS
Then the president came to Europe
and began to face the stark realities
there.' He felt in the very atmosphere
the opposition that was growing up, the
slump in idealism." ! An i avalanche of
problems, expressed i in petitions, j ap
peals, demands all for the realization
of some immediate or material! interest,
descended upon him. ! He began to feel
that "disinterested justice" would not
be easy to obtain, despite the solemn en
gagements taken. He began to! see how
enormously difficult It would be to as
sure the full justice of all the terms.
He 1 confesses-in his speech at Man
chester, England : "I am not hopeful
that the individual terms of the settle-!
ment j will be altogether satisfactory."
But all this, instead of weakening his
purpose, seems Only to have hardened it.
For he is still convinced that the great
interest and need and hope of jAmerica
is future peace. In order to. secure this
in an anarchic world, from which in
justice cannot be immediately abolished.
there was a greater need of the league
than ever. It was even more important!
than the terms. He tells , bis ! hearers i
in the Guildhall speech at ! London, j Oc- -
tober 28, that "the key to the peace was
the guarantee of the peace, not the items
of it." H now advances the! further
idea, the logical next step--for if the
individual terms are not : satisfactory
there must be machinery for changing
them that the league Would also "pro-
ide the machinery of readjustment
the machinery of good will and
friendship," I for the redemption of ; the
settlement from any defects which t the
heat and passion of the time might! in
ject Into It It must," therefore, more
than ever, be a vital part of the treaty
itself. -;:r' .
It is most important to bear In mind
that . Wilson's original concept of the
guarantee article in his draft constitu
tion for . the league Included provision
for modifying the status quo as the
treaty of peace should leave it, by self
determination and y Vote of three
fourths of the member, states. And he
considered always that -sArticle XI of
the final covenant which he called his
"favorite article" also served this pur
ine
be-
': aTsril4: ; UH li nisi ui : i r tv
1 1 as I II sissiliai i mi i iSaMi ma-
mwi f by mikin guarantee flexible
e never conceived of the euarahfeo
s eaaaung an unjust settlement
ever upoii the world. ' ;
WILSON'S MIND HADE IP J!
ihe. president s rnind &.r
iixea i regard rng the- relationship of
league to the treaties of neace ion-
ine conierence opened. It must be
a.pait of the immediate settlement; it
was indtepensable to guarantee the peace
of the world, because It was the pnly
instrument that, by adjusting such fu
ture causes of war, especially those that
might arise out of the treaties, could be
used to prevent nations from flying
again at one another's throats. In short,
it was the only thing that would give
America what, primarily, she had fought
r. peace and security (without great
armaments) after the war. 7
As the peace conference developed,
still .another reason, not originally in
the president's mind, for Insisting that
league and treaty s:o totreth.r t.
an element in still further hardening his
determination. This was the doubt thai
now began to grow whether if the league
were not made an inseparable part of
the peace, accepted then and ti
assent of all the powers (perhaps even
America!) could be obtained at? ia.
for a long time. He had not originally
foreseen any reluctance to enter the
league had not the nations all hn ! f.
t? a,5 when such reluctance appeared
ii. umjr empnasizea mi conviction that
league and treaty must be accented as
one act ;
This WaS the Situation tin tn Tamunt
25. when the famous resolution regarding
the League, of Nations was adooted. it
was a fight skillfully carried on by the
president, and he had, to an extraordi
nary degree (in these early tattles) won
his points. He was eettins- tha ma.
chinery for the creation of the league
well started: he bad achieved his great
purpose of securing the acceptance, : by
all nations, at the open conference of
January 25, of his central principle that
the league must be an "integral part of
the general treaty of Deace." And if
by rorce of eircumstanceaba had been
prevented! from having the broad prin
ciples of the .league discussed and the
elements of the program adopted in the
supreme council, as he had hoped, j he
was soon to make the League of Nations
commission, to which the task of organ
ization was being entrusted, almost j as
important, at least in the public eye, I an
the council itself by becoming himself
the chairman of it Indeed, those long
meetings in the Crillon : to discuss he
hew league for a time almost blanketed
the work of the council of 10.
