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About The state rights democrat. (Albany, Or.) 1865-1900 | View Entire Issue (May 12, 1866)
w . ..K S ... A ...... !j j RTpi Ffrrrpn DEMOCRAT. VOL. 1. ALBANY, LINN COUNTY, OREGON, SATURDAY, MAY 12, 1800. NO. 40, i STATE RIGHTS DEMOGRAT. ISSUED EVERY SATURDAY, IN AL35i Y, LINN CO VNTY, OCX. O'MEARA, rt'BUsiIKH AND EDITOR. C3 Tke Oa Etorr Dull J la? th Gtrt rniaia Irani the ZUTar ay the Cwwxt ilua, East aide, Tw Eik NiU f Ue felaia BniBtu ttreaV TKUMS: rtn srrscRXPTXOHt Cpr nr olavp r t3 0 Vtspjr fbr NU Moatfe M JS" Parcant to b made In dsn In arary aa. Tha rtt win not b ml in any aJlrM aata wNrt aJ dt una far ahtoa i shall t 4r4 a paM f,r. .Va 4prtr .! i aW rVaa tAaa tna IB Hy iaaiaftca. . H. B. Tii',y prior boiw will a gWan to a sVaaahWaT of t&e rk on hu ib aeripiitM wiil iira, an4 nlaa aa trVr fat it . aaauaaeaa, aitaraail with tha Hi.ioej, b KtTa, Us Pitr tU die,uuau4 to that strata. fPa JL.sc 3aBa,aeat lasertiea 1 CJT" A t'btrai Htlnctioa fYetn t&ese Rates t Quarterly, Half Yearly and Yriy Alvartiaers, ami upaa all Ingtiv aVi"rrtiaata, wiU sad. CorrfiB(J.Mit writing r awamed llgotturn r iinTii.iulf, mart taaka knwa Ihvir pr)r to thj k iit vr. or u ttWutwB wilt to givuB ta their evanQtatiHit. ' AH Letton and Commaai'-attoB, wh-ther en kaainaaa or for publivatia, aoald be feMrvMed to fc-ttvr. - ft. CS4TOB. KO. . BKLB. CHANOR & HELfl, ATTSMEn iD COnSELLSXS IT LiW AI.BAXY, Orcjfoa. COUNSELLOR AT LAW Will (N-aeLa ia a Superior and Infarior Coarta yf Ortfna. , OFFICE bis rratdn, uoa aaila from Albaay rrabraary 17, 1S6. ATTORNEYS AND COUNSELLORS, OUCOON CITY. rrtSculAT Attaat'eit rirca ta XaaA Oraa; a City, O.a., $0. a. r. iviir.r.i.Eit,' NOTAltY PUBLIC. Albany, Oregon. WILL PRJMPILY ATIKXD TO THE writiaf aa4 Ukiug aowivigiavnt il l i. Mor.,eN all l'w.r i' Aturuujt Aiao, XP'Wti ua, AiAlt, Ae., , t'iCt I 4;i Xrw va.t Hbm, : A y. Jiry 27, lS6a. ms, . v, aAY, SURGEON DENTIST, - Cuaeinaati Colloga f A, , UJL1 Deatal fiaxf esy, iUlX W.hi.4 ag a offor bi PrfvaioBiU k rr ,ca to U aitiiaa vfuii plaea aad arrvuadiiif coantry. Of rut tp Mn ia Fuater'a Crtck BaiiJtBf . IU.iur alodt W lb Peiae Uwtel. aUbaay, Aa4M Hit, tsei. .ASSAYING! E. W TRACY & CO (aW?CfcM TO TRACT KING,) rCHTIaAD, ORE4501kT. THS HtQHEST PRICR PAID POR C:tD HUST, USAL TEf.DEHS, ETC. niXUG STOCKS IOrGXXT AID SOLD. ( OFFICE 5S Front street, first door sortliof Arnffoni'a. yrt!aa4. 1a.l. T8&;.. . - v " 4:f p .; PARRISH & HOOIAN POIITLAND, OGN. . Ital Estate, ommercial and . V,".. Stock Brokers,"-"; ! General InleUIsrence and CS lectlQB : Ageaf s. It t FFICMft. Sa risiefr Elack, Frsal Stmt G O SniTH BHDS. isiroLEas and dealers in X7AT nE3 A17D JEWELIiy, c::i:::::s, c:lo ad silver ware, MILITARY GOODS, Z , - CLOCKS, lo., &c, &c. - ",. S3 Frost Street, Portland. ' Furtlaod, Bee. 29, 1 555, - (CF SAN FE.A3fCi.SC0, CALIFORNIA,) Kill atten ia person to tbav rrcn jTitioa f Clrisaa JUisms is Ore; Xai to lh SjtttumcDt of Aoeucats with tif TAT. TSLMY. VY.3, KM f flST CFF1CE p:pj 1. -4.b.f"i n T"ErAi r.:.'. U:;3 C3 patent cffix PoT(taf briu busisegi a.a it prumptly LtizuSoA ia, afed -ubiu lufratiHiua tnna titua t 4.;.aRSs So, 478 SEVXTII ETE.EST, ' ' vrASHiXiiTax city, j. c. uzt JUGT aECSlVEO! - A i-ieii ou:r. - ALc0 -c,s T;; wini-li a-e ar ;'ilH; rrsczrrs A co. rer t THE MEi:ilET MOTIVE." Optataa r Prealdrnt LlBcoln'a Attarnry Uanrrial th Vetord Itlll.-li wan IMMtined to Over turn Ibe Govrrniueitl, In a Utter to a meeting of connerTa tWe eititeua of St Luuin the Hod. VA warJa Katea subject the Frcadmen'i Hureau till to a merciless analysis, in which he eipi with unmistakable d'ts- tiactnew the ulterior rcTolutionary object of the proposed statuta, and denounces with appropriate but logical severity the ubterfue of iu contrivers, which was counteracted by the prompt and bold in- erpoeition of tha President. We subjoin th letter referred to: St. Louis, February 24, 1866. Gen. 11 II. Urown, Tresideut of the State Oeotrai Committee Conservative Uuioii Party : Sir : I am honored by the receipt of your Bot of this day, Honx nw to If pr!ent si a Ba ivoanpg mi ine ctuieiiK r 5t. Iuis, to be held at the Court House this evening at half-iast seven o'clock. fr the purpose ol' endorsing the action of l'reaident Johnson in vetoing the ireed tuen's Itureau bill, and in support of his ireueral iMlicy of national reconstruction. I ant very sorry that the bad state of niy health torbids my attendance, and the wore so beoau.e I believe there will not be a tuan at the meeting who feel a great er abhorrence than 1 do lor the b.H whose wicked career has been . stopped by the President's timely veto. My feeling up on this subject does not spring entire ly from my disgust of the factioua spirit and ridiculous egotism ot the clique