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About The state rights democrat. (Albany, Or.) 1865-1900 | View Entire Issue (Feb. 17, 1866)
... ' ?' ALBANY, LINN COUNTY, OREGON, SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 17, I860, NO.-28, y m way yy ) n, A 'V"01i. 1. ' STATE RIGHTS DEMOCRAT. ISSUED EVERY fATUBDAY, BAXY, LIXX COt XTY, OGX. ? PUBLISHER AXD EDITOR. W?&a a, Star? tie wyaae lecea i it TERMS: tea sssscsxracif t Cpy far One Year $3 .jrs-a Cpy for Six Montiis $S . t Frraut to he made in advan in every The Paper will cot bo sent to any address . ou!en ordered, and the term for which it shall be " ordered be paid for. Ao departure will bt ma eft te ,mi ," e Hy vatiaiee. ' B- Timely prior notice will be given to each Subscriber of the week on which hit lub ?aa WBt ittptreOaa IfesHsA-ei lor iu -eoauaoaece, accompanied with tit money, b ff'.. l t?Pt, . M 4isntina ie liat 'Test 0b feaare, ef Twelve Lines, er wav Liaatttaa--' ? "":'-$3 F -ai& , Sahsefaeat Xnsartioa, - 1 JSA'' Liberal Redaction ' from these rtafcs t MTtsriy, liaif Ycwrty and , arl f &ireiteii-, and ttpoa all Lengthy &vertijaet, wiUbe made. t:S3KSKAt NOTICE toiTespni!Sls Wntifl!' over assamei signatures r anonjrfaoag'y, mast mxke known thir proper a.anet to ths Editar, or no attention will be given tneir eommnmcauons. , , . All Litfers and-CommnntrstiOBSr whether on fffwmet r for pnbScation, should fes addressed to ae Editor. - . X. S. CBASOK. . GEO. E. KELX. ; AtB AX Y Orcsoa. I.. HTT0E"EYS km CGUNSEUORS; . -OREGON CITY, - farticolar Attention giwea - to Xduid causss aavfcaa Titles. 5. v j. ; -t Oregon City, Oga., Dec. 20, 1865. . . . A..F. WHEELES. . ' Albany, Oregon." ' : TITTLi.1-tStiMPTtT ATTEND TO THE 7 4 '- wriClag od takiftg aeknowieptnent)! of Deed. Mort,e,"ana Powers f Attorney. - Also, 0FFCE In the Xtw Conrt Rjum. Albany. Jannart 27. 1S6S. DH. G. W. GRAY, URGEOf. TDEsNSTJST, Larc Grs'Tuaic of tie ir",","' , .Dektal sey, fft?3 v ?cM afraia offer his Profeasioeal scrr'ees to ti eitizens of this place asd sarroandUtg country.' OrricE-Up stain is Foater's Brick Enilding. Reskfene aiocgslt!: tf the PeiSe Hotel. Albany Aosa?t lth, 18C5. anglltf J.E.JilliiaiiJ - Proprietor. riiaiS LONG ESTABLISHED, LAHGE.COM j, , modioai nd wvll fumiehed honee ia main tmtm& as a ' , I?rst-CIass Interior lletel. . Tor 'J"a entcrtain'meBi of regular boarders and transWnt frs. "? ? ? : g t .5 ? r 'j The hooie was alajcst entirely rc-onTltlast year and t'joroByhlT re-farkhe4 witk JJEW BEDS Beddicjf and FBrnitBre. - ivBifbsf A Uo ;AM'f. r f : - t ill proTMie4 . w:ta erery lubstantial and rara treat of the seasons. . ,i Art Commodities sod 'well ' vertilafed. Prompt and &refal aB4MM is Mgore to areata.. Tho Caltforaia Stass Conpuiy' mafl etsebes eosta4S u,t V. C2arga faodrtate. AibaBy.Angnst lf:55TJi aogHtf v. vrcinn jutzelry, et -& 4 .. -clsci::, i.cM' ic. i.:o. '.C3 i : ' . tel, Iortiaad. Portland, JVo. , U . v ; v...: 1 v. I :. . ' -J' Wl 1 JfeCCCLssife ij :;ACY KINO,1) " Ti'""' -y. r? T ::pGox. ".'-1 VATt FX. ,-t .OFFICE o$-. I i" ' - s'-cci' first door rnrth of rArri0iir37 " ". " A Vt ui aticua is i a to the 2 i-3 trc je And U thef ,-.-.U.-1o; ; i S l n ti l : -j-' :i '. , f S s with tha itii.,,i...v' i. - - v -..- i ,,..4 Jt rlwh. Persons havir-V- - f-'n it proraptly .-tilod to, " .. .,.4 j M; .a'.ioaroia Uma to ttaszi?, a re rrTT, 5; - . 3 , J. nffluaf tra taa I sn US8, Cart sUe, 1 w aa ef t&elSaia Eassaesa street. - W OAT IS THE UIwIOxrt Under tltia caption a" tcfj nblc writer is giving a series of articles in the New Yor Metropolitan Record, to show what sort of n Government the framers of the Federal Constitutiou reallj intended to make. We copy his fourth letter, which our readers will find iastractive and in teresting, lie gays : " In tlie last nnmber we saw how odions the idea of coercion was esteemed by the Federal Convention, and how Irequcutand emphatic was their refusal to incorporate the right into the system of government they were forming. Let us now see what the opinion of the States was upon this point at the time that they adopted the L-onstitution. It may well be conceived that they did not imagine, any such right to be, granted.1, , Thus, in the Massachusetts Convention, Mr. Symmes,. fearing' that the Govern ment might in tide usurp powers not del egated, and wishing strict restraints put upon it to prevent such usurpation, espe cially with regard to the point we are now considering; expressed himself as follows: In short, we know that all governments have degenerated, and consequently have abused the powers reposed in them, and why. we should imagine better of the pro posed vongress than ot the myriads of j public bodies who have gone beton them. i cannot at present conceive, eir, we otJht (I speak it with submission) to