The state rights democrat. (Albany, Or.) 1865-1900, May 12, 1866, Image 1

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DEMOCRAT.
VOL. 1.
ALBANY, LINN COUNTY, OREGON, SATURDAY, MAY 12, 1800.
NO. 40,
i
STATE RIGHTS DEMOGRAT.
ISSUED EVERY SATURDAY,
IN AL35i Y, LINN CO VNTY, OCX.
O'MEARA,
rt'BUsiIKH AND EDITOR.
C3 Tke Oa Etorr Dull J la? th
Gtrt rniaia Irani the ZUTar ay the
Cwwxt ilua, East aide, Tw Eik
NiU f Ue felaia BniBtu ttreaV
TKUMS:
rtn srrscRXPTXOHt
Cpr nr olavp r t3
0 Vtspjr fbr NU Moatfe M
JS" Parcant to b made In dsn In arary
aa. Tha rtt win not b ml in any aJlrM
aata wNrt aJ dt una far ahtoa i shall t
4r4 a paM f,r. .Va 4prtr .! i aW
rVaa tAaa tna IB Hy iaaiaftca. .
H. B. Tii',y prior boiw will a gWan to
a sVaaahWaT of t&e rk on hu ib
aeripiitM wiil iira, an4 nlaa aa trVr fat it
. aaauaaeaa, aitaraail with tha Hi.ioej, b
KtTa, Us Pitr tU die,uuau4 to that
strata.
fPa JL.sc 3aBa,aeat lasertiea 1
CJT" A t'btrai Htlnctioa fYetn t&ese
Rates t Quarterly, Half Yearly and
Yriy Alvartiaers, ami upaa all Ingtiv
aVi"rrtiaata, wiU sad.
CorrfiB(J.Mit writing r awamed llgotturn
r iinTii.iulf, mart taaka knwa Ihvir pr)r
to thj k iit vr. or u ttWutwB wilt to givuB
ta their evanQtatiHit.
' AH Letton and Commaai'-attoB, wh-ther en
kaainaaa or for publivatia, aoald be feMrvMed to
fc-ttvr. -
ft. CS4TOB. KO. . BKLB.
CHANOR & HELfl,
ATTSMEn iD COnSELLSXS IT LiW
AI.BAXY, Orcjfoa.
COUNSELLOR AT LAW
Will (N-aeLa ia a Superior and Infarior
Coarta yf Ortfna. ,
OFFICE bis rratdn, uoa aaila from Albaay
rrabraary 17, 1S6.
ATTORNEYS AND COUNSELLORS,
OUCOON CITY.
rrtSculAT Attaat'eit rirca ta XaaA
Oraa; a City, O.a., $0.
a. r. iviir.r.i.Eit,'
NOTAltY PUBLIC.
Albany, Oregon.
WILL PRJMPILY ATIKXD TO THE
writiaf aa4 Ukiug aowivigiavnt il
l i. Mor.,eN all l'w.r i' Aturuujt Aiao,
XP'Wti ua, AiAlt, Ae., ,
t'iCt I 4;i Xrw va.t Hbm, :
A y. Jiry 27, lS6a.
ms, . v, aAY,
SURGEON DENTIST,
- Cuaeinaati Colloga f A,
, UJL1 Deatal fiaxf esy, iUlX
W.hi.4 ag a offor bi PrfvaioBiU k rr ,ca to U
aitiiaa vfuii plaea aad arrvuadiiif coantry.
Of rut tp Mn ia Fuater'a Crtck BaiiJtBf .
IU.iur alodt W lb Peiae Uwtel.
aUbaay, Aa4M Hit, tsei.
.ASSAYING!
E. W TRACY & CO
(aW?CfcM TO TRACT KING,)
rCHTIaAD, ORE4501kT.
THS HtQHEST PRICR PAID POR
C:tD HUST, USAL TEf.DEHS, ETC.
niXUG STOCKS IOrGXXT AID
SOLD. (
OFFICE 5S Front street, first door
sortliof Arnffoni'a.
yrt!aa4. 1a.l. T8&;.. . - v " 4:f p .;
PARRISH & HOOIAN
POIITLAND, OGN. .
Ital Estate, ommercial and
. V,".. Stock Brokers,"-";
!
General InleUIsrence and CS
lectlQB : Ageaf s. It
t FFICMft. Sa risiefr Elack, Frsal Stmt
G O SniTH BHDS.
isiroLEas and dealers in
X7AT nE3 A17D JEWELIiy,
c::i:::::s, c:lo ad silver ware,
MILITARY GOODS,
Z , - CLOCKS, lo., &c, &c. -
",. S3 Frost Street, Portland.