which now domineers over Congress, but from the intrinsic detuerlta of the bill, ascertained by a careful examination ot its provisions. I think 1 understand it. I can see (the most casual reader can see) iu glaring and deffant breaches of the Constitution and L think I can see also the hidden motive, the secret design of the conspirators, who planned the scheme to oven urn our Government of law, and set up in its stead a frightful military oli garchy, And this wicked purpose be tray itself in several provisions of the b.ii, which are so arranged in the context aa to seem, to a hasty observer, to be sec ondary and subordinate to the ostensible object, the protect. ou of the I'reedmett. The bill provides (ia its tirst section) for the con iuuance of the original act (of March lid, to establish a Frecd- tuen's Bureau, and extends it to all refu gees and frcedmen in all parts of the United Mates. It empowers the Presi dent divide the I'oited States info dis tricts, Qiit to exceed twelve, and with the advice and consent ot the Senate, to ap point au assistant commissioner tor each district, . Twelve districts! That is the exact number into which Cromwell di vided the Commonwealth of England, and governed each district, despotically, by one ot his own Major Generals. This taction goes on-" or the said Uureau may, iu the discretion of the President, be placed under a coai'uii.vMoner and s- sisUnt commissioners, to be detailed from the army." And the act doe pot s-eci-fy either the rauk or the color of the per eons so to be detailed from the army to rule the aatiou through the Freed man's Bureau. Section two empowers the commission er to divide each d strict into sub-dis tricts, (not less than a county or parish,) and to assign to each ub-d.irict " at least one agaut, either a cuiten, officer of the army, or en is ted man." 'Ihe section goes on to say. "each assisUnt commis sioner may employ not exceeding -six clerks; aud each agent of a sub-district (being one or more lor each sub-district. assuiu the pleasure ot the commissioner; may employ two clerks. And so in the twelve districts the clerks will amount to seventy-two; and in the sub-districts the agent will to at least as many thousand as there are eouuties and parishes in the nation ; and their clerks to double that number, besides the employees mentioned. in the bill. And the same section provides that the Preideut, through the War I'epartmeut aud the Commissioner, shall ex.ejid luili Ury jurisdiction- over all the employees, agenu, aud officers of this Bureau, in the exercise of all the duties ijuptwed; or au thorised by this, act or the act to whAeh this act is supplementary. And here' 1 Will draw your attention to that part of their duties especially impoied aud au thurised toy tb eighth section of the bill, thus: '"And it shall be the duty of the o&eers and agents f ibis J urea u, all of them,' great and suiatl, without distinc tion J, to take jurisdiction of aud hear aud determine all offences committed against the provisions of this section ; and also of all cawes affecting negroes, uiulatues, freedtuen, refugees, or other peroous who are not discriminated against, in apy of J the panicuiars mentioned in the preced; mg section of this act, under, not the Constitution and laws,! but under such rules and regulations as the President of the Coiled States, through the War De partment, shall prescribe.' " These are some of the enormities of the retted bill, framed in' the wautonuess of. partisan) power, jn contempt of the writ ten Constitution. And in open violation of the historical opinions and traditionary faith of the people pf the United Suites. As all these thousands of officers, agents, and employees of the Bureau may, at the discretion of the President, be detailed from this army, it is plain that every mau of them tuay be an enlisted wan in the army,' and white or black, may beet suit the faucy of the detailing officer. Only imagine such ai militafy . organi xatiou, wtih m deptie bead at 4ie seat of the Government, and despotic members pervading the whole iuass qf the commu nity and exhibiting its power in organised form, ia every county and purien, and the Pres.dent bound,1 by TruiubuH's bill, to extend military protection over them, ajskstwTerj eiart torsstxain, by legal and civil means, ths wantonness of their arWitrsry power 1 Think you that the people 01 the United Slates are already so far degraded iuto passive obedience as to submit tanic- lv to such tin atrocious outrage, even if sanctioned oy ine niiauiinou.1 imra in a faction Congress, and approved ty a sub servient President! No verily. They are not yet ready to abandon their Consti tution and renounce aU hope of legal liber ty, by giving over their Jives, liberties, and properties, to