CCWTtNUED PEOM FIRST PAGE. creasoa the burden of the others beyond iheir proportion, and would be manifestly unjustr The terms "protection to domestic industry" are of popular import ; but they should ap ply under a just system to all the various branches of industry in our country. The farmer or planter, who toils yearly in his fields, is engaged in " domestic industry," and is as much entitled to have his labor " protected" as the manufacturer, the man of commorco, tho navigator, or the mechanic, who are engaged also in "domestic industry" in their different pursuits. The joint labors of all these classes constitute tho aggregate of the "domestic industry" of the nation, and they are equally entitled to tho nation's "pro- tecUon." . ' .' If these views be correct, it remains to in quire how far the tarifT act of 1842 is consis tent with them. Tliat many of tho provis ions of thai uct are in violation of the car dinal principles here laid down all must con cede. The rates of duty imposed by it on some articles are prohibitory, and on others so high as greatly to diminish importations, and to produce a less amount of revenue than would be derived from lower rates. They operate as "protection merely" to one branch of " domestic industry," by taxing other branches. By the introduction of ininimums, or assu med and false values, and by the imposition of specific duties,' the injustice and inequali ty of the act of 1842, in its practical opera lions on different classes and pursuits, are seen and felt. Many of the oppressive du ties imposed by it under tho operation of these principles range from ono per cent, to more than 200 per cent. They are prohibitory on somo articles, and partially so on others, and bear most heavily on articles of common ne ceasity, and but lightly on articles of luxury. It s so framed that much the greatest bur den which it imposes is thrown on labor and the poorer classes who are least able to bear it, while it protects capital and exempt? the rich from paying their just proportion of the taxation required for the support of govern ment. While it protects the capital of the wealthy manufacturer, and increases his pro fits, it docs not benefit the operatives or la borers in his employment, whoso wages have nnt hin increased bv it. Articles of prime necessity or of coarse quality and low price, used by the masses of the people, arc, in ma ny instances, subjected by it to heavy taxes, while articles of finer quality and higher price, or of luxury, which can be used only by the opulent, are lightly taxed. It imposes heavy and unjust burdens on the fanner, the planter, the commercial man, and those of all other pursuits except the capitalist who has made his investments in manufactures. All the great interests of the country are not, as nearly as may be practicable, equally pro tected by it. The government in theory knows no dis tinction of persons or classes, and should not bestow upon some favors and privileges which all others may riot enjoy. It was the purpose of its illustrious founders to base the institu tions which they reared upon tho great and unchanging principles of justice and equity, conscious that, if administered in the spirit in which they were conceived, they would be felt only by the benefits which they diffused, and would secure for themselves a defence in thu hearts of the people, more powerful than standing armies and all the means and uppliunccs invented to sustain governments founded in injustice and oppression. The well-known fact that the tariff act of 1842 was passed by a majority of one vote in the senate, and two in tho house of represen tatives, and that somo of those whqf felt them selves constrained, under the peculiar cir cumstances existing at the time, to vote in its favor, proclaimed its defects, and express ed their determination to aid in its modifica tion on tho first opportunity, affords strong and conclusive evidence that it was not, in tended to be permanent, and of the expedi ency and necessity of its thorough revision. ..-Ia recommending to congress a-reduction of the present rates of duty, and a revision ail modification of tho act of 1842, 1 am far froM'tfttertaining opinions unfriendly to, the iiimfctiiiriirt On the contrary, I desire to see, tttn prosperous as wr wmey mv r "" . r r " ,7 A. - so witScmt imposing unequal burdens on oUve ?Y.lr y "uem ,n "ra"W """ 1 recommend to congress the abolition of tho minimum principle, or assumed, arbitra ry, and false values, and of specihe i duties, and tho substitution in their place of ad ra hrem duties, as the fairest and most cquita. bio tax which can bo imposed. By the ad valortm principle, all articles are taxed ac cording to their cost or value, and those which ... r mfnrinr nualitv.or of small cost, bear only the just proportion of the tax with those WHICH are 01 SUJKJriur ijuaiiijr ui gioaici wi. The articles consumed by all are taxed at thi same rate. A system of ad valorem re venue duties, with proper discriminations and proper guards against frauds in collecting thorn, it i not doubted, will afford ample in cidental advantages to the manufacturers, and enablo them to derive as great proms as can be derived from any other regular busi ness. It is believed that such a system, strictly within tho revenue standard, will place the manufacturing interests on a stable fontina. and inure to their permanent advan- tago; while it will, as nearly as may be prac ticable, extend to all tne great interests ot the country the incidental protection which can be afforded by our revenue laws. Such a system, when once firmly established, would be permanent, and not be subject to the constant complaints,, agitations, and chan ges which must ever occur when duties are not laid lor revenue, but lor tne protection merely" of a 'favored interest. , In thn Hpliherationsof comrresson this sub ject, it is hoped that a spirit of mutual con- .. 