' Furtlaod, Bee. 29, 1 555,
- (CF SAN FE.A3fCi.SC0, CALIFORNIA,)
Kill atten ia person to tbav
rrcn jTitioa f Clrisaa JUisms is Ore;
Xai to lh SjtttumcDt of Aoeucats with tif
TAT. TSLMY. VY.3, KM f flST CFF1CE
p:pj
1. -4.b.f"i
n T"ErAi r.:.'. U:;3 C3 patent cffix
PoT(taf briu busisegi a.a it prumptly
LtizuSoA ia, afed -ubiu lufratiHiua tnna titua t
4.;.aRSs So, 478 SEVXTII ETE.EST,
' ' vrASHiXiiTax city, j. c. uzt
JUGT aECSlVEO!
- A
i-ieii ou:r. -
ALc0
-c,s T;;
wini-li a-e ar ;'ilH;
rrsczrrs A co.
rer t
THE MEi:ilET MOTIVE."
Optataa r Prealdrnt LlBcoln'a
Attarnry Uanrrial th Vetord
Itlll.-li wan IMMtined to Over
turn Ibe Govrrniueitl,
In a Utter to a meeting of connerTa
tWe eititeua of St Luuin the Hod. VA
warJa Katea subject the Frcadmen'i
Hureau till to a merciless analysis, in
which he eipi with unmistakable d'ts-
tiactnew the ulterior rcTolutionary object
of the proposed statuta, and denounces
with appropriate but logical severity the
ubterfue of iu contrivers, which was
counteracted by the prompt and bold in-
erpoeition of tha President. We subjoin
th letter referred to:
St. Louis, February 24, 1866.
Gen. 11 II. Urown, Tresideut of the State
Oeotrai Committee Conservative Uuioii
Party :
Sir : I am honored by the receipt of
your Bot of this day, Honx nw to If
pr!ent si a Ba ivoanpg mi ine ctuieiiK
r 5t. Iuis, to be held at the Court House
this evening at half-iast seven o'clock.
fr the purpose ol' endorsing the action of
l'reaident Johnson in vetoing the ireed
tuen's Itureau bill, and in support of his
ireueral iMlicy of national reconstruction.
I ant very sorry that the bad state of
niy health torbids my attendance, and the
wore so beoau.e I believe there will not
be a tuan at the meeting who feel a great
er abhorrence than 1 do lor the b.H whose
wicked career has been . stopped by the
President's timely veto. My feeling up
on this subject does not spring entire
ly from my disgust of the factioua
spirit and ridiculous egotism ot the clique
which now domineers over Congress, but
from the intrinsic detuerlta of the bill,
ascertained by a careful examination ot
its provisions. I think 1 understand it.
I can see (the most casual reader can see)
iu glaring and deffant breaches of the
Constitution and L think I can see also
the hidden motive, the secret design of
the conspirators, who planned the scheme
to oven urn our Government of law, and
set up in its stead a frightful military oli
garchy, And this wicked purpose be
tray itself in several provisions of the
b.ii, which are so arranged in the context
aa to seem, to a hasty observer, to be sec
ondary and subordinate to the ostensible
object, the protect. ou of the I'reedmett.
The bill provides (ia its tirst section)
for the con iuuance of the original act (of
March lid, to establish a Frecd-
tuen's Bureau, and extends it to all refu
gees and frcedmen in all parts of the
United Mates. It empowers the Presi
dent divide the I'oited States info dis
tricts, Qiit to exceed twelve, and with the
advice and consent ot the Senate, to ap
point au assistant commissioner tor each
district, . Twelve districts! That is the
exact number into which Cromwell di
vided the Commonwealth of England,
and governed each district, despotically,
by one ot his own Major Generals. This
taction goes on-" or the said Uureau
may, iu the discretion of the President,
be placed under a coai'uii.vMoner and s-
sisUnt commissioners, to be detailed from
the army." And the act doe pot s-eci-fy
either the rauk or the color of the per
eons so to be detailed from the army to
rule the aatiou through the Freed man's
Bureau.
Section two empowers the commission
er to divide each d strict into sub-dis
tricts, (not less than a county or parish,)
and to assign to each ub-d.irict " at least
one agaut, either a cuiten, officer of the
army, or en is ted man." 'Ihe section
goes on to say. "each assisUnt commis
sioner may employ not exceeding -six
clerks; aud each agent of a sub-district
(being one or more lor each sub-district.
assuiu the pleasure ot the commissioner;
may employ two clerks. And so in the
twelve districts the clerks will amount to
seventy-two; and in the sub-districts the
agent will to at least as many thousand
as there are eouuties and parishes in the
nation ; and their clerks to double that
number, besides the employees mentioned.
in the bill.