be disposed of at the ca price of petty oflioers and agents ot a pet ty subdivision of the War Department, called a bureau. They will insist upou their legal rights as freemen and Ameri can citizens; they will detimnd the pro tection of the laws of their country; ami if charged with crime, or drawn into con troversy about property or contracts, thev will insist upon a court aud jury, anil will refuse to be tried by any petty despot. " detailed from the army, ' whether he be white or black. J Constitutional government and liberty by law are worth fiiihlmit for. We have jaat p&aved through" a bhwuy war to maintain tnetn against a set of traitors, and I make no doubt that the people will be as ready, if need be, to resist in the same way any other set of traitors who seek to destroy the legal Government by insidious artifice and bold usurptition., An eminent English publicist, (Mill,) on representative Government, gives it as his opinion, that ' representative institu tiotii depeud for their permanency upon tha readiness of the people to fight for hem in case of their being endangered If too little valued for this, they seldom obtain a footing at all,1 and if they do, are almost sure to be overthrown as. soon a the head ol the Government or any party leader who can mustct force for a aup ife main is willing to run some small ritk for absolute power j1" 1 thiuk ft a fortunate thing for the country, that the Radical faction is so de mented as to pick a quarrel with the President becaue he refuses to be their instrument to overturn the Constitution and substitute in its place a military des potiaui, and to sUke their political for tunes upon the monstrous vices and fol lies of the Trumbull bill. For, in doing so. they do but insure their own defeat, and consequently, the restoration of law, order, and peace, and revival of national respect for legal government and national love for liberty by law. Even the emancipated negro, for whose sake it is pretended this wrong is done' wll not long fail to see the hypocrisy and fraud of the transaction. Ihey will see that while they are cajoled with the pre tense of liberty and equity before the law, this wicked bill subjects them to the pow er of military overseers, excludes them from all legal protection, denies them the rtght to appeal to the courts ot law for redress of grievances, aud requires the areota and unices of the buraau to take jurisdiction of all casfs" which concern them and their interest. Very respectfully, your friend and fel low pitizen, Kdward Bates. NOW AND THEN. Oue year ago any man who would have the temerity to iniitna e that Mr. Lincoln met his death at the instigation of any ineuibar of the Republican party, or that his assassin was in league with any but Southern rebels, would have- put his life in imiueut danger from the loyal mob, or would have been almost certain to be ar rested and put in prison by the military authorities should such intimation or ex pression come to their knowledge. The war was at an end then as much as it is now, and hence there was no excuse in military necessity tor summary proceed ings against political ofteuders. Now a Radical paper in Chicago distinctly charges President Johnson with conspir ing with Booth and instigating the assasr sinatioq of Lincoln to compass his own ambitious end, and enters into an elabo rate statement of the facUand circuui suaces upon which the charge is predi cated. Such-are the charges iu Radical ethics, aud all must conform to the charge under the penalty of vituperate abuse or bodily assault. To question the immacu late purity aud wisdom of the President then was treason for which no punish ment was to vindictive. To assail the l'resideut now aud to charge him with in famous crime, is only an evideuce of loyal aud patriotic rial. The masses who blind ly follow their Radical leaders arts swayed in solid columns from one extreme of fa natic absurdity to the other, w.th 110 more effort at reasouing or discriminating for themselves . than so many dumb brutes. Iu view of thee facts we are at times al most inclined to the belief that they are right in cla ming that the plantation ne- jgro and the Ch nameu are their equals. 