1 - u a !. sVnS Barn ab svr vl ir4 inn CeSSlOIl ailU compromise ucinccii vviuuvnug interests may prevail, and that the result of their labors may be crowned with the hap. piest consequences. r I refer you to the accompanying report of tho secretary of war, for information respect ing the present situation of the army, and its operations during the past year; the state of our defences ; the condition of the public works; and our relations with the various In dian tribes within our limits or upon our bor ders. I invite your attention to the sugges tions contained in that report, in rejation to these prominent objects of national interest. When orders wore given during the past summer for concentrating a military force on tho western frontier of Texas, our troops were widely dispersed, and in small actacn ments, occupying posts remote from each oth er. The prompt and expeditious manner in which an nrmv, embracing more than half our ncace establishment, was drawn togeth- or on an emergency so sudden, reflects great credit on the utiicers who were mirustca witn the execution of these orders, as well as upon the discipline of the army itself. To bo in strength to protect and defend the people and territory of Texas, in the event Mexico should commence hostilities, or invade her territo ries with a large army, which she threaten ed, I authorised the general assigned to the command of the army of occupation to make requisitions for the additional forces from several of the states nearest the Texan ter ritory, and which could most expeditiously furnish them, if, in his opinion, a larger force than that under his command, and the aux iliary aid which, under like circumstances, lie was authorised to receive from Texas, should bo required. The contingency upon which tho exercise of this authority depended has not occurred. The circumstances under which two companies of state artillery, from the city of New Orleans, were sent into Tex. as, and mustered into the service of the U. States, are fully stated in the report of the secretary at war. I recommend to congress that provision be made for tho payment of these troops, as well as a small number of Texan volunteers, whom the commanding general thought it necessary to receive or muster into our service. During the last summer, the first regiment of draeoons made extensive excursions thro' thn Indian country on our borders, a Dart of them advancing nfterly to the possessions of tli- IT.. .loin'.. Tlttv flstmnonv in tKft nnrth. nnrl a part as far as the South Pass of the Rocky mountains, and the head waters of the tri butary streams of the Colorado of the west. The exhibition of this military force among the Indian tribes in those distant regions, ana tho councils held with them by the com manders of the expeditions, it is believed will tern of iqflMat taxation, even within the re venue ell njltft bust bete favor of tho menu ftcmring. lassssst and of this no othor in torest will oossflatn. - o s direction of the war department, Brevet Cap tain Fremont, of tho corps of topographical ongineers, has been employed since 1842 in exploring the country west of the Mississippi, and beyond tho Rocky mountains. Two ox petitions havo already been brought to a close, and tho reports of that scientific officer have furnished much interesting und valuu bio information. He is now ongagod in u third expedition ; but it is not expected that this arduous service will bo completed in seu son to enable me to communicate tho result to congress at the present session. Our relations with the Indian tribes are of a favorablo character. Tho policy of remo ving them to a country designed, for their pur manent residence, west otjtho Mississippi, und without the limits of tho organised states und territories, is better appreciated by them than it was a few years ago ; while education is now attended 'to, and thu habits of civilized life are gaining ground umong them. Serious difficulties of long standing con tinue to distract thu several parties into which the Cherokccs are unhaDniiv divided. The efforts of the government to adjust the diffi culties between them havo heretofore pro. ved unsuccessful; and there remains no pro bability that this desirablo object can be ac complished without the aid of further legisla tion by congress. I will, at an early period of your session, present the subject for your consideration, accompanidjiwith itn expsi tion of the complaints and claims of tho sev cral parties into which the nation is divided, with a view to tho adoption of such measures by congress as may enable the executive to do justice to. them respectively, and to put uu end, if possible, to the dissensions which have long prevailed, and still prevail, among them. I refer you to the report of the secretary of the navy for the present condition of thut branch of the national defence; and for grave suggestions, having for their object the in crease of its efficiency, and a greater econo my in its management. During tho past year the officers and men havo perlormed their du ty in a satisfactory manner. The orders which have been gTven have been executed with promptness and fidelity. A larger force than has often formed one squadron under our flag was readily concentrated in the gulf of Mexico, and, apparently, without unusual effort. U is especially to be observed, that, notwithstanding the union of so considerable a force, no act was committed that even the jealousy of aii irritated power could construe as an act ot aggression ; ana that tne com mander of the squadron and his officers, in strict conformity with their instructions, hold- n iKominlvno nvor rnnilv for till- most He. tive duty, have achieved the still purer glory ' especially of steam of contributing to the preservation ot peace. It is believed that at all our foreign stations the honor of our flag has been maintained, and that, generally, our ships of wur have been distinguished for their good discipline and order. I am happy to add, thut the dis play of maritime force which was required by the events of the summer, has been made wholly within the usual appropriations for the service of the year, mj that no udditionul appropriations are required. The commerce oi tne uniieu otutcs, unu anoeof tho wiso policy of a