... ' ?'
ALBANY, LINN COUNTY, OREGON, SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 17, I860,
NO.-28,
y m way yy ) n, A
'V"01i. 1. '
STATE RIGHTS DEMOCRAT.
ISSUED EVERY fATUBDAY,
BAXY, LIXX COt XTY, OGX.
? PUBLISHER AXD EDITOR.
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X. S. CBASOK.
. GEO. E. KELX.
; AtB AX Y Orcsoa.
I.. HTT0E"EYS km CGUNSEUORS; .
-OREGON CITY,
- farticolar Attention giwea - to Xduid
causss aavfcaa Titles. 5. v j. ; -t
Oregon City, Oga., Dec. 20, 1865.
. . . A..F. WHEELES. .
' Albany, Oregon." ' :
TITTLi.1-tStiMPTtT ATTEND TO THE
7 4 '- wriClag od takiftg aeknowieptnent)! of
Deed. Mort,e,"ana Powers f Attorney. - Also,
0FFCE In the Xtw Conrt Rjum.
Albany. Jannart 27. 1S6S.
DH. G. W. GRAY,
URGEOf. TDEsNSTJST,
Larc Grs'Tuaic of tie ir",","' ,
.Dektal sey, fft?3
v ?cM afraia offer his Profeasioeal scrr'ees to ti
eitizens of this place asd sarroandUtg country.'
OrricE-Up stain is Foater's Brick Enilding.
Reskfene aiocgslt!: tf the PeiSe Hotel.
Albany Aosa?t lth, 18C5. anglltf
J.E.JilliiaiiJ - Proprietor.
riiaiS LONG ESTABLISHED, LAHGE.COM
j, , modioai nd wvll fumiehed honee ia main
tmtm& as a '
, I?rst-CIass Interior lletel. .
Tor 'J"a entcrtain'meBi of regular boarders and
transWnt frs. "? ? ? : g t .5 ? r 'j
The hooie was alajcst entirely rc-onTltlast year
and t'joroByhlT re-farkhe4 witk JJEW BEDS
Beddicjf and FBrnitBre.
- ivBifbsf A
Uo ;AM'f. r f : - t
ill proTMie4 . w:ta erery lubstantial and rara
treat of the seasons. . ,i
Art Commodities sod 'well ' vertilafed. Prompt
and &refal aB4MM is Mgore to areata..
Tho Caltforaia Stass Conpuiy' mafl etsebes
eosta4S u,t V. C2arga faodrtate.
AibaBy.Angnst lf:55TJi aogHtf
v. vrcinn jutzelry,
et -& 4 ..
-clsci::, i.cM' ic.
i.:o. '.C3 i : ' . tel, Iortiaad.
Portland, JVo. ,
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.OFFICE o$-. I i" ' - s'-cci' first door
rnrth of rArri0iir37 " ". " A
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And U thef ,-.-.U.-1o; ; i
S l n ti l : -j-' :i '. , f
S s with tha
itii.,,i...v' i. - - v -..- i ,,..4 Jt rlwh.
Persons havir-V- - f-'n it proraptly
.-tilod to, " .. .,.4 j M; .a'.ioaroia Uma to
ttaszi?, a re rrTT, 5;
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nffluaf tra taa
I sn US8, Cart sUe, 1 w
aa ef t&elSaia Eassaesa street. -
W OAT IS THE UIwIOxrt
Under tltia caption a" tcfj nblc writer
is giving a series of articles in the New
Yor Metropolitan Record, to show what
sort of n Government the framers of the
Federal Constitutiou reallj intended to
make. We copy his fourth letter, which
our readers will find iastractive and in
teresting, lie gays :
" In tlie last nnmber we saw how odions
the idea of coercion was esteemed by the
Federal Convention, and how Irequcutand
emphatic was their refusal to incorporate
the right into the system of government
they were forming. Let us now see what
the opinion of the States was upon this
point at the time that they adopted the
L-onstitution. It may well be conceived
that they did not imagine, any such right
to be, granted.1, ,
Thus, in the Massachusetts Convention,
Mr. Symmes,. fearing' that the Govern
ment might in tide usurp powers not del
egated, and wishing strict restraints put
upon it to prevent such usurpation, espe
cially with regard to the point we are now
considering; expressed himself as follows:
In short, we know that all governments
have degenerated, and consequently have
abused the powers reposed in them, and
why. we should imagine better of the pro
posed vongress than ot the myriads of j
public bodies who have gone beton them.