1 I t.t. .ilk-, luni.irdl Lincoln's Intention. Ex United States .Marshal W. II. Lauion hjs ad dressed a letter to President Johnson, relative to the views of the late President Lincoln on reconstruction. After de nouncing Stevens and the Radicals as disnuiotiists, Lauion says: 1 came here as Lincoln's special friend, and was Marshal of this district during his whole administration, do wp to the day of his death. I was on the most confi dential and intimate relations with him. I was made entirely ceiuin, by his own repeated declaration to me, that be would exert all his authority, power and influ ence to bring about an immediate recon ciliation between the two sections of the country. As far as depended'on him, he would have had the Southern States rep resented in both Houses of Congress Within the shortest possible -time. All the energies of his nature were given to the vigorous prosecution of the war while; the rebellion lasted; but he was equally determined upon a vigorous piosecutioo oi peace aa soon , as armed hostilities should be ended. IXe knew the base de signs of the Radicals to keep up the strife for their own advanUge and he was de termined to thwart them, as he himself told terj tteu. rrBi tba Hutioms DvmorratJ DE.YIOCHATIC Jtt'rPOllT Of THE ritKMIUFNT. The Radicals eanuot understand how Democrats can consirtsntly support the Administration of President Johnson. They argue that the Democrats opposed his election, have condemned many of his acts, that he has not become identified with the Democratic party in the bestow al ot his oflioial jmttoDage or by personal axsociatiou. He vara! Radical papers have taken the pains to makeup a catalogue of the acts and declarations or Mr. Johnson uflensive to the Democracy, for the pur pose of proving the inconsistency of the support now accorded to him by Dsmo crata, forgetting in their usual shor-taight-ed zeal that their argument applies with much greater force sgiinst the consisten cy ot those who elecud and now oppose him. The Republican party is solely aud exclusively responsible for the Pres ident and his policy; that party elected aud endorsed him, atul became morally bound to the country 'rhis official acts, bh4 tw bad. kud,auitt'r throw fatui o3 or shirk their own shark if the responsi bility by deuounciug aud disclaiming him. If he has violated none of the expressed conditions upon which he was elected and it is generally admitted that he has unt he ia entitled to tho active cooper ation and support of every member of that party, aud to withhold it upon any other pretext, is faithless and treacherous. 'Ihe support which Democrats give to the measures of the Administration is as voluntary as their censure, and independ ent of personal or party consideration. '1 hey claim uo share in the success or failure of the policy of the l'resideut, be yond its effect upou the common interest of the eouutrv, and no Democrat with, perhaps, tba exception of here and there a political " bummer" has sought auy reward for the support which the entire party is now giving to the Administra tion ; and, by the same toksu, we may meutiou that among all the vast horda of dependents upon Presidential favor, who are uow abusing aud villitying tha Presi dent aa a " traitor " and sot," not one has yet had the decency to resign his po sition, and we have heard of no case of the removal by Mr. Johnson of any officer for disloyalty." The Democney hays uo disposition to steal and appropriate to thsir own use the Republican President; and have still less desire to surrender the party to his keeping, to put on his oauie, to wear his collar, and to make, as the Republicans did, " unconditional support of the President" a party test. Profes sional politicians, who hive gone the rouods of party organ rations may seek to profit by the situation W build up a "Johnson Party," but the attempt will have little aid or sympathy from the De mocracy iu the main. The support which the Democracy give to tho Administra tion of Mr. Johnson is precisely of that character no more, no less which they gave to tho Administration of Mr. Lin colncordial approval of all his measures which they deemed right, and a frank and candid dissent to all others, accompa nied by a strict observance of all the du ties and obligations devolving upon the citizens by the Constitution and the laws. When the President, in conformity with the Constitution, called upon tbe'Sutes I'oi troops ' to suppress insurrection or re pel invasion," DemocraU wsre uniformly in the vanguard; when he exercised powr ers for which he had no Constitutional warrant, the Democracy firmly and em phatically protested; when, in his last days, he evinced a kindly disposition to wards the restoration of the Union upon just abd equal terms, the entire Democ racy of the country responded as cordial ly as they have to the effort of Mr. John sou in the same direction. There are too many persons, however, who cannot un derstand and appreciate the motives and sentimenu which actuate the Democratic party ; such persons know no motive to human action but self interest, have no idea of patriotism but party domination. Massachusetts on the Rampage r'f be Legislature of Maisachusetts de clares that the President has insulted her honored representative." This is the first intimation we hive had that it was possible to insult