And the same section provides that the
Preideut, through the War I'epartmeut
aud the Commissioner, shall ex.ejid luili
Ury jurisdiction- over all the employees,
agenu, aud officers of this Bureau, in the
exercise of all the duties ijuptwed; or au
thorised by this, act or the act to whAeh
this act is supplementary. And here' 1
Will draw your attention to that part of
their duties especially impoied aud au
thurised toy tb eighth section of the bill,
thus: '"And it shall be the duty of the
o&eers and agents f ibis J urea u, all of
them,' great and suiatl, without distinc
tion J, to take jurisdiction of aud hear aud
determine all offences committed against
the provisions of this section ; and also of
all cawes affecting negroes, uiulatues,
freedtuen, refugees, or other peroous who
are not discriminated against, in apy of
J the panicuiars mentioned in the preced;
mg section of this act, under, not the
Constitution and laws,! but under such
rules and regulations as the President of
the Coiled States, through the War De
partment, shall prescribe.' "
These are some of the enormities of the
retted bill, framed in' the wautonuess of.
partisan) power, jn contempt of the writ
ten Constitution. And in open violation of
the historical opinions and traditionary
faith of the people pf the United Suites.
As all these thousands of officers, agents,
and employees of the Bureau may, at the
discretion of the President, be detailed
from this army, it is plain that every mau
of them tuay be an enlisted wan in the
army,' and white or black, may beet
suit the faucy of the detailing officer.
Only imagine such ai militafy . organi
xatiou, wtih m deptie bead at 4ie seat of
the Government, and despotic members
pervading the whole iuass qf the commu
nity and exhibiting its power in organised
form, ia every county and purien, and
the Pres.dent bound,1 by TruiubuH's bill,
to extend military protection over them,
ajskstwTerj eiart torsstxain, by legal
and civil means, ths wantonness of their
arWitrsry power 1
Think you that the people 01 the
United Slates are already so far degraded
iuto passive obedience as to submit tanic-
lv to such tin atrocious outrage, even if
sanctioned oy ine niiauiinou.1 imra in a
faction Congress, and approved ty a sub
servient President! No verily. They
are not yet ready to abandon their Consti
tution and renounce aU hope of legal liber
ty, by giving over their Jives, liberties,
and properties, to be disposed of at the ca
price of petty oflioers and agents ot a pet
ty subdivision of the War Department,
called a bureau. They will insist upou
their legal rights as freemen and Ameri
can citizens; they will detimnd the pro
tection of the laws of their country; ami
if charged with crime, or drawn into con
troversy about property or contracts, thev
will insist upon a court aud jury, anil will
refuse to be tried by any petty despot.
" detailed from the army, ' whether he be
white or black. J
Constitutional government and liberty
by law are worth fiiihlmit for. We have
jaat p&aved through" a bhwuy war to
maintain tnetn against a set of traitors,
and I make no doubt that the people will
be as ready, if need be, to resist in the
same way any other set of traitors who
seek to destroy the legal Government by
insidious artifice and bold usurptition.,
An eminent English publicist, (Mill,)
on representative Government, gives it as
his opinion, that ' representative institu
tiotii depeud for their permanency upon
tha readiness of the people to fight for
hem in case of their being endangered
If too little valued for this, they seldom
obtain a footing at all,1 and if they do, are
almost sure to be overthrown as. soon a
the head ol the Government or any party
leader who can mustct force for a aup
ife main is willing to run some small ritk
for absolute power j1"
1 thiuk ft a fortunate thing for the
country, that the Radical faction is so de
mented as to pick a quarrel with the
President becaue he refuses to be their
instrument to overturn the Constitution
and substitute in its place a military des
potiaui, and to sUke their political for
tunes upon the monstrous vices and fol
lies of the Trumbull bill. For, in doing
so. they do but insure their own defeat,
and consequently, the restoration of law,
order, and peace, and revival of national
respect for legal government and national
love for liberty by law.
Even the emancipated negro, for whose
sake it is pretended this wrong is done'
wll not long fail to see the hypocrisy and
fraud of the transaction. Ihey will see
that while they are cajoled with the pre
tense of liberty and equity before the law,
this wicked bill subjects them to the pow
er of military overseers, excludes them
from all legal protection, denies them the
rtght to appeal to the courts ot law for
redress of grievances, aud requires the
areota and unices of the buraau to take
jurisdiction of all casfs" which concern
them and their interest.
Very respectfully, your friend and fel
low pitizen, Kdward Bates.
NOW AND THEN.