i cannot at present conceive, eir, we
otJht (I speak it with submission) to
consider that what we now grant, from
certain motives, well grounded at present,
will be exacted of posterity as a preroga
tive when we are not alive to testify the
tacit conditions of the grant that the
wisdom of this age will then be pleaded
by those in power, and that the cessiou
we are. now about to make wilr be actually
clothed with the venerable habit oFances-
1 19 VT 1 1 a
trai sanction. uowwouia ne nave
started, if at this moment a glimp?e ol
the future liad been granted him and he
had seen public men of his own section,
and of his own State, stigniatiring the
Work they were then engaged ia perfect
ing, as v a league with Death, a cove
nant with hell f ' lie continues: "There
fore, sir, I liumbly presume we ought not
to take advantage of onr situation in
point of , time, so as to bind posterity to
laws they may very possibly disapprove,
nor expose tuem to a rebellion, wh;ch at
that jterwd will very probably end only
in their farther aubj ligation." The llev.
Mr. Stilhnan, an ardent supporter of the
Constitution, also expressed himiself, in
one 'of the most forcible speeches made
before the Convention, very plainly on
t his pom t. baui he : & huuld the U e n-
eral Government become so lost to all
sense of honor-and the freedom of the
peopled as to attempt to enslave thenil
they rho are the descendants of a nice of
men who have deihioried. kins?1, would
ke: an American Congress tremble,
strip them of their honors, and reJuee
them to the lowest state of degradation."
These are but two. out of numerous simi
lar examples of the estimation in which
the idea of coercion of a State by the
General Government w.is held by Massa
chusett3. bet they are. enough to prove
that it wa not at all admitted cr favored
by her. ' - .. . :- .'
In ew York the idea met With still
stronger reprobation. In her Convention.
Alexander Hamilton, whoee tes imouy on
points of 'this nature is of the greatest
value, since lie was to strong an opponent
of everything like State Rights, and so
strong advocate for strong Govern
ment, that Wherever ft is obliged to admit
them, the law and the testimony omst be
positive indeed. . x et ; even he is com-
pelted to .deny that the liovernmcnt has
any, such fwer in. the following strong
karaage t i-It has been well observed,
says he, that to coerce? a State is one of
the tnjrddest projects that was ever de
vised." A failure of compliance will never
be confined to' a single State. This beine
the case, can we-.suppose iVwise to hazard
a civil jwar ? Suppose Massachusetts, or
anyther large State, should refuse, and
Congress hould attempt to compel them,
wod they toot, hate infiuence to procure
ass::
istaticej especially .from l1 those States
who 'are in the same situation as them
selyef JPn,'.:Wat a picture does this idea
present to our view f .AoompIying State
at war with a non-complying State Con
gress" aaTelMR the troops of one State
into the. bosom, of another this. State
eo?lect!nauxiluries and forming perhaps
a majority against lta Federal head.- .Here
is a cgtioa -at'wsr "with itsel rCan any
reasoaabja man be well-disposed towards
a Govern toent waicri mates war and carn-i
age the only medns.of supporting itself i
a Government tfaatea exist only. by the
sword J j, I7Crc 1 way xnnst lnyptye
the jacocent yith the guilty. - This single
considgratAiMi; shoald bc suScieat td dis
pose every.' peaceable citizen against such
aXSeverHriieiif. Bat eaa we"-believe thut
one Stale Twill cVef sufer itself to,hesad
as an iastrnmentcf coercion f Tie thTpi
m a o ream it is Hipossib!e." r Again the
saxue eenUemau.said,' upen t&e aauie sub-'
ject;-"The, people iaveitn obirioas and
powerffii- protection' ia. ther State Gov
ernments. Should anything -darigerous
be attempted, these bodie.rof perpetual
observation wiil be capably of Jrming
and condttctlug'-plas of Tegular opposi
tioa vCaa we suppose the people's love
of liberty will toot, tinder -the incitement
of their legulatira leaders, be roused into
resistance4 and the madness of tytaniiybe
extinrufcleJ alablowr'' :,Ttfcse extracts
arp RirfSciefat to show Kew York's nosition
nroa tlie question,' fori when Hamilton
was forced to acjay State Ilightsy no one
else could with pro: rietr or reason, deny
them.- TtsSaosS cooelasiTeproof,. how
ercTr are la be foccd ia' tieX'ill of Rights
and the amendiricnts'ilyped by. the Cob-
ventioa and incorporated iato it3 rauiica-
tioti if the ,'Copstitufion,.'. as? tta-a.:-were
the "sectiaenli and. a?!3. C t&e ichole, and
not'ealyief iadjyidsai , members-Il They
are too rcmerotxs to be particularized; but
or.e is eo pointed and forcible; that it can
not t-e-psLEsed by with a general reference
It is one of the opening clauses of the
Bill of Right, and is as follows : We,
the delegates of the people of the State
of New York, do declare and make known,
that all power is originally vested in, and
consequently derived from the "people,
and that Government is instituted bv
them, for their common interest, protec
tion and security. That the powers of
Government may be reassumed by the
people, whensoever it shall become nec
essary to their happiness." This settles
the question that New York, so far from
admitting any right of coercion to the
General Government, expressly provided
upon entering the Union, that'she might
withdraw from it, or that 44 the powers" of
Government may be reassumed by the
people, when it shall become necessary to
their happiness."