! But these, as I have said, were only
early battles. The great conflicts were
to come later. While the allies had
accepted the idea of the league covenant
as a part of the treaty, it was on the
assumption, of course, that it would ; be
the kind of a covenant that would please
and satisfy them. Consequently, they
the "French especially carried their fight
into the League of Nations commission
as will be shown later. But they also
had another i method." which they now
hastened to attempt. They had got the
discussion of the league safely pocketed,
as they thought,!! in a committee i why
not unite and push forward instantly
with the division among themselves of
the spoils of war the German colonies
before the president's committee could
report? This remarkable xup of the
old diplomacy, engineered with consum
mate skill by Lloyd George, will be
described in the next chapter.
Copyright. .1982. by Doubledaj, Pace eV Ce.
All Rishts Beaeresd.
House Approval j of
oan to' Liberia
Wartime - Obligation
Washington, May 20. (WASHING
TON BUREAU OF THE JOURNAL.)
At the direction of the administration the
house, by a'close voe, has passed a reso
lution to lend J5.000.000 to the republic of
Liberia. The launching of : the loan at
this time, derived from taxation in the
United States, is so unusual that interest
is being aroused as to the reasons for it.
The! explanations of the proponents of
the measure did not prove very con
vlnclng, in view of the circumstances
of the loan. : It was said, as the principal
reason, that this credit had been prom
lsed ' to Liberia in return for Liberia's
declaration of war on Germany at
time when the allied nations needed the
palm' oil produced in that country, and
that ! the country's word having been
given ' by President Wilson, the United
States cannot repudiate it
On the other! band, it was brought out
in the' debate that Liberia's position
does 'not materially differ, or differ at
all. from one and a half billion dollars
of other credits which had been pre
pared: for other nations when the armis
tice came, and which were withdrawn
after the armistice, because the United
States! did not wish to continue in the
loan business after the war was over.
By some It was said that the country
owed a peculiar interest to the black
repub.Ua of Western Africa, after ask
ing it to enter the war, but it was shown
that no such consideration was shown
to Cuba, which entered the war for the
same reasons, and in Cuba this country
is especially interested because of its
semi-guardianship i under , the Piatt
amendment, to which 'may be added
the widespread business depression in
Cuba since the War. which would Seem to
especial ty commend : (juba to American
The 1 record Shows that on April 21.
1919. the United States notified the Cu
ban minister that in view of the fact
that the termination of the fhrbtimr in
Europe has made it unnecessary for the
government of the United States to make
further advances to your government
the secretary of the treasusv has .di
rected jme to! advise you that the unex
pended balance of the credit established
In favbr cf the Cuban government in
the amount of 15,000.006 has been with
drawn." 1 j : ,;i '
With; the loan, there goes. Into Liberia
an American commission of three, with
salaries of $15X00. $10,000 and 18000.
Tnat s commission "is to have practical
control of Liberiaa affairs. No conces
sions can be granted without its assent
AS to the ,5,000,000, 12.100.000 of it is
to pay, past indebtedness, of Liberis.
eoatracted before the war, and ILSOO.OOO
is to go to certain banking Interests to
takn tip Coating and other indebtedness.
Thee ;i part f is to go . for good f roads,
schools, sewers and -ooblie iianrore.
meats, - '
When President King of Liberia asked
for the loan, which was in . the critical
period of the war. January, 1918 he set
forth the purposes for, which it was de
sired to use the money as follows :
"A loan of not less than $5,000,000 to
enable the republic to cancel the refund-
ing loan of 1912 and to establish a re
ceivership under American control!
alone
to take up our internal floating indebt
edness ;: to stimulate agriculture, educa
tion and industry, and to inaugurate
such Public works as will operate for
the complete financial and economic re
habilitation of the country." ' I
The action of the house, if ratified by
the senate, means a receivership of
Liberia in the hands of an American
commission, as stated In so many! words
uy uie presiaeni or tne DiacK republic,
Liberian finance is in a bad way. and
her bonds have greatly depreciated. This
action by America will make the! bond
holders whole. The most of them reside
in Europe, it is said. ..