Oue year ago any man who would have
the temerity to iniitna e that Mr. Lincoln
met his death at the instigation of any
ineuibar of the Republican party, or that
his assassin was in league with any but
Southern rebels, would have- put his life
in imiueut danger from the loyal mob, or
would have been almost certain to be ar
rested and put in prison by the military
authorities should such intimation or ex
pression come to their knowledge. The
war was at an end then as much as it is
now, and hence there was no excuse in
military necessity tor summary proceed
ings against political ofteuders. Now a
Radical paper in Chicago distinctly
charges President Johnson with conspir
ing with Booth and instigating the assasr
sinatioq of Lincoln to compass his own
ambitious end, and enters into an elabo
rate statement of the facUand circuui
suaces upon which the charge is predi
cated. Such-are the charges iu Radical
ethics, aud all must conform to the charge
under the penalty of vituperate abuse or
bodily assault. To question the immacu
late purity aud wisdom of the President
then was treason for which no punish
ment was to vindictive. To assail the
l'resideut now aud to charge him with in
famous crime, is only an evideuce of loyal
aud patriotic rial. The masses who blind
ly follow their Radical leaders arts swayed
in solid columns from one extreme of fa
natic absurdity to the other, w.th 110 more
effort at reasouing or discriminating for
themselves . than so many dumb brutes.
Iu view of thee facts we are at times al
most inclined to the belief that they are
right in cla ming that the plantation ne-
jgro and the Ch nameu are their equals.
1 I t.t. .ilk-, luni.irdl
Lincoln's Intention. Ex United
States .Marshal W. II. Lauion hjs ad
dressed a letter to President Johnson,
relative to the views of the late President
Lincoln on reconstruction. After de
nouncing Stevens and the Radicals as
disnuiotiists, Lauion says:
1 came here as Lincoln's special friend,
and was Marshal of this district during
his whole administration, do wp to the day
of his death. I was on the most confi
dential and intimate relations with him.
I was made entirely ceiuin, by his own
repeated declaration to me, that be would
exert all his authority, power and influ
ence to bring about an immediate recon
ciliation between the two sections of the
country. As far as depended'on him, he
would have had the Southern States rep
resented in both Houses of Congress
Within the shortest possible -time. All
the energies of his nature were given to
the vigorous prosecution of the war while;
the rebellion lasted; but he was equally
determined upon a vigorous piosecutioo
oi peace aa soon , as armed hostilities
should be ended. IXe knew the base de
signs of the Radicals to keep up the strife
for their own advanUge and he was de
termined to thwart them, as he himself
told terj tteu.
rrBi tba Hutioms DvmorratJ
DE.YIOCHATIC Jtt'rPOllT Of THE
ritKMIUFNT.
The Radicals eanuot understand how
Democrats can consirtsntly support the
Administration of President Johnson.
They argue that the Democrats opposed
his election, have condemned many of
his acts, that he has not become identified
with the Democratic party in the bestow
al ot his oflioial jmttoDage or by personal
axsociatiou. He vara! Radical papers have
taken the pains to makeup a catalogue of
the acts and declarations or Mr. Johnson
uflensive to the Democracy, for the pur
pose of proving the inconsistency of the
support now accorded to him by Dsmo
crata, forgetting in their usual shor-taight-ed
zeal that their argument applies with
much greater force sgiinst the consisten
cy ot those who elecud and now oppose
him. The Republican party is solely
aud exclusively responsible for the Pres
ident and his policy; that party elected
aud endorsed him, atul became morally
bound to the country 'rhis official acts,
bh4 tw bad. kud,auitt'r throw fatui o3
or shirk their own shark if the responsi
bility by deuounciug aud disclaiming him.
If he has violated none of the expressed
conditions upon which he was elected
and it is generally admitted that he has
unt he ia entitled to tho active cooper
ation and support of every member of
that party, aud to withhold it upon any
other pretext, is faithless and treacherous.
'Ihe support which Democrats give to
the measures of the Administration is as
voluntary as their censure, and independ
ent of personal or party consideration.
'1 hey claim uo share in the success or
failure of the policy of the l'resideut, be
yond its effect upou the common interest
of the eouutrv, and no Democrat with,
perhaps, tba exception of here and there
a political " bummer" has sought auy
reward for the support which the entire
party is now giving to the Administra
tion ; and, by the same toksu, we may
meutiou that among all the vast horda of
dependents upon Presidential favor, who
are uow abusing aud villitying tha Presi
dent aa a " traitor " and sot," not one
has yet had the decency to resign his po
sition, and we have heard of no case of
the removal by Mr. Johnson of any officer
for disloyalty." The Democney hays
uo disposition to steal and appropriate to
thsir own use the Republican President;
and have still less desire to surrender the
party to his keeping, to put on his oauie,
to wear his collar, and to make, as the
Republicans did, " unconditional support
of the President" a party test. Profes
sional politicians, who hive gone the
rouods of party organ rations may seek to
profit by the situation W build up a
"Johnson Party," but the attempt will
have little aid or sympathy from the De
mocracy iu the main. The support which
the Democracy give to tho Administra
tion of Mr. Johnson is precisely of that
character no more, no less which they
gave to tho Administration of Mr. Lin
colncordial approval of all his measures
which they deemed right, and a frank
and candid dissent to all others, accompa
nied by a strict observance of all the du
ties and obligations devolving upon the
citizens by the Constitution and the laws.