Charles Sumner. We knew he might be kicked, beaten, cuffed and even spitten upon, but we did not know that it was possible to insult him. He will whine like a whipped child and go round the world showing his sores, but be has never shown apy evi dence that he knew bow a map feels when really insulted. But we presume that it is all right for Sumner to insult the President, all right to declare that he sends ' whitewashing " messages to Con-gress-jr-all right to intimate that he ought to be beheaded these fulminations are all right, because they come from the members of that immaculate and holy par,ry which embodies all the virtue, all the morality and all the religion of the country. But woe to any one who insin uates that these Abolition Disunionists are not the very acme of all that is great and patriotic. But if Massachusetts feels insulted, why don't she secede ? It will lot be the first time, Do let her seceds. We should be rejoiced to have her raise the cod-fish flag over Faneuil Hall. There are some good, and true men ia her bor ders, but we have room for those patriots in New York, and would welcome them with pleasure among us. With the pat riotic element out of her borders, we could then turn her over as a receptacle tor Abolitionists, DisunionisU, free nig gers, tree lovers, &o., &o., and all the un easy, discontented spirits, who desire to make a mongrel pandemouiuin of our be loved, Jand.rPay Book. Undoubtedly womeo suffer great wrongs, but when we look at the dear preatures, we often think they need to be repressed quite as much as their wrongs, - ' 11 n .i aai ,L j Josh Billings said, the other night, that a gpod way for a man -to train up a child in the way it should go, was to travel that way l24T21 ON THE: CJ ALLOW ft. BjtiMMttAnH r.l F.mailonN, ilfetttaU n4 lhywll KCrfinsr ftarritttv tfr. Iteiuac; tfiled IVloti. Ten years ago I was elected Sheriff of this coilniy. This km my first election, and I have been returned regu larly ever sine. My first attempt to open Court was made daring aa important trial. The criminnl was a depraved, des perate wrotcb, who had bean indicted for an atrocious and brute I murder. The fellow was greatly hardened and seemed to care but little how the trial .vent the evidence was strong agnint him, and. when the caso ws submitted to tho jury, they returned a vcrd-t of guilty without leaving their sraU. The execution wss fixed for a day two weeks after the trial. Of course it was my duty to put the rope around his neck and launch him into eternity. It was a distasteful duty, I assure you; for, though I knew full well the man deserved Lis dsath, I did not relish the idea of hang ing hiaa. I f through it, howevwf , and set him to dancing in the air. He t'id not struggle much, and I thought had an easy death. After hanging the usual time-he was cut down, and his body given to bis friends for interment. I thought I had seen the last of the man, as the wagon containing the body droTe o4t of the jail yard ; but I was mistaken. About four months after tic execution, I happened to be passing my barn when I saw a man sitting on the doorway, with his head resting on his hands. I did not like his looks, so I approached him and asked what he wanted there. He raised his head, and looked at did in silence. I am not given to superstition, and I don't think I'm very timid, but I felt royblood grow ice-cold as I recognized in the man before me the one whose execution I had conducted. His face showed no trncus of his violent end ; and the only indications of it now visible, waa a slight dibfigure ment of the neck. I scarcely knew what to think, for I had seen him hung and heard him pronounced dead and had de livered his body to his frieudi for buritl, snd yet, after a lapse of four months, there he sat, looking at me with a face as white as a sheet. The terror that was ex hibited In his countenance convinced mc that he was no ghost, so I asked him, with as much coolness as I could command : " Jack Lark ins, do you know me?'.' " You're the man that hu,ng me," he replied doggedly, at the same time moving away. " Before you go, Larkins," said I, " I would like to hear how you cheated the gallows." " You won't peach on any of them folk's as helped me. will you?" "No," I replied, 'I will not get them into any trouble. I simply wish to know how you felt when you were hanging, and how you were resusciuted." lie hesitated, for sometime, but, updlka rwaewsl C any aaaura. that none nf his friends should be molested, he told me the following story : When I put the rope around his neclc, and left him on the gallows, ha fait a faintness about the heart, caused by bis realising his fearful situation for the first time ; but before he had litre to think, the trap was sprung, and Ic fell throcgh