Now, what savs Pennsylvania on this
question ? Aa has been already stated
the proceedings ofthe Convention of this
State that have been preserved are only
fragmentary, and give a view of onlv one
side of the debate ; but as this side was
the prevailing one and in favor of the
Constitution, it is sufficient to decide this
point. Accordingly we find (Ell. Deb. v.
3. p. 235) that Sir. Wilson expresses, the
opinion 01 tne convention as loilows
Ihe truth is, in our Government the
supreme, absolute, uncontrollable power
remnms in the people. 1 he consequence
is, the people may change the Constitu
tion "honevcr and however they plcafe
This is a right of which no positive insti
tution can ever deprive them. These im-
porrant irutns, sir, are lar irom beinir
speculative; we at this moment speak and
deliberate under their immediate and be
nign influence. To the operations of
thee truths we are to ascribe the scene,
hitherto unparallelled, which America
now exhibits to the world a gentle, a
peaceful, a voluntary and a deliberate
transition irom one constitution ot gov
ernment to another. Ihus Fenn?ylva-
ma s sumo, is tascn iy ice sice ot ner
sister States in favor of the riht to
- alter " or " abolish " the Government
they were forming, should they ever think
it necessary to do so, and consequently in
opposition to any right of cocrciou being
invested in the Federal head. Some ob
jector may here say, this is all correct
the argument is good enough the
people undoubtedly have the right to
change the Constitution, but urdy in the
way prescribed hy the Constitution. The
argument given refer only to that meth
od." The answer to this is simple : the
'ci is or so. cuppoe for a moment
such councils had prevailed at the time of
these Conventions, would the present
system of government ever have been
farmed? Undoubtedly not; for at that
time the Articles of Canfeueiaon wr-re
the organic law of the land, as much so
as the Constitution is now, and they pro
vided expressly that no chauge should be
made, in them without the ' unanimous
consent 'of - all' the States." Now, it is
well known that the present system was
NOT formed bv the unanimous consent of
all the States, since one State refused
even to scud delegates to the Convention
at Philadelphia, aad remained out of the
Union as an independent sovereignty for
a long time after the Government had
gone into operation. '"Thus the whole act
was a.i eitra-Constitutional one, and the
arguments supporting it cannot refer to
' Constitutional methods of change. It
is highly probable that had such councils
as that ofthe supposed objector prevailed
at the time the Philadelphia Convention
was proposed, the parties proposing it
would have been . imprisoned, and the
present "best Government the world
m a -.
ever saw nave Deen crushed in the ess:.
Rhode Island also wheels into line on
this question with the other State. What
her opinions were may be gathered from
the numerous amendments adopted by her
Convention, to bo proposed by Congress
to the other btates. Une will suffice to
prove her position as conclusively as if
volumes were written upon the subject.
It is contained in the third section of the
Bill of Rights incorporated into her rati
fication, and is identical with the declara
tion in the New York B11 of Rights be
fore given, via it she declares and makes
known "That the powers of government!
may be re-assumed by the people, ' when
soever it shall become necessary to their
happiness. Thus her station, is fixed. (
We have seen the position taken on this:
subject by the Northern section ; what
was that of the Southern ? Identically!
the same. : '
In the Virginia Convention, Mr. Cor-i
bin, speaking of "the troubles' consequent
upon States neglecting to turnish, their
quotas under the old Confederation, said.
W hat is to . be done,: Uonipel the de
linquent States to pay requisitions to Con-jn-e-ss
? How are they to be compelled?
