CCWTtNUED PEOM FIRST PAGE.
creasoa the burden of the others beyond iheir
proportion, and would be manifestly unjustr
The terms "protection to domestic industry"
are of popular import ; but they should ap
ply under a just system to all the various
branches of industry in our country. The
farmer or planter, who toils yearly in his
fields, is engaged in " domestic industry,"
and is as much entitled to have his labor
" protected" as the manufacturer, the man
of commorco, tho navigator, or the mechanic,
who are engaged also in "domestic industry"
in their different pursuits. The joint labors
of all these classes constitute tho aggregate
of the "domestic industry" of the nation, and
they are equally entitled to tho nation's "pro-
tecUon." . ' .'
If these views be correct, it remains to in
quire how far the tarifT act of 1842 is consis
tent with them. Tliat many of tho provis
ions of thai uct are in violation of the car
dinal principles here laid down all must con
cede. The rates of duty imposed by it on
some articles are prohibitory, and on others
so high as greatly to diminish importations,
and to produce a less amount of revenue than
would be derived from lower rates. They
operate as "protection merely" to one branch
of " domestic industry," by taxing other
branches.
By the introduction of ininimums, or assu
med and false values, and by the imposition
of specific duties,' the injustice and inequali
ty of the act of 1842, in its practical opera
lions on different classes and pursuits, are
seen and felt. Many of the oppressive du
ties imposed by it under tho operation of these
principles range from ono per cent, to more
than 200 per cent. They are prohibitory on
somo articles, and partially so on others, and
bear most heavily on articles of common ne
ceasity, and but lightly on articles of luxury.
It s so framed that much the greatest bur
den which it imposes is thrown on labor and
the poorer classes who are least able to bear
it, while it protects capital and exempt? the
rich from paying their just proportion of the
taxation required for the support of govern
ment. While it protects the capital of the
wealthy manufacturer, and increases his pro
fits, it docs not benefit the operatives or la
borers in his employment, whoso wages have
nnt hin increased bv it. Articles of prime
necessity or of coarse quality and low price,
used by the masses of the people, arc, in ma
ny instances, subjected by it to heavy taxes,
while articles of finer quality and higher
price, or of luxury, which can be used only
by the opulent, are lightly taxed. It imposes
heavy and unjust burdens on the fanner, the
planter, the commercial man, and those of all
other pursuits except the capitalist who has
made his investments in manufactures. All
the great interests of the country are not, as
nearly as may be practicable, equally pro
tected by it.
The government in theory knows no dis
tinction of persons or classes, and should not
bestow upon some favors and privileges which
all others may riot enjoy. It was the purpose
of its illustrious founders to base the institu
tions which they reared upon tho great and
unchanging principles of justice and equity,
conscious that, if administered in the spirit
in which they were conceived, they would be
felt only by the benefits which they diffused,
and would secure for themselves a defence
in thu hearts of the people, more powerful
than standing armies and all the means and
uppliunccs invented to sustain governments
founded in injustice and oppression.
The well-known fact that the tariff act of
1842 was passed by a majority of one vote in
the senate, and two in tho house of represen
tatives, and that somo of those whqf felt them
selves constrained, under the peculiar cir
cumstances existing at the time, to vote in
its favor, proclaimed its defects, and express
ed their determination to aid in its modifica
tion on tho first opportunity, affords strong
and conclusive evidence that it was not, in
tended to be permanent, and of the expedi
ency and necessity of its thorough revision.
..-Ia recommending to congress a-reduction
of the present rates of duty, and a revision
ail modification of tho act of 1842, 1 am far
froM'tfttertaining opinions unfriendly to, the
iiimfctiiiriirt On the contrary, I desire to
see, tttn prosperous as wr wmey mv r "" . r r " ,7 A. -
so witScmt imposing unequal burdens on oUve ?Y.lr y "uem ,n "ra"W """
1 recommend to congress the abolition of
tho minimum principle, or assumed, arbitra
ry, and false values, and of specihe i duties,
and tho substitution in their place of ad ra
hrem duties, as the fairest and most cquita.
bio tax which can bo imposed. By the ad
valortm principle, all articles are taxed ac
cording to their cost or value, and those which
... r mfnrinr nualitv.or of small cost, bear
only the just proportion of the tax with those
WHICH are 01 SUJKJriur ijuaiiijr ui gioaici wi.