When the President, in conformity with
the Constitution, called upon tbe'Sutes
I'oi troops ' to suppress insurrection or re
pel invasion," DemocraU wsre uniformly
in the vanguard; when he exercised powr
ers for which he had no Constitutional
warrant, the Democracy firmly and em
phatically protested; when, in his last
days, he evinced a kindly disposition to
wards the restoration of the Union upon
just abd equal terms, the entire Democ
racy of the country responded as cordial
ly as they have to the effort of Mr. John
sou in the same direction. There are too
many persons, however, who cannot un
derstand and appreciate the motives and
sentimenu which actuate the Democratic
party ; such persons know no motive to
human action but self interest, have no
idea of patriotism but party domination.
Massachusetts on the Rampage
r'f be Legislature of Maisachusetts de
clares that the President has insulted
her honored representative." This is
the first intimation we hive had that it
was possible to insult Charles Sumner.
We knew he might be kicked, beaten,
cuffed and even spitten upon, but we did
not know that it was possible to insult
him. He will whine like a whipped
child and go round the world showing his
sores, but be has never shown apy evi
dence that he knew bow a map feels
when really insulted. But we presume
that it is all right for Sumner to insult
the President, all right to declare that he
sends ' whitewashing " messages to Con-gress-jr-all
right to intimate that he ought
to be beheaded these fulminations are
all right, because they come from the
members of that immaculate and holy
par,ry which embodies all the virtue, all
the morality and all the religion of the
country. But woe to any one who insin
uates that these Abolition Disunionists
are not the very acme of all that is great
and patriotic. But if Massachusetts feels
insulted, why don't she secede ? It will
lot be the first time, Do let her seceds.
We should be rejoiced to have her raise
the cod-fish flag over Faneuil Hall. There
are some good, and true men ia her bor
ders, but we have room for those patriots
in New York, and would welcome them
with pleasure among us. With the pat
riotic element out of her borders, we
could then turn her over as a receptacle
tor Abolitionists, DisunionisU, free nig
gers, tree lovers, &o., &o., and all the un
easy, discontented spirits, who desire to
make a mongrel pandemouiuin of our be
loved, Jand.rPay Book.
Undoubtedly womeo suffer great wrongs,
but when we look at the dear preatures, we
often think they need to be repressed quite
as much as their wrongs, -
' 11 n .i aai ,L j
Josh Billings said, the other night, that a
gpod way for a man -to train up a child in
the way it should go, was to travel that way
l24T21 ON THE: CJ ALLOW ft.
BjtiMMttAnH r.l F.mailonN, ilfetttaU
n4 lhywll KCrfinsr ftarritttv
tfr. Iteiuac; tfiled IVloti.
Ten years ago I was elected
Sheriff of this coilniy. This km my first
election, and I have been returned regu
larly ever sine. My first attempt to open
Court was made daring aa important
trial. The criminnl was a depraved, des
perate wrotcb, who had bean indicted for
an atrocious and brute I murder. The
fellow was greatly hardened and seemed
to care but little how the trial .vent the
evidence was strong agnint him, and.
when the caso ws submitted to tho jury,
they returned a vcrd-t of guilty without
leaving their sraU.
The execution wss fixed for a day two
weeks after the trial. Of course it was
my duty to put the rope around his neck
and launch him into eternity. It was a
distasteful duty, I assure you; for, though
I knew full well the man deserved Lis
dsath, I did not relish the idea of hang
ing hiaa. I f through it, howevwf , and
set him to dancing in the air. He t'id
not struggle much, and I thought had an
easy death. After hanging the usual
time-he was cut down, and his body given
to bis friends for interment. I thought
I had seen the last of the man, as the
wagon containing the body droTe o4t of
the jail yard ; but I was mistaken.
About four months after tic execution,
I happened to be passing my barn when
I saw a man sitting on the doorway, with
his head resting on his hands. I did not
like his looks, so I approached him and
asked what he wanted there. He raised
his head, and looked at did in silence. I
am not given to superstition, and I don't
think I'm very timid, but I felt royblood
grow ice-cold as I recognized in the man
before me the one whose execution I had
conducted. His face showed no trncus of
his violent end ; and the only indications
of it now visible, waa a slight dibfigure
ment of the neck. I scarcely knew what
to think, for I had seen him hung and
heard him pronounced dead and had de
livered his body to his frieudi for buritl,
snd yet, after a lapse of four months,
there he sat, looking at me with a face as
white as a sheet. The terror that was ex
hibited In his countenance convinced mc
that he was no ghost, so I asked him, with
as much coolness as I could command :
" Jack Lark ins, do you know me?'.'