By the instrutnehtality of such a scheme
as was proposed to be introduced in the
year llo-t: ;,, Aiiuumg to a, motion
:u t yeaf to enable Congress to
compel the delinquent by means of an
armed force.) .- ! this cruel mode of
oompuision eligible ? Is ;lt ' coiis stent
with the spirit ot liepubucanismT lhis
savaee mode which could be made use of
under the Confederation, leads directly to
civil war and destruction. , How different
is this from the genius of the proposed
Constitution." - - Again,- Colonel Henry
Lee of Westmoreland,'' in answer to Pat
rick Henry, "who opposed the adoption of j
the Constitution most vehemently because
he thought It formed a consolidated, co
ercive Government, saidj "jiJat, fcaid he,
the. President .will, enslave .you, Con
gress trample on your liberties, a few reg
iments will appear. The Chief J usticc
must give way. Uur mace-bearer is no
match for a regiment. fIt-was inhuman
' It has been arced tbat this clause was nerer
acceded to, w recoanized b y, the Central Guvern
meat and, th.re'ore, eaa bars no weight. . This
idea suppo?ea the pre-existjnoe. of the General
GoTernmcst, and is. th-rafora erroceons.- The
declarfctioa was addressed to Che th;r States with
whom she waa associated,- for furming-a OoTero
mcnt,and they, knftwinjt-theso td.bo her views,
formed with Ivf '.lis? iae th .declaration the
weight of a condition procdent. ' See also on this
point the argument of Mr. Slcbo" '"tree above)
on a similar declaration of th, Vb?n
vto place an individual against a whole
n giment. A fete regimeuts will not avail.
Were so mad an attempt made, the peo
ple would assemble in thousands, and
drive thirty times the number tf their
few regiments. We would do with them
as we have already done with theyegi
meuts of that king, which he so often
tells us of." So, too. Mr. John Martliall
conceived the q mixtion to be whether
Democracy or Despotism be most eligible,
and was sure both those who framed the
system under their consideration, and
those who supported it, intended the
cs'ablifchuieut and security of the former.
He said, MVearo threatened with the
loss of our own liberties by the possible
abuse of power, notwithstanding the
maxim that those who give may take
away. It is the people that give power
and can take it back. What shall re
strain them? The Government is not
supported by force, but depending on our
free will. When -experience' shall show
us any inconveniences, we enn then cor
rect it. Let us try it, and keep our hands
free to change it when necessary." 31 r.
Madison also opposed the right of coercion,
as shown, and admitted the right of States
to withdraw from the Government they
were forming. Speaking apon the clause
concerning the militia, and in favor of it,
he said, If we be dissatisfied with the
National Government if we should
choose to renounce it, this is ah additional
safeguard to our defense." Again the j
same gentleman says. " We hare hoard
ofthe impious doctrine in the Old World,
that the people were made for kings, not
kings for the people. Is this same doc-j
trine to be revived in the New, in another
shape, that the solid happiness ofthe
people is to be sacrificed to the views ot'j
political institutions of a different form?
It is too early for politicians to presume
on our forgetting that the public good.
the real welfare of the ereat bodv of the
people, is the supreme object to be pur
sued ; and that no form of Government
whatever has any other value than as it
may be fitted for the attainment of this
object. Were the plan of the Convention
adverse to public happiness, my voice
would be, reject the plan. Were the
Union itself incons'stent with the public
happiness, it. would be, abolish the
Union." But the most ineontestible
proof of the position of Virginia on this
question is to be found in the. mode of
ratification adopted by her Convention.
The first part of this important document
runs as follows: "We, the delegates of
the people of Virginia, duly elected m
pursuance of a recommendation from the
General Assembly, and now met in Con
vention, having fully and freely investt-
rited and discussed the proceeding of
the rcceral Convention, and being pre
pared as well a" the m3t mature deliber
ation hath enabled us to decide thereon :
Do, in the name and in behalf of the
people.of Virginia, declare and make
kupwn that the powers granted under the
Constitution be'ug derived from the peo
ple -t tLe United States, nmv be re-
3'iuied by them whensoever" he same
shall be pencr ed to their iniurv or op
pression, and that every power not grant
ed thereby remains with them and at
their will; that, therefore, no right of any
denomination can be cancelled, abridged,
restrained or modified by Congress, by
the Senate or House of Representatives
acting in any capacity, by the President
or any department,, or any officer of the
united States, except in those instances
in which power is eiven by the Constitu
tion for these purposes." Thus she. too,
claims and declared the right of resuming
the pQwcrs'granted whenever perverted
to injury or oppression, and gives a suc
cinct account of her understanding of the
Constitution. As Mr. Madison says, in
advocating this form of ratification, "there
cannot be a more positive and unequivo
cal declaration of the principles of the
adoption.", ; V
But it may be objected, as it has been.
that all ' such declarations are mere
" brtUum fulmnv " and are not in any
way binding on the Geaeral Government.
It might1 be a sufficient answer to this to
say that such was noi the opinion of those
best qualified to ,judze the, founders;
witness the above dec'aration of Mr.
Madison, aad also the following argument
of Mr. Nicholas : Said he, "The language
of the proposed ratification will secure
everything' which 'the gentlemen " Mr.