The articles consumed by all are taxed at
thi same rate. A system of ad valorem re
venue duties, with proper discriminations and
proper guards against frauds in collecting
thorn, it i not doubted, will afford ample in
cidental advantages to the manufacturers,
and enablo them to derive as great proms as
can be derived from any other regular busi
ness. It is believed that such a system,
strictly within tho revenue standard, will
place the manufacturing interests on a stable
fontina. and inure to their permanent advan-
tago; while it will, as nearly as may be prac
ticable, extend to all tne great interests ot
the country the incidental protection which
can be afforded by our revenue laws. Such
a system, when once firmly established,
would be permanent, and not be subject to
the constant complaints,, agitations, and chan
ges which must ever occur when duties are
not laid lor revenue, but lor tne protection
merely" of a 'favored interest. ,
In thn Hpliherationsof comrresson this sub
ject, it is hoped that a spirit of mutual con-
.. 1 - u a !. sVnS Barn ab svr vl ir4 inn
CeSSlOIl ailU compromise ucinccii vviuuvnug
interests may prevail, and that the result of
their labors may be crowned with the hap.
piest consequences. r
I refer you to the accompanying report of
tho secretary of war, for information respect
ing the present situation of the army, and its
operations during the past year; the state of
our defences ; the condition of the public
works; and our relations with the various In
dian tribes within our limits or upon our bor
ders. I invite your attention to the sugges
tions contained in that report, in rejation to
these prominent objects of national interest.
When orders wore given during the past
summer for concentrating a military force
on tho western frontier of Texas, our troops
were widely dispersed, and in small actacn
ments, occupying posts remote from each oth
er. The prompt and expeditious manner in
which an nrmv, embracing more than half
our ncace establishment, was drawn togeth-
or on an emergency so sudden, reflects great
credit on the utiicers who were mirustca witn
the execution of these orders, as well as upon
the discipline of the army itself. To bo in
strength to protect and defend the people and
territory of Texas, in the event Mexico should
commence hostilities, or invade her territo
ries with a large army, which she threaten
ed, I authorised the general assigned to the
command of the army of occupation to make
requisitions for the additional forces from
several of the states nearest the Texan ter
ritory, and which could most expeditiously
furnish them, if, in his opinion, a larger force
than that under his command, and the aux
iliary aid which, under like circumstances,
lie was authorised to receive from Texas,
should bo required. The contingency upon
which tho exercise of this authority depended
has not occurred. The circumstances under
which two companies of state artillery, from
the city of New Orleans, were sent into Tex.
as, and mustered into the service of the U.
States, are fully stated in the report of the
secretary at war. I recommend to congress
that provision be made for tho payment of
these troops, as well as a small number of
Texan volunteers, whom the commanding
general thought it necessary to receive or
muster into our service.
During the last summer, the first regiment
of draeoons made extensive excursions thro'
thn Indian country on our borders, a Dart of
them advancing nfterly to the possessions of
tli- IT.. .loin'.. Tlttv flstmnonv in tKft nnrth. nnrl
a part as far as the South Pass of the Rocky
mountains, and the head waters of the tri
butary streams of the Colorado of the west.
The exhibition of this military force among
the Indian tribes in those distant regions, ana
tho councils held with them by the com
manders of the expeditions, it is believed will
tern of iqflMat taxation, even within the re
venue ell njltft bust bete favor of tho menu
ftcmring. lassssst and of this no othor in
torest will oossflatn. - o s
direction of the war department, Brevet Cap
tain Fremont, of tho corps of topographical
ongineers, has been employed since 1842 in
exploring the country west of the Mississippi,
and beyond tho Rocky mountains. Two ox
petitions havo already been brought to a
close, and tho reports of that scientific officer
have furnished much interesting und valuu
bio information. He is now ongagod in u
third expedition ; but it is not expected that
this arduous service will bo completed in seu
son to enable me to communicate tho result
to congress at the present session.