consider that what we now grant, from certain motives, well grounded at present, will be exacted of posterity as a preroga tive when we are not alive to testify the tacit conditions of the grant that the wisdom of this age will then be pleaded by those in power, and that the cessiou we are. now about to make wilr be actually clothed with the venerable habit oFances- 1 19 VT 1 1 a trai sanction. uowwouia ne nave started, if at this moment a glimp?e ol the future liad been granted him and he had seen public men of his own section, and of his own State, stigniatiring the Work they were then engaged ia perfect ing, as v a league with Death, a cove nant with hell f ' lie continues: "There fore, sir, I liumbly presume we ought not to take advantage of onr situation in point of , time, so as to bind posterity to laws they may very possibly disapprove, nor expose tuem to a rebellion, wh;ch at that jterwd will very probably end only in their farther aubj ligation." The llev. Mr. Stilhnan, an ardent supporter of the Constitution, also expressed himiself, in one 'of the most forcible speeches made before the Convention, very plainly on t his pom t. baui he : & huuld the U e n- eral Government become so lost to all sense of honor-and the freedom of the peopled as to attempt to enslave thenil they rho are the descendants of a nice of men who have deihioried. kins?1, would ke: an American Congress tremble, strip them of their honors, and reJuee them to the lowest state of degradation." These are but two. out of numerous simi lar examples of the estimation in which the idea of coercion of a State by the General Government w.is held by Massa chusett3. bet they are. enough to prove that it wa not at all admitted cr favored by her. ' - .. . :- .' In ew York the idea met With still stronger reprobation. In her Convention. Alexander Hamilton, whoee tes imouy on points of 'this nature is of the greatest value, since lie was to strong an opponent of everything like State Rights, and so strong advocate for strong Govern ment, that Wherever ft is obliged to admit them, the law and the testimony omst be positive indeed. . x et ; even he is com- pelted to .deny that the liovernmcnt has any, such fwer in. the following strong karaage t i-It has been well observed, says he, that to coerce? a State is one of the tnjrddest projects that was ever de vised." A failure of compliance will never be confined to' a single State. This beine the case, can we-.suppose iVwise to hazard a civil jwar ? Suppose Massachusetts, or anyther large State, should refuse, and Congress hould attempt to compel them, wod they toot, hate infiuence to procure ass:: istaticej especially .from l1 those States who 'are in the same situation as them selyef JPn,'.:Wat a picture does this idea present to our view f .AoompIying State at war with a non-complying State Con gress" aaTelMR the troops of one State into the. bosom, of another this. State eo?lect!nauxiluries and forming perhaps a majority against lta Federal head.- .Here is a cgtioa -at'wsr "with itsel rCan any reasoaabja man be well-disposed towards a Govern toent waicri mates war and carn-i age the only medns.of supporting itself i a Government tfaatea exist only. by the sword J j, I7Crc 1 way xnnst lnyptye the jacocent yith the guilty. - This single considgratAiMi; shoald bc suScieat td dis pose every.' peaceable citizen against such aXSeverHriieiif. Bat eaa we"-believe thut one Stale Twill cVef sufer itself to,hesad as an iastrnmentcf coercion f Tie thTpi m a o ream it is Hipossib!e." r Again the saxue eenUemau.said,' upen t&e aauie sub-' ject;-"The, people iaveitn obirioas and powerffii- protection' ia. ther State Gov ernments. Should anything -darigerous be attempted, these bodie.rof perpetual observation wiil be capably of Jrming and condttctlug'-plas of Tegular opposi tioa vCaa we suppose the people's love of liberty will toot, tinder -the incitement of their legulatira leaders, be roused into resistance4 and the madness of tytaniiybe extinrufcleJ alablowr'' :,Ttfcse extracts arp RirfSciefat to show Kew York's nosition nroa tlie question,' fori when Hamilton was forced to acjay State Ilightsy no one else could with pro: rietr or reason, deny them.- TtsSaosS cooelasiTeproof,. how ercTr are la be foccd ia' tieX'ill of Rights and the amendiricnts'ilyped by. the Cob- ventioa and incorporated iato it3 rauiica- tioti if the ,'Copstitufion,.'