Henry and other?, who wished more posi
tive declarations fn favor of the States
" desire, for these expressions will be
come a part ofi the contract. The Con
stitution can not be bind ing on Virginia
but with these conditions. If thirteen
individuals! are about' td'make a contract','
and one ftu'rees to it, hut at the same time
declares that he understands its meaning,
signification .and, intent to be what the
words: of the contract plainly and obvi
ously denote,"8 that it is not to be construed
so as to impose any supplementary condi
tion upon him; and that; he is to be exon
erated fron) it whensoever any such impo
sition shall he -atteiiipfe J, I ask whether
in this case these conditions On which he
assented to it would not be binding on the
other twelve? In like manner these con
ditions willTbe . binding on . Congress.
They can exercise no power that is not
expressly granted them,"; But it may be
said; the. Union .3 a contract - between
States, not .men jthe cases are not analo
gous. The above reasoning is neverthe
less applicable, -and w& are here met by
Mr- Madison who, after considering the
subject as a compact between' men, and
coming to tlie" same conclusiona as Mj.
Nicholas turns out.'to consider it next as
between States. !' .' if ,'5 says he, 'we con
sider the Fedeval Union as analogous. noV
to the'soc'i.! ' compact jamong individual
men, h'ut'to the Conventions among indi
vidual States, what is the doctrine re
sulting from such Con ventions . ;Clearly,
according to the expositors of the laws of
nations, that a breach of any one article
by any one party leaves all the- other par
ties at liberty 'to consider the whole Con
vention ; aV ; dissolved;';"'- In f whichever,
light, 'therefore,' it may he viewed these
conditions arc binding.
MATTERS IN THE SOUTH.
How the People F.ndnrp Adversity
The Work and Tollry ol tlic
Radical:.
The following interesting description of
the condition of the Southern people,
since the war, is frnm; a correspondent of
the New York Metropolitan Record. It
is worthy of perusal. He says:
In oar summer's intercourse with the
Southern people, a very noticeable thing
was the moderation of their language
when talking of the war and its results.
There were uo intense expressions, nor
bitter words. They conversed on the
subject almost as calmly as if discussing
a mathematical proposition ; whatever
their feelings, and, in the nature of things,
they must have been deep and agitating,
to all outward appearance, they were as
though nothing extraordinary, or terrible,
or disastrous had occurred.
We would often draw them on to talk
of their affairs. Of their sacrifices, pri
vations, sufferings, desperate fights and
victories, they would talk quietly, as if
tney were a matter ot course: of their
disasters and the loss of their cause
with a quiet shrug of acquiesence and an
expression of countenance which for an
enemy to see would have made him feel
how empty his victory was. now impos
sible if is to destroy or to humiliate the
dignity of a great and righteous cause by
the triumphs of brute force and over
whelming numbers.
A good cause irf adversity has supports,
consolations and rewards, whieh a bad
cause can never know, even in the flush
of its greatest successes. "
Why is it that the" South, oppressed
and trodden under foot, and reviled, is
calm, patient, manly ? . Why does she
smite even amidst the rums that surround
and the thick darkness that seems to en
velope her ? Why is she so patient under
calamity after calamity, under a malig
nity and bitterness of persecution which
seems to take no rest ?
Why is she not degraded and humbled
and bowed down ? Why does not the
manhood of her sons depart from them
under the mean, petty, grovelling, spite
ful annoyances, persecutions and insults,
which from hour to hour, from day to
day, from week to week, from month to
mouth, are visited upon them?
It is because they have that within
them which their adversaries, with their
utmost power, cannot reach the convic
tion of the justice of their cause the
consciousness that it is a great and noble
ciuse for which they most unjustly suffer;
they know it to be the cause of human
right and progress, the cause of Seif
Government. .Uheyeel th.t humanity
suffers in thein--and believe that justice
will yet be justified of her children, their
cause vindicated, and they with it. When
and how all this is to come they know nut,
but that it will come they feel assured.
"For r'ght is ribt, -4
' And (W it jus!."
" Te soldiers of a thousand figlita,
Ye tiring martyrs if the age,
: Let still the cause of haiaan rights
Your wistful, earnest thoughts engage.
8nstatnr4 by all the trust of youth
And the sweet constaney of truth.
And patience, of true courage born ;
Keep thy sad watch, espect the morn
' When foul oppression, 4ro and riren, :
Shall flee like clouds l;y Umpcst driven, ,
' For sure as darkness shrinks from day, '
k So sure hall error pass away, ,"
And right, new risen from the dust,
Shout the glad truth that ' God w juit !"
; How that this high conduct ofthe
South -this manly submission and acqui
esence seems but to increase the enmity.
the malignity, and the range of their ad
versaries? It is much better to suffer wrong than
to do wrong.
The South has the approbation of its
own conscience and the hearty sympathies
and admiration of all well-informed and
disinterested persons. .