Our relations with the Indian tribes are of
a favorablo character. Tho policy of remo
ving them to a country designed, for their pur
manent residence, west otjtho Mississippi, und
without the limits of tho organised states und
territories, is better appreciated by them than
it was a few years ago ; while education is
now attended 'to, and thu habits of civilized
life are gaining ground umong them.
Serious difficulties of long standing con
tinue to distract thu several parties into which
the Cherokccs are unhaDniiv divided. The
efforts of the government to adjust the diffi
culties between them havo heretofore pro.
ved unsuccessful; and there remains no pro
bability that this desirablo object can be ac
complished without the aid of further legisla
tion by congress. I will, at an early period
of your session, present the subject for your
consideration, accompanidjiwith itn expsi
tion of the complaints and claims of tho sev
cral parties into which the nation is divided,
with a view to tho adoption of such measures
by congress as may enable the executive to
do justice to. them respectively, and to put uu
end, if possible, to the dissensions which have
long prevailed, and still prevail, among them.
I refer you to the report of the secretary
of the navy for the present condition of thut
branch of the national defence; and for grave
suggestions, having for their object the in
crease of its efficiency, and a greater econo
my in its management. During tho past year
the officers and men havo perlormed their du
ty in a satisfactory manner. The orders
which have been gTven have been executed
with promptness and fidelity. A larger force
than has often formed one squadron under
our flag was readily concentrated in the gulf
of Mexico, and, apparently, without unusual
effort. U is especially to be observed, that,
notwithstanding the union of so considerable
a force, no act was committed that even the
jealousy of aii irritated power could construe
as an act ot aggression ; ana that tne com
mander of the squadron and his officers, in
strict conformity with their instructions, hold-
n iKominlvno nvor rnnilv for till- most He.
tive duty, have achieved the still purer glory ' especially of steam
of contributing to the preservation ot peace.
It is believed that at all our foreign stations
the honor of our flag has been maintained,
and that, generally, our ships of wur have
been distinguished for their good discipline
and order. I am happy to add, thut the dis
play of maritime force which was required
by the events of the summer, has been made
wholly within the usual appropriations for
the service of the year, mj that no udditionul
appropriations are required.
The commerce oi tne uniieu otutcs, unu
anoeof tho wiso policy of a gradual Increase
of our navy, largo supplies of live oak tlm
her and olhur materials for ship building havo
been colluded, and aro now under sholter
and in a state of good preservation, while iron
Ktoamers can be built with great facility In
various parts of tho union. Tho use of iron
as a material, especially in tho construction
of steamers, which can entor with safety
many of the harbors ulong our coasts, now
inaccessible to vessels of greuter draught,
und the practicability of constructing them
in the interior, strongly recommends that li
beral appropriations should bo mudu for this
important object. Whatever may have been
our policy in the curlier stupes of our gov
eminent, when thu nation was in its infancy,
our shipping ' interests und commerce com.
purativuly small, our resources limited, our
xmtilntio'n spare and scurcely extending be
yond the limits of thu original thirteen Mates,
that olicy must be essentially different now
tliat wu huvo grown from three to more than
twenty millions of people thut our com-
murcu, curried m our own ships, is lounu m
every seu, and thut our territorial boundaries
and settlements havo been so greatly expan
ded. Neither our commerce, nor our long
line of coast on the ocean und on thejakes,
can be successfully defended ugainut foreign
aggression by -means of fortifications alone.
Thep are cssciftial ut impormnt commercial
and military points, but our chief reliance
for this object must be on u well-organised
efficient nuv . The U'liefits resulting from
such u navy are not confined to the Atlantic
Mates. The productions of the interior, which
seek u market abroad, ure directly dependent
on the safety and freedom of our commerce.