. as? tta-a.:-were the "sectiaenli and. a?!3. C t&e ichole, and not'ealyief iadjyidsai , members-Il They are too rcmerotxs to be particularized; but or.e is eo pointed and forcible; that it can not t-e-psLEsed by with a general reference It is one of the opening clauses of the Bill of Right, and is as follows : We, the delegates of the people of the State of New York, do declare and make known, that all power is originally vested in, and consequently derived from the "people, and that Government is instituted bv them, for their common interest, protec tion and security. That the powers of Government may be reassumed by the people, whensoever it shall become nec essary to their happiness." This settles the question that New York, so far from admitting any right of coercion to the General Government, expressly provided upon entering the Union, that'she might withdraw from it, or that 44 the powers" of Government may be reassumed by the people, when it shall become necessary to their happiness." Now, what savs Pennsylvania on this question ? Aa has been already stated the proceedings ofthe Convention of this State that have been preserved are only fragmentary, and give a view of onlv one side of the debate ; but as this side was the prevailing one and in favor of the Constitution, it is sufficient to decide this point. Accordingly we find (Ell. Deb. v. 3. p. 235) that Sir. Wilson expresses, the opinion 01 tne convention as loilows Ihe truth is, in our Government the supreme, absolute, uncontrollable power remnms in the people. 1 he consequence is, the people may change the Constitu tion "honevcr and however they plcafe This is a right of which no positive insti tution can ever deprive them. These im- porrant irutns, sir, are lar irom beinir speculative; we at this moment speak and deliberate under their immediate and be nign influence. To the operations of thee truths we are to ascribe the scene, hitherto unparallelled, which America now exhibits to the world a gentle, a peaceful, a voluntary and a deliberate transition irom one constitution ot gov ernment to another. Ihus Fenn?ylva- ma s sumo, is tascn iy ice sice ot ner sister States in favor of the riht to - alter " or " abolish " the Government they were forming, should they ever think it necessary to do so, and consequently in opposition to any right of cocrciou being invested in the Federal head. Some ob jector may here say, this is all correct the argument is good enough the people undoubtedly have the right to change the Constitution, but urdy in the way prescribed hy the Constitution. The argument given refer only to that meth od." The answer to this is simple : the 'ci is or so. cuppoe for a moment such councils had prevailed at the time of these Conventions, would the present system of government ever have been farmed? Undoubtedly not; for at that time the Articles of Canfeueiaon wr-re the organic law of the land, as much so as the Constitution is now, and they pro vided expressly that no chauge should be made, in them without the ' unanimous consent 'of - all' the States." Now, it is well known that the present system was NOT formed bv the unanimous consent of all the States, since one State refused even to scud delegates to the Convention at Philadelphia, aad remained out of the Union as an independent sovereignty for a long time after the Government had gone into operation. '"Thus the whole act was a.i eitra-Constitutional one, and the arguments supporting it cannot refer to ' Constitutional methods of change. It is highly probable that had such councils as that ofthe supposed objector prevailed at the time the Philadelphia Convention was proposed, the parties proposing it would have been . imprisoned, and the present "best Government the world m a -. ever saw nave Deen crushed in the ess:. Rhode Island also wheels into line on this question with the other State. What her opinions were may be gathered from the numerous amendments adopted by her Convention, to bo proposed by Congress to the other btates. Une will suffice to prove her position as conclusively as if volumes were written upon the subject. It is contained in the third section of the Bill of Rights incorporated into her rati fication, and is identical with the declara tion in the New York B11 of Rights be fore given, via it she declares and makes known "That the powers of government! may be re-assumed by the people, ' when soever it shall become necessary to their happiness. Thus her station, is fixed. ( We have seen the position taken on this: subject by the Northern section ; what was that of the Southern ? Identically! the same. : ' In the Virginia Convention, Mr. Cor-i bin, speaking of "the troubles' consequent upon States neglecting to turnish, their quotas under the old Confederation, said. W hat is to . be done,: Uonipel the de linquent States to pay requisitions to Con-jn-e-ss ? How are they to be compelled? By the instrutnehtality of such a scheme as was proposed to be introduced in the year llo-t: ;,, Aiiuumg to a, motion :u t yeaf to enable Congress to compel the delinquent by means of an armed force.) .