The North has not the approbation of
its own conscience. It may assert that it
has, but it has not.
, We do not here speak of those who
know, little or nothing of the controversy,
but of those who are informed, and have
understanding of the matter. All such,
the louder they protest that their hands
are in thin matter clean of innocent blood,
the less will we believe them. The Rad
icals, who brought this war about because
slavery waa wrong, cruel and oppressive,
now that they have accomplished their
end, and established what they call free
dom (!)," see that it is a much greater
wrong than slavery, cruel and oppressive,
because it brings to the poor freedman
nothing but' suffering, jrico, sickness, mis
ery and death. ..f;They see, moreover, that
aH this wrong and suffering is on such a
prodigious scale, and so evident, that they
cannot hide, it. V -t 'ij.., ': -
They see, also, that the weight and
burden of the- task they assumed' when
they undertook1 thef -enianeipation of the
negro is much beyond what they expected.
1 It calls for sacrifices and denials and
costs, that' it is not in their nature, to aa
euuie, And they will not assume them. "
They thought to have derived nothing
hut profit froni the great robberies and
and murders they have ; committed,' but.
now tney entertain nijiy misgtvings on
that account. ? ; ; u. .:,
To have been guilty of a wrong, gives
them no concern j hut a- folly, a wrong
against their own interest, aburtheu which,
however they may attempt to shake off,
public opinion will fasten on, and it will
stick, and burn and torment to have got
only this by their crimes against humani
ty and treason against our common coun
try, gives them not a little concern.
: Detection, or the fear of detection
awakes a conscience which would other
wise slum berand the consciences of,
.these people begin to afflict them not to
repentance not a bit of saving grace is
there in this awakening conscience. It is
a sort bf Devila conscience,' - - It increases
their -enmity towards the goodness they
have afflictedthe innocent, .suffering
cause of all their' perturbations.
r Fain would they kill and bury out of
Bigui. every witnesa, no 10 ineir crimes,
but to their folly that they xaight say,
your blood be on your own head, and be
able to charge their " desperation" with
all the consequences of their " Purltau "
madness.
This is why they arc without the first
show of magna nimity toward their fallen
and ruined adversary. Why no conces
sions satisfy them, why the fulL-st sub
mission only seems to excite their rageft
and multiply their exactions. This is
why they seek to procure acts of general
confiscation to degrade them to the social
and political level of negroes ; for they
hope thereby to make them desperate, to
bring about a fresh collision with the
forces of the Union, " so called." or to
provoke a war of races, which shall end
in the utter extermination of. the hated
breed of Southerners.
If, in the world, there is anything so
diabolical and truly detestable as this rad
ical, Puritau spirit which is now raging, !
- , . it, , c 1
ravas'ing and conspiring at Washington.
it has been our "good fortune to be igno
rant of it.
Two Such accursed sects or parties
would make us believe that the world was
indeed delivered over to the Devil and
his angels.
But we fell these people that their
wrath and hatred arc going to be disap
pointed. They may, perhaps, accomplsh their
infernal legislation. It will fail to effect
what they purpose. Their excesses will
betray them to their own destruction.
Another, and perhaps the most obvious
design of the wicked, illegal, and revolu
tionary measures now forced on Congress,
is not the Union, nor the Constitution,
now the laws, cor the country, nor the
cause of Republican Government, but to
give the power "of perpetual succession to
the Republican party.
Why ? Political ambition suggests it I
and sectional interest but much more.
fear suggests it, lest the day of settle
ment and retribution may come
The Republican party is under a crim
inal necessity to maintain itself in power.
For, not onfy have it. members, agents
and confederates, during the period they
have been in power, committed prodig
ious crimes against common honesty and
good morals, but they have been and are
malignant and persevering enemies to
our common country false to every prin
ciple on which our Government rests
arch traitors to the Republic conspira
tors aud plotters against its very exist
ence.
So long a3 they remain in power, they
will not, cannot rest, until the last vest
ige of our confederation is destroyed, and
the whole is converted into a vast ceatral
despotism, of which they are to be the
masters and beneficiaries !
But we have wandered from our sub
ject and our menus. - Let us return to.
them.
In our commendations of the South,
we cannot s; eak of all the South ; we
wish we could. But there are there.
many who are in her, but not of her;
base, pecuniary souls, but for whom she
had not been overcome in thegreat strug
gle They were false to her th?n. are
false to her now, and they wiil always be
false to heT, except when her honor shall
consort with their unscrupulous, cringing
and obsequious interests.
Daniel Webster on Democracy.