the opening. The shock of the fall waa rather more startling than painful, and did not yfoduee either insensibility or confusroS. His thoughu were remarka bly clear, and be seemed to have the power of seeing far above, below and all around him. Everything assumed a bright vermillion hue. and a soft dreamy languor gradually stole over him, until he became insensible. There was nothing paiuful or unpleasant in anything he had undergone, lie seemed to be sinking gently into a delicious sleep, and all his thoughu were pleasant. The next he re membered was being wrnng by the most agonizing torture. The pains were not confined to any particular place, but ex tended through the whole body. His first thought was that he was in perdi; tion, and was suffering the penalty of b'13 crimes. The pains increased each, mo ment, and at last became sq intense that he sUrted to his feet with a scream of anguish, at the same time opening his eyes. Great was his surprise to nod him self in his father's house, in the midst of his friends vand relatives. - He fainted at once, and when he recovered found him self in his own bed, As soon as it was thought safe to do so, his friends informed him that, upon bringing his body home, they had determined, to try to resuscitate him, although they feared it would be useless. They worked faithfully, and at last succeeded. " R,ut, sir,'' said the man, in confusion, " coming to jfe again, was much worse than dying." The man promised to leave the State, and try and do better. - J had but little confidence in him, yet I let him go. He kept bis word, however, and a short time ago I heard he was a well-to-do farmer in one of the Territories. V This, gentlemen, ia the manner in which I got my ideas about hanging, and i think you will adjuit their force. Chat tanooga Gazette, si . ; "I recognize the Democratic doctrine of state itights, in 1U application to slavery, as well as to -other local affairs, and while I have a seat in this chamber I shall resist all attemptt to oncroach upon the reserved rights of the sovereign Statea of the Union. I will sund side by side with bit Denucrat io friends ia vindication of the Virginia and Kentucky resolutions of 1708 and 1799, which they endorsed at Baltimore in 1852." The man who said this was Senator Henry Wilson, of Massachusetts, the colleague of Summer, and a leading Radical. The pledge was given on the 3d of February, 1855 Senator Wade, of' Ohio, and other leading Radicals then took tha same ground. We have no doubt the time will come when thiy will regret that they did not fulfill the prom ise thus volcntarilv made. The doctriaa of Sute rights and the resolutions of 1793 and 1799 will yst be a necessity to New England. TrciuciaBati gaujrar, . TAN TON. If as alleged, and generally credited, the National Qtelligeucer enjoys the con fidence, of President Johnsou, the follow ing article in that paper has great sig nificance as foreshadowing the doom ol Stanton. The article is editorial : It is painful to look at the litit of debts of Sutcs that were incurred during the r,ar painful because they aroso from the maladministration of military affiirs by th j War Department and iu instruments ia Coogress. Ignorance, deuiagogueism, and fanaticism, in the form of decrying tlmt precise system of military strategy vrbich finally enabled Gen. Grunt with more thau a million of men of all arms to crush out the rebellion, hsd such sway in the second yc.-ir of the war that serious ap- t.rrbousions bctran to be entertained by ! the ultras that the rebellion was near its close. Under thus ciroumstnaces, instead of maktnif Richmond tha objective point of military operations, is did General Grunt tii ntni?it be was iu rested with com mand. troon wera withheld from that point, and though Genera'. McDowell, at r redsritksbmg, implored tho military au thority here to altbow him to join h'w army with our troop" that had been so signally victorious at Hanover Court House, and lull upon the left of Johnetoi's army and thus secure Richmond In accordance with what was at one time the strategy of the War Department itself, he w?