- ! this cruel mode of oompuision eligible ? Is ;lt ' coiis stent with the spirit ot liepubucanismT lhis savaee mode which could be made use of under the Confederation, leads directly to civil war and destruction. , How different is this from the genius of the proposed Constitution." - - Again,- Colonel Henry Lee of Westmoreland,'' in answer to Pat rick Henry, "who opposed the adoption of j the Constitution most vehemently because he thought It formed a consolidated, co ercive Government, saidj "jiJat, fcaid he, the. President .will, enslave .you, Con gress trample on your liberties, a few reg iments will appear. The Chief J usticc must give way. Uur mace-bearer is no match for a regiment. fIt-was inhuman ' It has been arced tbat this clause was nerer acceded to, w recoanized b y, the Central Guvern meat and, th.re'ore, eaa bars no weight. . This idea suppo?ea the pre-existjnoe. of the General GoTernmcst, and is. th-rafora erroceons.- The declarfctioa was addressed to Che th;r States with whom she waa associated,- for furming-a OoTero mcnt,and they, knftwinjt-theso td.bo her views, formed with Ivf '.lis? iae th .declaration the weight of a condition procdent. ' See also on this point the argument of Mr. Slcbo" '"tree above) on a similar declaration of th, Vb?n vto place an individual against a whole n giment. A fete regimeuts will not avail. Were so mad an attempt made, the peo ple would assemble in thousands, and drive thirty times the number tf their few regiments. We would do with them as we have already done with theyegi meuts of that king, which he so often tells us of." So, too. Mr. John Martliall conceived the q mixtion to be whether Democracy or Despotism be most eligible, and was sure both those who framed the system under their consideration, and those who supported it, intended the cs'ablifchuieut and security of the former. He said, MVearo threatened with the loss of our own liberties by the possible abuse of power, notwithstanding the maxim that those who give may take away. It is the people that give power and can take it back. What shall re strain them? The Government is not supported by force, but depending on our free will. When -experience' shall show us any inconveniences, we enn then cor rect it. Let us try it, and keep our hands free to change it when necessary." 31 r. Madison also opposed the right of coercion, as shown, and admitted the right of States to withdraw from the Government they were forming. Speaking apon the clause concerning the militia, and in favor of it, he said, If we be dissatisfied with the National Government if we should choose to renounce it, this is ah additional safeguard to our defense." Again the j same gentleman says. " We hare hoard ofthe impious doctrine in the Old World, that the people were made for kings, not kings for the people. Is this same doc-j trine to be revived in the New, in another shape, that the solid happiness ofthe people is to be sacrificed to the views ot'j political institutions of a different form? It is too early for politicians to presume on our forgetting that the public good. the real welfare of the ereat bodv of the people, is the supreme object to be pur sued ; and that no form of Government whatever has any other value than as it may be fitted for the attainment of this object. Were the plan of the Convention adverse to public happiness, my voice would be, reject the plan. Were the Union itself incons'stent with the public happiness, it. would be, abolish the Union." But the most ineontestible proof of the position of Virginia on this question is to be found in the. mode of ratification adopted by her Convention. The first part of this important document runs as follows: "We, the delegates of the people of Virginia, duly elected m pursuance of a recommendation from the General Assembly, and now met in Con vention, having fully and freely investt- rited and discussed the proceeding of the rcceral Convention, and being pre pared as well a" the m3t mature deliber ation hath enabled us to decide thereon : Do, in the name and in behalf of the people.of Virginia, declare and make kupwn that the powers granted under the Constitution be'ug derived from the peo ple -t tLe United States, nmv be re- 3'iuied by them whensoever" he same shall be pencr ed to their iniurv or op pression, and that every power not grant ed thereby remains with them and at their will; that, therefore, no right of any denomination can be cancelled, abridged, restrained or modified by Congress, by the Senate or House of Representatives acting in any capacity, by the President or any department,, or any officer of the united States, except in those instances in which power is eiven by the Constitu tion for these purposes." Thus she. too, claims and declared the right of resuming the pQwcrs'granted