" You're the man that hu,ng me," he
replied doggedly, at the same time moving
away.
" Before you go, Larkins," said I, " I
would like to hear how you cheated the
gallows."
" You won't peach on any of them folk's
as helped me. will you?"
"No," I replied, 'I will not get them
into any trouble. I simply wish to know
how you felt when you were hanging, and
how you were resusciuted."
lie hesitated, for sometime, but, updlka
rwaewsl C any aaaura. that none nf his
friends should be molested, he told me
the following story :
When I put the rope around his neclc,
and left him on the gallows, ha fait a
faintness about the heart, caused by bis
realising his fearful situation for the first
time ; but before he had litre to think,
the trap was sprung, and Ic fell throcgh
the opening. The shock of the fall waa
rather more startling than painful, and
did not yfoduee either insensibility or
confusroS. His thoughu were remarka
bly clear, and be seemed to have the
power of seeing far above, below and all
around him. Everything assumed a
bright vermillion hue. and a soft dreamy
languor gradually stole over him, until he
became insensible. There was nothing
paiuful or unpleasant in anything he had
undergone, lie seemed to be sinking
gently into a delicious sleep, and all his
thoughu were pleasant. The next he re
membered was being wrnng by the most
agonizing torture. The pains were not
confined to any particular place, but ex
tended through the whole body. His
first thought was that he was in perdi;
tion, and was suffering the penalty of b'13
crimes. The pains increased each, mo
ment, and at last became sq intense that
he sUrted to his feet with a scream of
anguish, at the same time opening his
eyes. Great was his surprise to nod him
self in his father's house, in the midst of
his friends vand relatives. - He fainted at
once, and when he recovered found him
self in his own bed, As soon as it was
thought safe to do so, his friends informed
him that, upon bringing his body home,
they had determined, to try to resuscitate
him, although they feared it would be
useless. They worked faithfully, and at
last succeeded.
" R,ut, sir,'' said the man, in confusion,
" coming to jfe again, was much worse
than dying."
The man promised to leave the State,
and try and do better. - J had but little
confidence in him, yet I let him go. He
kept bis word, however, and a short time
ago I heard he was a well-to-do farmer in
one of the Territories. V
This, gentlemen, ia the manner in
which I got my ideas about hanging, and
i think you will adjuit their force. Chat
tanooga Gazette, si . ;
"I recognize the Democratic doctrine of
state itights, in 1U application to slavery, as
well as to -other local affairs, and while I
have a seat in this chamber I shall resist all
attemptt to oncroach upon the reserved
rights of the sovereign Statea of the Union.
I will sund side by side with bit Denucrat
io friends ia vindication of the Virginia and
Kentucky resolutions of 1708 and 1799,
which they endorsed at Baltimore in 1852."
The man who said this was Senator Henry
Wilson, of Massachusetts, the colleague of
Summer, and a leading Radical. The pledge
was given on the 3d of February, 1855
Senator Wade, of' Ohio, and other leading
Radicals then took tha same ground. We
have no doubt the time will come when thiy
will regret that they did not fulfill the prom
ise thus volcntarilv made. The doctriaa of
Sute rights and the resolutions of 1793 and
1799 will yst be a necessity to New England.
TrciuciaBati gaujrar, .
TAN TON.
If as alleged, and generally credited,
the National Qtelligeucer enjoys the con
fidence, of President Johnsou, the follow
ing article in that paper has great sig
nificance as foreshadowing the doom ol
Stanton. The article is editorial :
It is painful to look at the litit of debts
of Sutcs that were incurred during the
r,ar painful because they aroso from the
maladministration of military affiirs by
th j War Department and iu instruments
ia Coogress. Ignorance, deuiagogueism,
and fanaticism, in the form of decrying
tlmt precise system of military strategy
vrbich finally enabled Gen. Grunt with
more thau a million of men of all arms to
crush out the rebellion, hsd such sway in
the second yc.-ir of the war that serious ap-
t.rrbousions bctran to be entertained by
! the ultras that the rebellion was near its
close.
Under thus ciroumstnaces, instead of
maktnif Richmond tha objective point of
military operations, is did General Grunt
tii ntni?it be was iu rested with com
mand. troon wera withheld from that
point, and though Genera'. McDowell, at
r redsritksbmg, implored tho military au
thority here to altbow him to join h'w army
with our troop" that had been so signally
victorious at Hanover Court House, and
lull upon the left of Johnetoi's army and
thus secure Richmond In accordance with
what was at one time the strategy of the
War Department itself, he w?-a ordered
off to thw Valley of Virginia against
Stonewall Jackson, by a rapid march, to
carry out precuely toe same destructive
strategy upon the army of Gineral Mc-
Clellan. All these views vera paUnt to
military men, but what did they avail
gainst that closet intrigue which sent a
Cabinet officer and his anaailant, (not mil
itary functionaries,) in the dead of a
stormy night, to prevent, against all per
adventure, General MoDowell continu
ing that advanco of his army, which had
already bfguo ita movement to assail
Richmond on the enemy's left.