Senator McXary believes there is a
future permanence for the farm bloc
in the senate. He is not tine of those
who think, that-its work Is to end with
certain specific measures which have
been , part .enacted. . ,; I . 1 -j. 1
These measures will be succeeded bv
Others, he believes. In which agriculture
will have- peculiar interest i He does
not favor a long program iof radical re-
xorms. sucn as might excite antagonism
ana misunderstanding. . . f - :. j
The latest objective of the bloe is the
provision of adequate personal credits,
so that: they may secure lone time loans
to carry them in their business such as
Other ' men in; business secure-i This 1 1s
not a new subject and numerous solu
tions have : been proposed. The purpose
of the bloc ia to sift down the subject
and bring r the weight of farm orean.
fe&tions to the support of k'slhgle planTl
1 ao mis ena tne Dioc proposes a novel
laingv i xt has named a committee of
seven to conduct unofficial hear in ire for
its own! Information. It will invite Sec
retary of Agriculture Wallace! and rep
resentatives of farm org-anixations
mrournout . tne country, others . intr.
ested may appear and ; present; their
views, too task will be similar to that
oa a regular committee of congress, with
tie hope jf framing a bill which will
be generally acceptable, with the united
Strength Of the bloo behind it! t : -
ThS committee Of the felrw has K.n
chosen with care, four -Republicans and
three iemocrata, beaded 1 bv , Senator
Capper of Kansas, who is also the chair
man or the bloc ; McXary ; of : Oregon,
Ladd of! North DakoU. Jones of Wash
ington. Swanson of Virginia. KtmArMr
of Wyoming and Harrison of Mlssissippt
The Oakland. Cal Chamber of rvm.
merce has added lis protest to others' two members of the boose.
received, by the Interstate oommsree
commission from ! the Paclflo coast
against the ! recommendations of the
tentative report on transcontinental
rates made by W. A. Disque, attorney
examiner for . the commission. -
Oakland's objections are presented In
a brief filed W 33. W. Hollingsworth.
attorney for the', chamber of commerce,
in whichjie says: i - : . -I-
"It is net our desire that any unjust
injury be done to the water lines serv
ing our ports. It cannot fairly be said
that any unjust, injury would be done
to the water carriers by permitting the
railroads to engageMn competitive busi
ness,' unless it Is-first conceded that the
water carriers are rightfully entitled to
retain all the business which they have
just taken away from the rail lines.!
: "If It is true that the water lines will
be injured if the railroads are permitted
to participate in the business,, it Is
equaUy true that the railroads will be
Injured if the water lines are rrmlttd
to retain all the traffic which they have
taaen irom tne railroads. Viewed in
that light injury, to. one or the other
Systems of transportation will result.
no matter which course the commission
follows, and we urge that no unjust
injury would be dons to the water car
riers from ! approval of the armlicatinn.
Whereas a! denial : of the application
Would impose a restriction uoon jh
railroads Which would' orevent tfUm
from competing for; a fair share of the
traffic upon terms of; equality. 1
f "'Every advantage lor benefit would
accrue to the Pacific coast from an ap
proval of the application is one to which '
we, are rightfully entitled by virtue of
our geographical location. It would be
a gross injustice, for the commission to
deprive us of those natural and inher
ent rights by ! declining to permit rail
carriers to engage in coropetition. ! i'
I "Congress did Intend, and so specifl
dally stated, that relief should no longer
be granted on! the ground of potential
water competition, but not that the com- ,,
mission should feel any greater hesl
tancy now than H has In the Oast In'
granting fourth section relief on the.
ground of active water competition,' I
The house committee on agriculture
has made a favorable report on the bill
ojf, Represeiitatlve Anthony of Kansas
tb extenil the mia-ratorv hfrd lw (a .
oiuire a federal license of $1 per annum
fpr shooting game protected by the mi
gratory treaty and law. Including ducks.
plover and Snipe. :r' ! I.
, The bill has been amended to exempt i
from its operation. ! and : , penalties th e !
owner of land and members of his Im
njiediate family! who 1 hunt on their own
premises. The hunting license. It is pro
vided, would be Issued by postmasters.
An amount equal to 45 per cent of the :
fund thus secured would be set aside for
the purchase or lease of federal game :
reserves, subject to the consent of the
state in which located. ' I j
IThe bill, would authorize appropria-
ns to the extent of the total sum said '
for licenses I for the i ether expenses
the bird protection service, including co r
operation with ! local ! authorities, inves- i
tgations and publications, to be cxf t
pended under a! federal bird refuge com- :
mission consisting 1 of : the secretary o
agriculture, attorney general, postmaster ,
general, two members of the senate en 4
.jr.