whenever perverted to injury or oppression, and gives a suc cinct account of her understanding of the Constitution. As Mr. Madison says, in advocating this form of ratification, "there cannot be a more positive and unequivo cal declaration of the principles of the adoption.", ; V But it may be objected, as it has been. that all ' such declarations are mere " brtUum fulmnv " and are not in any way binding on the Geaeral Government. It might1 be a sufficient answer to this to say that such was noi the opinion of those best qualified to ,judze the, founders; witness the above dec'aration of Mr. Madison, aad also the following argument of Mr. Nicholas : Said he, "The language of the proposed ratification will secure everything' which 'the gentlemen " Mr. Henry and other?, who wished more posi tive declarations fn favor of the States " desire, for these expressions will be come a part ofi the contract. The Con stitution can not be bind ing on Virginia but with these conditions. If thirteen individuals! are about' td'make a contract',' and one ftu'rees to it, hut at the same time declares that he understands its meaning, signification .and, intent to be what the words: of the contract plainly and obvi ously denote,"8 that it is not to be construed so as to impose any supplementary condi tion upon him; and that; he is to be exon erated fron) it whensoever any such impo sition shall he -atteiiipfe J, I ask whether in this case these conditions On which he assented to it would not be binding on the other twelve? In like manner these con ditions willTbe . binding on . Congress. They can exercise no power that is not expressly granted them,"; But it may be said; the. Union .3 a contract - between States, not .men jthe cases are not analo gous. The above reasoning is neverthe less applicable, -and w& are here met by Mr- Madison who, after considering the subject as a compact between' men, and coming to tlie" same conclusiona as Mj. Nicholas turns out.'to consider it next as between States. !' .' if ,'5 says he, 'we con sider the Fedeval Union as analogous. noV to the'soc'i.! ' compact jamong individual men, h'ut'to the Conventions among indi vidual States, what is the doctrine re sulting from such Con ventions . ;Clearly, according to the expositors of the laws of nations, that a breach of any one article by any one party leaves all the- other par ties at liberty 'to consider the whole Con vention ; aV ; dissolved;';"'- In f whichever, light, 'therefore,' it may he viewed these conditions arc binding. MATTERS IN THE SOUTH. How the People F.ndnrp Adversity The Work and Tollry ol tlic Radical:. The following interesting description of the condition of the Southern people, since the war, is frnm; a correspondent of the New York Metropolitan Record. It is worthy of perusal. He says: In oar summer's intercourse with the Southern people, a very noticeable thing was the moderation of their language when talking of the war and its results. There were uo intense expressions, nor bitter words. They conversed on the subject almost as calmly as if discussing a mathematical proposition ; whatever their feelings, and, in the nature of things, they must have been deep and agitating, to all outward appearance, they were as though nothing extraordinary, or terrible, or disastrous had occurred. We would often draw them on to talk of their affairs. Of their sacrifices, pri vations, sufferings, desperate fights and victories, they would talk quietly, as if tney were a matter ot course: of their disasters and the loss of their cause with a quiet shrug of acquiesence and an expression of countenance which for an enemy to see would have made him feel how empty his victory was. now impos sible if is to destroy or to humiliate the dignity of a great and righteous cause by the triumphs of brute force and over whelming numbers. A good cause irf adversity has supports, consolations and rewards, whieh a bad cause can never know, even in the flush of its greatest successes. " Why is it that the" South, oppressed and trodden under foot, and reviled, is calm, patient, manly ? . Why does she smite even amidst the rums that surround and the thick darkness that seems to en velope her ? Why is she so patient under calamity after calamity, under a malig nity and bitterness of persecution which seems to take no rest ? Why is she not degraded and humbled and bowed down ? Why does not the manhood of her sons depart from them under the mean, petty, grovelling, spite ful annoyances, persecutions and insults, which from hour to hour, from day to day, from week to week, from month to mouth, are visited upon them? It is because they have that within them which their adversaries, with their utmost power, cannot reach the convic tion of the justice of their cause the consciousness that it is a great and noble ciuse for which they most unjustly suffer; they know it to be the cause of human right and progress, the cause of Seif Government. .Uheyeel th.t humanity suffers in thein--and believe that justice will yet be justified of her children, their cause vindicated, and they with it. When and how all this is to come they know nut, but that it will come they feel assured. "For r'ght is ribt, -4 ' And (W it jus!." " Te soldiers of a thousand figlita, Ye tiring martyrs if the age, : Let still the cause of haiaan rights Your wistful, earnest thoughts engage. 