Just previous to these circumstances,
sodsmoralizing r.nd depressing to soldiers.
members of Congress revealed our nth
tarv policy to the enetnv bv enscticr- a
r tf ar j
law that the tinny should be limited to
wO.OUO men. Of course, not much above
half or two-thirds of thiq force could be
put iota the Geld, and therefore the ene
my, acting upon the defensive, found little
difficulty at that time for all purposes ot
defense. Not contenting themselves long
in tqia attitude of affairs, they took the
aggressive as soon as pur armies were re
duced and separated, at.d as long as ex
perienced military counsel was despised
and derided, and inferior soldiers raised,
to chief command io the Army of the
Potomac.
Said Senator Wilson, in effect, when
the volunteering was swelling to propor
tions that, like the tides of the ocean.
threatened the immediate submerging of
rebellion: "Our army is too large; it
must be tept down W 500,000. If mora
men are needed, they can bs had upon
call in any number." What was the re
sult f .Not eight weeks afterwards, when
the troops were disheartened and demor
alized by the second disaster at Macassas,
calls were made for volunteers, but so de
pressed were the hearU of the people that
states, counties, cities and towns were ob
liged to resort to a costly system of boun
ties and drafu, which has since prevailed,
and which has plunged States in that sea
ol debt, the interest upon which alone, in
conjunction with our taxes. State, county,
town and national, is truly exacting, but
not so much so, we are persuaded, as that
the people in the end caa master all their
burdens.
We refer to this form of public debt as
a matter of present interest, bat mainly
for the purpose of adverting to the causes
in bad military administration and Con
gressional legislation which precipitated
them upon the country. They caused a
protraction of the war for two years at
least, taking the very life-blood of the
republic, and costing treasures upon treas
ures ot gold.
We refer to it to mention the other
fearful fact that the same counsels now
prevail and are now plunging the country
into yet deeper liabilities by a policy
which is at war with industry every
where and in all iu asnecU. By that
productive industry alone are our public
obligations to be discharged and the Re
public to move on in great " conquesU of
peace.
A Reminiscence. That Mr. Sumner
and Thad. Stevens have a personal spite
at the individual whom the Union League
in iU last annual report calls '"the im
prisoned President of the Confederacy,"
we know very well. 1 Bat it is only with
in a day or two we have discovered its
cause. On the 26th of January, 1860,
in a debate in the Senate of the United
Sutes, Mr. Jefferson Davis, then a Sena
tor from Mississippi, said:
JM do not treasure disagreeable things.
I am not like those who cull and gather
and stick into little scrap books passages
and sentences in order that some day oi
ether they may be woven together and
presented to the Senate and sent forth to
excite sentiments of hostility, of which
we have too much."
Mr. Sumner eould not forgive this. In
the same speech Mr. Davis said : '
"I honor those old pilgrims who first
settled in New England. I honor the
brave men who fought the battles of the
Revolution.' I honor those who disdained
to taint their blood by amalgamation with
the lower races of mankind. Whatever
dignity there is in New England i now,
whatever there is of power, whatever
there- is of progress and of these all
there is very much it is dne to the fact
that those old PuriUns kept the Anglo
Saxon blood pore and untainted. If they
had had an amalgamating policy, if they
bad intermarried with the baser races,
they never . would hava boasted pf the
triumphs they have achieved. ; Bo ranch
for the policy of the past compare j with
the degrading policy or to-day.
- Steyeai eotld. not km rtUih&ithi
THE POOR WHITES NEXT.
Having got the niggsr job. under fair
headway, there seems to U a disposition,
about Cape Cod and vicinity, to, do up the
foor white man, A writer for the At
antie Monthly for February has been
through the South and gives his views on.
Reconstruction. He says :
'The injustice done to three-fourths of
them ftbe poor whites) was hardly kss
than that done to all the slaves. There
are two kinds of slavery, and negro slav
try was only more wicked and debasing
than white slavery. It is the national
duty to deal with these States in such
manner as will most surely exalt the lower
and middle classss of their inhabitants.
The nation must teach them a knowledg
of their own rights, while it also teaches
them respect for its rights and the rights
of man for man."