Hon. George Tieknor Curtis recently
delivered a speech in Brooklyn before a
gathering of the Democracy. In the
course of it he gave the following inter
esting piece of history in the life of the
great man referred to :
" In the early part of my life I was a
political follower of Daniel Webster. The
school in which he trained the young
men, who came under his influences and
really gave themselves to hia teachings,
was entirely inconsistent with any sympa
thy or co-operation in a sectional party ;
and it was only a short time before his
death that the tendencies of a large part
of the Northern Whigs to convert them
selves into a sectional party began to ap-
pear. xut tne signs 01 tnis cnange am
appear, and Mr. Webster saw and com
prehended their full import. - He roeaqt
to warn me, as he did others, against
them: and the manner, in which he did
it, in my case, I can never forget. The
scene was in that plainly furnished apart-
mem, nis own cnamoer, in me targe
house at Marshfield, now so memorable,
and the time Was three days before his
death. Beneath the window, on a little,
artificial lake, there rode always a small
boat at anchor, with an American flag at
its mast head, so placed that his eyes
could rest upon it, if light sufficed, as he
closed them at night, and could open on
it with the dawn. , lieyond the lake
stretched the great farm which he so lov
ed to cultivate, and then the low beach
and the ooean. He had been very ill for
several weejia, and it Was apparent to ail
about him. , that his life was now rapidly
drawing to its close.- Ti had that morn
ing for the first time during several days
paid some attention to the political news ;
it was just before the Presidential election
which resulted in the choice of General
Pierce over General Scott, and the re
turns ftorn some of the previous State
elections were' coming-in pretty heavily
against ,' us; Whigs, u. We were alone to
gether, and I mentioned to him the news
which had come down from Boston the
night before". Calling me to his bedside
by my Christian name, he said: "The
Whig candidate will not be elected. You
love your country,: and you think its wel
fare involved in Whig success. This has
teen so; but, let me warn -you, as you
love your country, "to give 8f countenance
to a sectional, geographical party. The
Whigs, after this election," will break up,
and - upon the rains of our party a sec
tional party; will arise. The stability of
the Lnion will hereafter depend vnon the
ATTENTIVE. Murnhv iraa askftd briw it
was so J Very difficult -to waken him iu the
morniDg. Indeedj master, it's because of
miuyuur uwu ttuviue, always w aiunu 10
what I'm about ; so whenever I bleeps!
pays aiuauon to it."
From the Cleveland (Ohio) Herald.
The Late Lord Palmcrstan Hostile
to the' United fttatK Death f
I'riuee. Albert Prevented a War
with England. , ' ' ,
We have reason to suspecl tEat tEo
British Minister was hostile to the Unit
ed States from the first breaking 6ut'6f
the rebellion, and sought a plaasihle' pre
tense to declare war; but were not pre
pared for such duplicity as there is evi
dence was practiced by the late Premier. '
A gentleman who spent the last season
in Europe, who enjoyed unnsual facilities
for information, waa informed by a -High
official in London that the Trent affair
was greedily seized upon by Lord" Pal
merston to settle old scores with our Gov
ernment. During the many year his
Lordship had been Minister of Foftfign
Afiairs, and at tte hem or the Govern-
meat, several important duestiofis had
1 j: 1 ..e ij ' 1 - -. t
been disposed of aad treaties aade -with
onr Government, the NOrta-eastertt'bewg-dary,
the Oregon boundary, etc.; settled.
Palmtrston was strongly impressed that
he had been overreached in negotiation,
and was hiding- his time for5 en Opportu
nity to accomplish by war what he had
failed to by diplomacy. . ".
The taking of Mason and Slidellfrbia
under the cross of St.-George i was : a god
send to Palmerston an" opportunity fo
help the rebels under the guise of national
insult, and to pay an old debt-' A Cabi
net council was called, the Premier was
for letting " slip the dogs of war," hut,
upon the suggestion of a peaceful mem
ber' of the Cabinet, the question was re
ferred to the principal law member to ex
amine and report at a subsequent meet;
ing of the Cabinet. Lord Palmerston "at
the next Cabinet meeting, with, a ecpy of
Mr. Seward's dispatch in his pockety ad?
mining the illegality of the act of Com.
rnodore Wilkes, and the decision of aur
Government to return Maaori and Slidell
under the Rakish flag, found th! kw
membeeto whom the question waareferv
red, in a meditative mood, with, his Hands)
under his ccat-tails. " WelL" says Pal--mersfon,
" have you examined that ques
tion V " Yes, My Lord, but, wkii t
make further examination before lie$
port " "It is needless," saysPalmerstoo
" my mind is made up." We will have
a shy at them." Forthwith troop's were
dispatched to the American Colonies,- and
great activity in the d6ck-y atrds' and arse
nab prevailed. - ' ; -s
It will be remembered that Piji.ee. AI
bert died a short time previous,' ansl the
QuSui was laboring under great depres
sion f spirits. The Prince posSeise'd a
great influence with the' Queea wa Tiry"
friendly to our country, and had depreeaU.