8nstatnr4 by all the trust of youth And the sweet constaney of truth. And patience, of true courage born ; Keep thy sad watch, espect the morn ' When foul oppression, 4ro and riren, : Shall flee like clouds l;y Umpcst driven, , ' For sure as darkness shrinks from day, ' k So sure hall error pass away, ," And right, new risen from the dust, Shout the glad truth that ' God w juit !" ; How that this high conduct ofthe South -this manly submission and acqui esence seems but to increase the enmity. the malignity, and the range of their ad versaries? It is much better to suffer wrong than to do wrong. The South has the approbation of its own conscience and the hearty sympathies and admiration of all well-informed and disinterested persons. . The North has not the approbation of its own conscience. It may assert that it has, but it has not. , We do not here speak of those who know, little or nothing of the controversy, but of those who are informed, and have understanding of the matter. All such, the louder they protest that their hands are in thin matter clean of innocent blood, the less will we believe them. The Rad icals, who brought this war about because slavery waa wrong, cruel and oppressive, now that they have accomplished their end, and established what they call free dom (!)," see that it is a much greater wrong than slavery, cruel and oppressive, because it brings to the poor freedman nothing but' suffering, jrico, sickness, mis ery and death. ..f;They see, moreover, that aH this wrong and suffering is on such a prodigious scale, and so evident, that they cannot hide, it. V -t 'ij.., ': - They see, also, that the weight and burden of the- task they assumed' when they undertook1 thef -enianeipation of the negro is much beyond what they expected. 1 It calls for sacrifices and denials and costs, that' it is not in their nature, to aa euuie, And they will not assume them. " They thought to have derived nothing hut profit froni the great robberies and and murders they have ; committed,' but. now tney entertain nijiy misgtvings on that account. ? ; ; u. .:, To have been guilty of a wrong, gives them no concern j hut a- folly, a wrong against their own interest, aburtheu which, however they may attempt to shake off, public opinion will fasten on, and it will stick, and burn and torment to have got only this by their crimes against humani ty and treason against our common coun try, gives them not a little concern. : Detection, or the fear of detection awakes a conscience which would other wise slum berand the consciences of, .these people begin to afflict them not to repentance not a bit of saving grace is there in this awakening conscience. It is a sort bf Devila conscience,' - - It increases their -enmity towards the goodness they have afflictedthe innocent, .suffering cause of all their' perturbations. r Fain would they kill and bury out of Bigui. every witnesa, no 10 ineir crimes, but to their folly that they xaight say, your blood be on your own head, and be able to charge their " desperation" with all the consequences of their " Purltau " madness. This is why they arc without the first show of magna nimity toward their fallen and ruined adversary. Why no conces sions satisfy them, why the fulL-st sub mission only seems to excite their rageft and multiply their exactions. This is why they seek to procure acts of general confiscation to degrade them to the social and political level of negroes ; for they hope thereby to make them desperate, to bring about a fresh collision with the forces of the Union, " so called." or to provoke a war of races, which shall end in the utter extermination of. the hated breed of Southerners. If, in the world, there is anything so diabolical and truly detestable as this rad ical, Puritau spirit which is now raging, ! - , . it, , c 1 ravas'ing and conspiring at Washington. it has been our "good fortune to be igno rant of it. Two Such accursed sects or parties would make us believe that the world was indeed delivered over to the Devil and his angels. But we fell these people that their wrath and hatred arc going to be disap pointed. They may, perhaps, accomplsh their infernal legislation. It