We were satisfied that our time would
come next 1 Here we hare been, a poor
devil of an editor, a poor white man who
was left by the war with th,e small fortune,
of a string-halted eonsftoga, a pair of
boots, aod a calico shirt, sitting on our
tripod in a vague state of uncertainty
about our rights, and just as we were
about giving up all attempts to fathom
them, we discover that the nation having
reconstrncted the nigger, considers it a
solemn duty to reconstruct us. "We ara
to be taught in the first place a " knowl
fcdge of our rights," Very good ; for we
candidly admit that we possess no knowl
edge on that point, at the present W
are. next, to be taught a " respect for its
rights." Very good again; for we know
nothing which needs more respect. Then
we are to be taught " the rights oi man
for man." We need enlightenment on
this point, for we don't understand the
writer.
The plan by which we are to be taught
is the " block game " system; on ooe side
of the block is a refreshing picture of a
nigger tinder the lash ; and on the other
side some such moral questions and an
swers as Who made the old Constitu
tion, that league with sin and covenant
with hellf" "George Washington a
slaveholder:" " Who made, the new Con
stitution tha higher law V "Thaddeua
Stevens and Sumner." " Whose soul,"
says Mr. Thad. Stevens, " is lost in ever
lasting flames V " Chief Justice Ta
ney's." ' Whose soul is marching on to
glorv-hsllelujah f" " John Brown's."
"Who burned Thad. Stevens' Iron,
Worfcs r " R. E. Lee." Who braised,
Sumner's back ?" " Preston Brooks.'
By this system we hope to get along
finely. The chief difficulty in the way ia
An old-fashioned idea of our that a nigger
is a nigger not a colored person, but a
black (Niger) man, from the banks of
the Niger; not a negre, as the French ealj
him, but a downright. old Anglo Saxon,
thick skulled, woolly-headed, soft-shin,
flat-footed, perfumed nigger, and nothing
but a nigger. If that idea can be wiped
Out, we think our brain will be a tubula
rata foh axperjment of Yankee school
masters. Come on, gentlemen! asooa
as you get through with the nigger. The
lower and middle classes of the South,
which have produced such idiots as PatA
rick Henry, Andrew Jackson, Henry
Clay, John & Calhoun ahd Andrew John
son, need your guiding hand! Moh
gomtry Mail.
A Howling Dervish. As a speci
men of loyal elencal denunciation of tha
President, we publish the following ex
tract from a letter to the Sacrament,
Union, dated Boston, February 25th : 4
Some of out clergy let themselves
out" on politics generally, and the Presi
dent in particular, yesterday. Rev. D.
A. Wasscn, Theo. Parker's successor,
took the text, "Woe to thee, O land,
when thy King is a child," and said that
President Johnson was a greater traitor
than Benedict Arnold or Judas Iscariot.
The latter he said, was conscious of his
guilt, and, repent;pg, hanged himself;
but Johnson, after betraying the party
who placed him in his position, gloried ia
his shame. Buf Rev. Q. II. Hepworth,
pastor of the Church of the Unity, took
the palm for the boldness and bitterness
of his utterances. He said : " To-day
we ' weep over our murdered President,
for God knows we have no President of
the United States at this . hour. Tha
President had hinted at assassination.
O. Mr. President, yon will never be killed.
Only the good and great dia." You will
live forever. ne calls himself a self
made man. We can well believe it, for
it is no credit to have made him." Hep
worth lamented the choice of Johnson for
Vice President, and said of him : " Ha
had never dared to say or think that
slavery was wrong." The church was
crowded to its utmost capacity -Commodore
Winslow being one of the auditors,
Stealings in the Indian Bureau.
-A few days before the adjournment of
Congress, writes " Mack," the Washing
ton correspondent of the Cincinnati Com
mercial, (writer and paper both being
Republican,) a resolution was pushed
through both Houses, appropriating a half
million of dollars for destitute Indians,
Half of this amount, ne tninxs, will suck
to the hands through which it is intended,
to pass to tha Indians. It occurs to him)
as somewhat singular that everybody who
has anything to do with this business gets
rich, and he alleges that there ara in
stanees where agents and employees have
been known to save $50,000 a year out of
a salary of $3,000 I It ma;.t be a sourc
of satisfaction to the people who pay tha
excessive taxation of the present day to
know that tha pubu money is filched B9
shamelessly. WeHardly think they arc
wuung to impovertsa wemseives jo, fa?
rich a gang of Republican thieves.
Aaron . Bedbug, of Lewis county, Ken
tucky, has petitioned the Legislator
ehanga his name. He says that his sweet,
heart, whose name is Olivia, is unwilling
that be should -ba called A. Bedbntr, she Q.
Bedbug, aw) the UtUe ones Liiile Sedbu-?.
' " ' '. " - . - ' ' v ; - '' ' ' "' Y- .- . " ;.."--'- . ( I . -y - t 7 ; ' ' ' 7 7 . 7. . ' ' .. . . '" - V ' ' ' ' . . - -:' . . - ' . ' . " : 7 ' . .'... . 7