ed a war with U3 aa one of the greatest
calamities that could fcefefl Eagiaad. Tlwf
warlike demonstrations of her Iisistrv
alarmed and excited the Qaeetf, and her
ipnvsicians, Knowmg inac .insanity ;wa
heredifary in her family, represented ,,10,
Lord Palmerston and the Ministry. that a
war with America would, dethrone the
reason and make a lunatic of their sorer
eign. This, and this alone caused- this
Ministry to pause- .'-.. n
: ' s " ' - '
Ihtkllige.vt YoTias. A Virrim'a paper
relates the first trial in votingof our ." oof-'
ored brothers" in that State." About a
thousand of them were assembled under the
auspices of the Freedinen'a Bureau and tor
impress them with a sense of their newly.?
acquire! importance, the manag ers' told them .
they might choose their own'coTOmissToner.
Then the question was pot. iAll iti favor")
Mr. W. say aye. All responded aye, with
great vigor. Then the contrary minded, say
no. Instantly the entire assembly aiisrwerea"4
no, with a tremendous yell. That is wha
fhey call ' woting." "The" raahager was
heard to say something about 'Sj-a foot8.,f:
A .1 .1 f 1. .... - .1 , .iii-
auu iucs9 iaurauk cretuures, JX.iwuaomsta 1
poerisy i
ur, are fully qualified to vote,' vrhrfe they
refuse to grant the same privilege te the in-,
telligcnt negroes of the 'North I What ky-1
A RiDiCAt Toot. Senator Pomeroy', vof " -Kansas,
says, 44 1 would rather help .tear ?
down the capitol than allowie Southern
States to come back into the Union -without
letting the negro vote," . This' Radical ag-
abond expresses the sentiments cf the Radi
cal wing of the Republican arty. He
knows well that if the Southern States are ";
" allowed to come back into the Onion "; he
and his sort will be driven into obscurity.
An overwhelming majority. of; the people
want the Union restored tfhd are opposed ia "
" letting the negro vote ahdthj'y will bold ;
the traitor Senator from Kansak to a stem"
responsibility if he disregards' tiieir wishetf. ::
His talk about ' tearing down tlie capitol i
is superlative balderdash and worthy of the
party of which he is an innufentiaJ leader.
-r1 aia." .: ; .;. , ;:tij;s;t
Pointed. Is it not a little singularaskai-'
the New Hampshire Patriot, taat people
people who are pot considered ' ft e"khr""td i: .
govern themselves or to. participate o&-'
general legislation , of the ctiuntiy; are.stiil
competent to aid in the formation ofthe fun."-
damental law of the land ti. The Southera:?
States are held by the Radicals to be aijaplj
T,.MeiJ fAi!ae -'tKrttr Q r Vf-Tii otwi T-irjaTrifft f r "
ia Congress, and their people are sot ere a'"
permitted to choose their own lecaj officers U
or enact local laws. Yet , they are required -to
exercise a controlling influence hi exaead-'
ing the Federal Constitution L ' TSS hat absur
dity is here presented. I .. Ytt thiaiia the poei-jv
tion and policy ofthe Republican party I
A(ll a Jt V-t uv 1 y wvs (VUkyvvutaviVU
. - , -a. ; 1 1'
Prooressivx. One Capt.rJi C, Scraoton -
having boon tried and disraS'ssed the servK -tor
inarrymg a negresa of bad - imputation. 1
one of our exchanges dubs him the ' Jhroto 1
martyr, and falls on tha irienda hu.rj:$a- ; t
ity to raise a shriek over this flagrant tr'
rage upon the ' progressive spirit of eogtt-'- '
enment,? It wants to know why "aiasoul '
isu't to "march on" aa wetl aa Joha
Brown's, and demands a tnisiBeenatica ' "
party with Scranton, Sumner, PtJliips audi
Tilton as its leaders.
Characteristic, A couple of negroes liv-
mg in a cabin pear Jit. Pleasant,. Ohio, j
fancied themselves; insulted by a white maa,
and forthwith made preparations to shoot
him. : Before thev got the eua farrW tr,.-"?-Ja .
they quarreled, when, one discharged the sa
at the other's head, and sent tlie ramrod, skar "
through, hilling hira instantly tlaterastTig;
people I r How they ar4 improved utir
141.au uuuiug, t.
'lehch savaai save J"5 : , v
6i:chesiheata? ar F
iacbeTKoah, VW'I 'FaU8 fce?l
6'oja, CosT-sJioa. ' :