will fail to effect what they purpose. Their excesses will betray them to their own destruction. Another, and perhaps the most obvious design of the wicked, illegal, and revolu tionary measures now forced on Congress, is not the Union, nor the Constitution, now the laws, cor the country, nor the cause of Republican Government, but to give the power "of perpetual succession to the Republican party. Why ? Political ambition suggests it I and sectional interest but much more. fear suggests it, lest the day of settle ment and retribution may come The Republican party is under a crim inal necessity to maintain itself in power. For, not onfy have it. members, agents and confederates, during the period they have been in power, committed prodig ious crimes against common honesty and good morals, but they have been and are malignant and persevering enemies to our common country false to every prin ciple on which our Government rests arch traitors to the Republic conspira tors aud plotters against its very exist ence. So long a3 they remain in power, they will not, cannot rest, until the last vest ige of our confederation is destroyed, and the whole is converted into a vast ceatral despotism, of which they are to be the masters and beneficiaries ! But we have wandered from our sub ject and our menus. - Let us return to. them. In our commendations of the South, we cannot s; eak of all the South ; we wish we could. But there are there. many who are in her, but not of her; base, pecuniary souls, but for whom she had not been overcome in thegreat strug gle They were false to her th?n. are false to her now, and they wiil always be false to heT, except when her honor shall consort with their unscrupulous, cringing and obsequious interests. Daniel Webster on Democracy. Hon. George Tieknor Curtis recently delivered a speech in Brooklyn before a gathering of the Democracy. In the course of it he gave the following inter esting piece of history in the life of the great man referred to : " In the early part of my life I was a political follower of Daniel Webster. The school in which he trained the young men, who came under his influences and really gave themselves to hia teachings, was entirely inconsistent with any sympa thy or co-operation in a sectional party ; and it was only a short time before his death that the tendencies of a large part of the Northern Whigs to convert them selves into a sectional party began to ap- pear. xut tne signs 01 tnis cnange am appear, and Mr. Webster saw and com prehended their full import. - He roeaqt to warn me, as he did others, against them: and the manner, in which he did it, in my case, I can never forget. The scene was in that plainly furnished apart- mem, nis own cnamoer, in me targe house at Marshfield, now so memorable, and the time Was three days before his death. Beneath the window, on a little, artificial lake, there rode always a small boat at anchor, with an American flag at its mast head, so placed that his eyes could rest upon it, if light sufficed, as he closed them at night, and could open on it with the dawn. , lieyond the lake stretched the great farm which he so lov ed to cultivate, and then the low beach and the ooean. He had been very ill for several weejia, and it Was apparent to ail about him. , that his life was now rapidly drawing to its close.- Ti had that morn ing for the first time during several days paid some attention to the political news ; it was just before the Presidential election which resulted in the choice of General Pierce over General Scott, and the re turns ftorn some of the previous State elections were' coming-in pretty heavily against ,' us; Whigs, u. We were alone to gether, and I mentioned to him the news which had come down from Boston the night before". Calling me to his bedside by my Christian name, he said: "The Whig candidate will not be elected. You love your country,: and you think its wel fare involved in Whig success. This has teen so; but, let me warn -you, as you love your country, "to give 8f countenance to a sectional, geographical party. The Whigs, after this election," will break up, and - upon the rains of our party a sec tional party; will arise. The stability of the Lnion will hereafter depend vnon the ATTENTIVE. Murnhv iraa askftd briw it was so J Very difficult -to waken him iu the morniDg. Indeedj master, it's because of miuyuur uwu ttuviue, always w aiunu 10 what I'm about ; so whenever I bleeps! pays aiuauon to it." From the Cleveland (Ohio) Herald. The Late Lord Palmcrstan Hostile to the' United fttatK Death f I'riuee. Albert Prevented a War with England. , ' ' , We have reason to suspecl tEat tEo British Minister was hostile to the Unit ed States from the first breaking 6ut'6f the rebellion, and sought a plaasihle' pre