The occupation of the lluliztdk'low New Or
leuns by a hostile lorce would embarrass, if
not stagnate, the whole export trade of tin
Mississippi, and affect the value of the ugn-v
rieultural products of the entire valley of
that mighty river and and its tributaries.
It has never heeif our poliey to maintain
large standing armies in time of peace. Thev
are contrary lo the genius of our free insti
tutions, would impose heavy burdens on Un
people, and be dangerous lo public liberty.
Our reliance for protection and defence mi
the land mum !, mainly, mi our citizen soi
diers, who will be ever rvud, us lhc err
have been ready in times past, to rush with
alacrity, at the call of their country, to her
defence. This description of torce, howev
er, cuuui't defend our coast, harUirs, and in
land seas, nor protect our commerce on the
ocean or lakes. These must be protected l
our navv.
Considering an inc reused naval force, nnd
peciullv of steam cssels, corresponding
with our grow lli und iiiiortunce as a nation,
and proportioned to the increased ami increas
ing naval jxiwurof other nations, of ast tin-r.-rtuucu
as regards our safety, und the great
growing interests to be protected by it, I re
commend the subject to the favorable consid
e rut ion of congress.
tainirur iriendlv relations between them and
the United States. An interesting account
of one of these excursions accompanies the
report of tho secretarof war. Under the
with it the navigating interest, have steadily
and rapidly increased sinco the organization
of our government, until, it is believed, we
aro now second to but one power in thu world,
and at no distant day we shall probably bo
inferior to none. Exposed as they must be,
it has been a wise policy to afford to these im
portant interests protection with our ships
of war, distributed in the great highways of
trade throughout the world. For more than
thirty years appropriations havo been made,
and annually expended) for the gradual in
crease of our naval forces. In peace, our
navy performs the important duty of protect
ing our commerce; and, in the event of wnr,
will be, as it bus been, a most efficient means
of defence
The successful use of steam navigation on
the ocean has been followed by the introduc
tion of war steamers in great and increasing
number into tho navies of the principal mari
time powers of the world. A due regard to
our own safety and to an efficient protection
to our large and increasing commerce, de
mands a corresponding increase on our part.
No country has greater facilities for the con
struction of vessels of this description than
ours, or can promise itself greater advanta
ges from their employment. They are ad
mirably adapted to the protection of our com
merce, to the rapid transmission of intelli
gence, and to the coast defence. In pursu-
The most importuut duties of the stute tie.
purtiueut relute to our foreign affiiirs. Hy
thu great eiilurgeiuent of the family of tin-
I tmnw tin. lneri-nut ut' nur enmmeri'i- find tin-
......, .... ...-.---.- . - , ..... .....
corresponding extension of our consular sys
tem, thu business of this department has been
greutly iucreuscd. In its present orguiiizu.
tion, inutiy duties of a domestic nature, and
consisting of details, are devolved on the sec
retary of stute, which do not appropriately
belong to the foreign department of tho gov.
eminent, and may properly bo transferred to
some other department. One of these grows
out of the present statu of thu luw concern
ing the patent office, which, a few years since,
was u subordinate clerkship, but has become
a distinct bureau of great importance. With
an excellent internal organization, it is still
connected- with thu statu department. In tho
transaction of its business, questions of much
importance to inventors, and to tho commu
nity, frequently ariso, which, by existing
laws, aro referred for dociaion to a board, of
which the secretary of state is a member.
These questions are legal, and the connectioa
which now exists between tho state depart
ment and the patent office, may, with great
propriety and advantago, bo transferred to
the attornoy-general.
In his lest annual mossago to congress, Mr..
Madison invited attention to a proper provis
ion fortheattorney-genefal as an "important
improvement in the executive establishment."
This recommendation was repeated by his
successors. The official duties of tho attor.
CONTINCKO TO SECOND PAQE.