-a ordered off to thw Valley of Virginia against Stonewall Jackson, by a rapid march, to carry out precuely toe same destructive strategy upon the army of Gineral Mc- Clellan. All these views vera paUnt to military men, but what did they avail gainst that closet intrigue which sent a Cabinet officer and his anaailant, (not mil itary functionaries,) in the dead of a stormy night, to prevent, against all per adventure, General MoDowell continu ing that advanco of his army, which had already bfguo ita movement to assail Richmond on the enemy's left. Just previous to these circumstances, sodsmoralizing r.nd depressing to soldiers. members of Congress revealed our nth tarv policy to the enetnv bv enscticr- a r tf ar j law that the tinny should be limited to wO.OUO men. Of course, not much above half or two-thirds of thiq force could be put iota the Geld, and therefore the ene my, acting upon the defensive, found little difficulty at that time for all purposes ot defense. Not contenting themselves long in tqia attitude of affairs, they took the aggressive as soon as pur armies were re duced and separated, at.d as long as ex perienced military counsel was despised and derided, and inferior soldiers raised, to chief command io the Army of the Potomac. Said Senator Wilson, in effect, when the volunteering was swelling to propor tions that, like the tides of the ocean. threatened the immediate submerging of rebellion: "Our army is too large; it must be tept down W 500,000. If mora men are needed, they can bs had upon call in any number." What was the re sult f .Not eight weeks afterwards, when the troops were disheartened and demor alized by the second disaster at Macassas, calls were made for volunteers, but so de pressed were the hearU of the people that states, counties, cities and towns were ob liged to resort to a costly system of boun ties and drafu, which has since prevailed, and which has plunged States in that sea ol debt, the interest upon which alone, in conjunction with our taxes. State, county, town and national, is truly exacting, but not so much so, we are persuaded, as that the people in the end caa master all their burdens. We refer to this form of public debt as a matter of present interest, bat mainly for the purpose of adverting to the causes in bad military administration and Con gressional legislation which precipitated them upon the country. They caused a protraction of the war for two years at least, taking the very life-blood of the republic, and costing treasures upon treas ures ot gold. We refer to it to mention the other fearful fact that the same counsels now prevail and are now plunging the country into yet deeper liabilities by a policy which is at war with industry every where and in all iu asnecU. By that productive industry alone are our public obligations to be discharged and the Re public to move on in great " conquesU of peace. A Reminiscence. That Mr. Sumner and Thad. Stevens have a personal spite at the individual whom the Union League in iU last annual report calls '"the im prisoned President of the Confederacy," we know very well. 1 Bat it is only with in a day or two we have discovered its cause. On the 26th of January, 1860, in a debate in the Senate of the United Sutes, Mr. Jefferson Davis, then a Sena tor from Mississippi, said: JM do not treasure disagreeable things. I am not like those who cull and gather and stick into little scrap books passages and sentences in order that some day oi ether they may be woven together and presented to the Senate and sent forth to excite sentiments of hostility, of which we have too much." Mr. Sumner eould not forgive this. In the same speech Mr. Davis said : ' "I honor those old pilgrims who first settled in New England. I honor the brave men who fought the battles of the Revolution.' I honor those who disdained to taint their blood by amalgamation with the lower races of mankind. Whatever dignity there is in New England i now, whatever there is of power, whatever there- is of progress and of these all there is very much it is dne to the fact that those old PuriUns kept the Anglo Saxon blood pore and untainted. If they had had an amalgamating policy, if they bad intermarried with the baser races, they never . would hava boasted pf the triumphs they have achieved. ; Bo ranch for the policy of the past compare j with the degrading policy or to-day. - Steyeai eotld. not km rtUih&ithi THE POOR WHITES NEXT. Having got the niggsr job. under fair headway, there seems to U a disposition, about Cape Cod and vicinity, to, do up the foor white man, A writer for the At antie Monthly for February has been through the South and gives his views on. Reconstruction. He says : 'The injustice done to three-fourths of them ftbe poor whites) was hardly kss than that done to all the slaves. There are two kinds of slavery, and negro slav try was only more wicked and debasing than white slavery. It is the national duty to deal with these States in such manner as will most surely exalt the lower and middle classss of their inhabitants. The nation must teach them a knowledg of their own rights, while it also teaches them respect for its rights and the rights of man for man." We were satisfied that our time would come next 1 Here we hare been, a poor devil of an editor, a poor white man who was left by the war with th,e small fortune, of a string-halted eonsftoga, a pair of boots, aod a calico shirt, sitting