gradual Increase of our navy, largo supplies of live oak tlm her and olhur materials for ship building havo been colluded, and aro now under sholter and in a state of good preservation, while iron Ktoamers can be built with great facility In various parts of tho union. Tho use of iron as a material, especially in tho construction of steamers, which can entor with safety many of the harbors ulong our coasts, now inaccessible to vessels of greuter draught, und the practicability of constructing them in the interior, strongly recommends that li beral appropriations should bo mudu for this important object. Whatever may have been our policy in the curlier stupes of our gov eminent, when thu nation was in its infancy, our shipping ' interests und commerce com. purativuly small, our resources limited, our xmtilntio'n spare and scurcely extending be yond the limits of thu original thirteen Mates, that olicy must be essentially different now tliat wu huvo grown from three to more than twenty millions of people thut our com- murcu, curried m our own ships, is lounu m every seu, and thut our territorial boundaries and settlements havo been so greatly expan ded. Neither our commerce, nor our long line of coast on the ocean und on thejakes, can be successfully defended ugainut foreign aggression by -means of fortifications alone. Thep are cssciftial ut impormnt commercial and military points, but our chief reliance for this object must be on u well-organised efficient nuv . The U'liefits resulting from such u navy are not confined to the Atlantic Mates. The productions of the interior, which seek u market abroad, ure directly dependent on the safety and freedom of our commerce. The occupation of the lluliztdk'low New Or leuns by a hostile lorce would embarrass, if not stagnate, the whole export trade of tin Mississippi, and affect the value of the ugn-v rieultural products of the entire valley of that mighty river and and its tributaries. It has never heeif our poliey to maintain large standing armies in time of peace. Thev are contrary lo the genius of our free insti tutions, would impose heavy burdens on Un people, and be dangerous lo public liberty. Our reliance for protection and defence mi the land mum !, mainly, mi our citizen soi diers, who will be ever rvud, us lhc err have been ready in times past, to rush with alacrity, at the call of their country, to her defence. This description of torce, howev er, cuuui't defend our coast, harUirs, and in land seas, nor protect our commerce on the ocean or lakes. These must be protected l our navv. Considering an inc reused naval force, nnd peciullv of steam cssels, corresponding with our grow lli und iiiiortunce as a nation, and proportioned to the increased ami increas ing naval jxiwurof other nations, of ast tin-r.-rtuucu as regards our safety, und the great growing interests to be protected by it, I re commend the subject to the favorable consid e rut ion of congress. tainirur iriendlv relations between them and the United States. An interesting account of one of these excursions accompanies the report of tho secretarof war. Under the with it the navigating interest, have steadily and rapidly increased sinco the organization of our government, until, it is believed, we aro now second to but one power in thu world, and at no distant day we shall probably bo inferior to none. Exposed as they must be, it has been a wise policy to afford to these im portant interests protection with our ships of war, distributed in the great highways of trade throughout the world. For more than thirty years appropriations havo been made, and annually expended) for the gradual in crease of our naval forces. In peace, our navy performs the important duty of protect ing our commerce; and, in the event of wnr, will be, as it bus been, a most efficient means of defence The successful use of steam navigation on the ocean has been followed by the introduc tion of war steamers in great and increasing number into tho navies of the principal mari time powers of the world. A due regard to our own safety and to an efficient protection to our large and increasing commerce, de mands a corresponding increase on our part. No country has greater facilities for the con struction of vessels of this description than ours, or can promise itself greater advanta ges from their employment. They are ad mirably adapted to the protection of our com merce, to the rapid transmission of intelli gence, and to the coast defence. In pursu- The most importuut duties of the stute tie. purtiueut relute to our foreign affiiirs. Hy thu great eiilurgeiuent of the family of tin- I tmnw tin. lneri-nut ut' nur enmmeri'i- find tin- ......, .... ...-.---.- . - , ..... ..... corresponding extension of our consular sys tem, thu business of this department has been greutly iucreuscd. In its present orguiiizu. tion, inutiy duties of a domestic nature, and consisting of details, are devolved on the sec retary of stute, which do not appropriately belong to the foreign department of tho gov. eminent, and may properly bo transferred to some other department. One of these grows out of the present statu of thu luw concern ing the patent office, which, a few years since, was u subordinate clerkship, but has become a distinct bureau of great importance. With an excellent internal organization, it is still connected- with thu statu department. In tho transaction of its business, questions of much importance to inventors, and to tho commu nity, frequently ariso, which, by existing laws, aro referred for dociaion to a board, of which the secretary of state is a member. These questions are legal, and the connectioa which now exists between tho state depart ment and the patent office, may, with great propriety and advantago, bo transferred to the attornoy-general. In his lest annual mossago to congress, Mr.. Madison invited attention to a proper provis ion fortheattorney-genefal as an "important improvement in the executive establishment." This recommendation was repeated by his successors. The official duties of tho attor. CONTINCKO TO SECOND PAQE.