on our tripod in a vague state of uncertainty about our rights, and just as we were about giving up all attempts to fathom them, we discover that the nation having reconstrncted the nigger, considers it a solemn duty to reconstruct us. "We ara to be taught in the first place a " knowl fcdge of our rights," Very good ; for we candidly admit that we possess no knowl edge on that point, at the present W are. next, to be taught a " respect for its rights." Very good again; for we know nothing which needs more respect. Then we are to be taught " the rights oi man for man." We need enlightenment on this point, for we don't understand the writer. The plan by which we are to be taught is the " block game " system; on ooe side of the block is a refreshing picture of a nigger tinder the lash ; and on the other side some such moral questions and an swers as Who made the old Constitu tion, that league with sin and covenant with hellf" "George Washington a slaveholder:" " Who made, the new Con stitution tha higher law V "Thaddeua Stevens and Sumner." " Whose soul," says Mr. Thad. Stevens, " is lost in ever lasting flames V " Chief Justice Ta ney's." ' Whose soul is marching on to glorv-hsllelujah f" " John Brown's." "Who burned Thad. Stevens' Iron, Worfcs r " R. E. Lee." Who braised, Sumner's back ?" " Preston Brooks.' By this system we hope to get along finely. The chief difficulty in the way ia An old-fashioned idea of our that a nigger is a nigger not a colored person, but a black (Niger) man, from the banks of the Niger; not a negre, as the French ealj him, but a downright. old Anglo Saxon, thick skulled, woolly-headed, soft-shin, flat-footed, perfumed nigger, and nothing but a nigger. If that idea can be wiped Out, we think our brain will be a tubula rata foh axperjment of Yankee school masters. Come on, gentlemen! asooa as you get through with the nigger. The lower and middle classes of the South, which have produced such idiots as PatA rick Henry, Andrew Jackson, Henry Clay, John & Calhoun ahd Andrew John son, need your guiding hand! Moh gomtry Mail. A Howling Dervish. As a speci men of loyal elencal denunciation of tha President, we publish the following ex tract from a letter to the Sacrament, Union, dated Boston, February 25th : 4 Some of out clergy let themselves out" on politics generally, and the Presi dent in particular, yesterday. Rev. D. A. Wasscn, Theo. Parker's successor, took the text, "Woe to thee, O land, when thy King is a child," and said that President Johnson was a greater traitor than Benedict Arnold or Judas Iscariot. The latter he said, was conscious of his guilt, and, repent;pg, hanged himself; but Johnson, after betraying the party who placed him in his position, gloried ia his shame. Buf Rev. Q. II. Hepworth, pastor of the Church of the Unity, took the palm for the boldness and bitterness of his utterances. He said : " To-day we ' weep over our murdered President, for God knows we have no President of the United States at this . hour. Tha President had hinted at assassination. O. Mr. President, yon will never be killed. Only the good and great dia." You will live forever. ne calls himself a self made man. We can well believe it, for it is no credit to have made him." Hep worth lamented the choice of Johnson for Vice President, and said of him : " Ha had never dared to say or think that slavery was wrong." The church was crowded to its utmost capacity -Commodore Winslow being one of the auditors, Stealings in the Indian Bureau. -A few days before the adjournment of Congress, writes " Mack," the Washing ton correspondent of the Cincinnati Com mercial, (writer and paper both being Republican,) a resolution was pushed through both Houses, appropriating a half million of dollars for destitute Indians, Half of this amount, ne tninxs, will suck to the hands through which it is intended, to pass to tha Indians. It occurs to him) as somewhat singular that everybody who has anything to do with this business gets rich, and he alleges that there ara in stanees where agents and employees have been known to save $50,000 a year out of a salary of $3,000 I It ma;.t be a sourc of satisfaction to the people who pay tha excessive taxation of the present day to know that tha pubu money is filched B9 shamelessly. WeHardly think they arc wuung to impovertsa wemseives jo, fa? rich a gang of Republican thieves. Aaron . Bedbug, of Lewis county, Ken tucky, has petitioned the Legislator ehanga his name. He says that his sweet, heart, whose name is Olivia, is unwilling that be should -ba called A. Bedbntr, she Q. Bedbug, aw) the UtUe ones Liiile Sedbu-?. ' " ' '. " - . - ' ' v ; - '' ' ' "' Y- .- . " ;.."--'- . ( I . -y - t 7 ; ' ' ' 7 7 . 7. . ' ' .. . . '" - V ' ' ' ' . . - -:' . . - ' . ' . " : 7 ' . .'... . 7