tense to declare war; but were not pre pared for such duplicity as there is evi dence was practiced by the late Premier. ' A gentleman who spent the last season in Europe, who enjoyed unnsual facilities for information, waa informed by a -High official in London that the Trent affair was greedily seized upon by Lord" Pal merston to settle old scores with our Gov ernment. During the many year his Lordship had been Minister of Foftfign Afiairs, and at tte hem or the Govern- meat, several important duestiofis had 1 j: 1 ..e ij ' 1 - -. t been disposed of aad treaties aade -with onr Government, the NOrta-eastertt'bewg-dary, the Oregon boundary, etc.; settled. Palmtrston was strongly impressed that he had been overreached in negotiation, and was hiding- his time for5 en Opportu nity to accomplish by war what he had failed to by diplomacy. . ". The taking of Mason and Slidellfrbia under the cross of St.-George i was : a god send to Palmerston an" opportunity fo help the rebels under the guise of national insult, and to pay an old debt-' A Cabi net council was called, the Premier was for letting " slip the dogs of war," hut, upon the suggestion of a peaceful mem ber' of the Cabinet, the question was re ferred to the principal law member to ex amine and report at a subsequent meet; ing of the Cabinet. Lord Palmerston "at the next Cabinet meeting, with, a ecpy of Mr. Seward's dispatch in his pockety ad? mining the illegality of the act of Com. rnodore Wilkes, and the decision of aur Government to return Maaori and Slidell under the Rakish flag, found th! kw membeeto whom the question waareferv red, in a meditative mood, with, his Hands) under his ccat-tails. " WelL" says Pal--mersfon, " have you examined that ques tion V " Yes, My Lord, but, wkii t make further examination before lie$ port " "It is needless," saysPalmerstoo " my mind is made up." We will have a shy at them." Forthwith troop's were dispatched to the American Colonies,- and great activity in the d6ck-y atrds' and arse nab prevailed. - ' ; -s It will be remembered that Piji.ee. AI bert died a short time previous,' ansl the QuSui was laboring under great depres sion f spirits. The Prince posSeise'd a great influence with the' Queea wa Tiry" friendly to our country, and had depreeaU. ed a war with U3 aa one of the greatest calamities that could fcefefl Eagiaad. Tlwf warlike demonstrations of her Iisistrv alarmed and excited the Qaeetf, and her ipnvsicians, Knowmg inac .insanity ;wa heredifary in her family, represented ,,10, Lord Palmerston and the Ministry. that a war with America would, dethrone the reason and make a lunatic of their sorer eign. This, and this alone caused- this Ministry to pause- .'-.. n : ' s " ' - ' Ihtkllige.vt YoTias. A Virrim'a paper relates the first trial in votingof our ." oof-' ored brothers" in that State." About a thousand of them were assembled under the auspices of the Freedinen'a Bureau and tor impress them with a sense of their newly.? acquire! importance, the manag ers' told them . they might choose their own'coTOmissToner. Then the question was pot. iAll iti favor") Mr. W. say aye. All responded aye, with great vigor. Then the contrary minded, say no. Instantly the entire assembly aiisrwerea"4 no, with a tremendous yell. That is wha fhey call ' woting." "The" raahager was heard to say something about 'Sj-a foot8.,f: A .1 .1 f 1. .... - .1 , .iii- auu iucs9 iaurauk cretuures, JX.iwuaomsta 1 poerisy i ur, are fully qualified to vote,' vrhrfe they refuse to grant the same privilege te the in-, telligcnt negroes of the 'North I What ky-1 A RiDiCAt Toot. Senator Pomeroy', vof " -Kansas, says, 44 1 would rather help .tear ? down the capitol than allowie Southern States to come back into the Union -without letting the negro vote," . This' Radical ag- abond expresses the sentiments cf the Radi cal wing of the Republican arty. He knows well that if the Southern States are "; " allowed to come back into the Onion "; he and his sort will be driven into obscurity. An overwhelming majority. of; the people want the Union restored tfhd are opposed ia " " letting the negro vote ahdthj'y will bold ; the traitor Senator from Kansak to a stem" responsibility if he disregards' tiieir wishetf. :: His talk about ' tearing down tlie capitol i is superlative balderdash and worthy of the party of which he is an innufentiaJ leader. -r1 aia." .: ; .;. , ;:tij;s;t Pointed. Is it not a little singularaskai-' the New Hampshire Patriot, taat people people who are pot considered ' ft e"khr""td i: . govern themselves or to. participate o&-' general legislation , of the ctiuntiy; are.stiil competent to aid in the formation ofthe fun."- damental law of the land ti. The Southera:? States are held by the Radicals to be aijaplj T,.MeiJ fAi!ae -'tKrttr Q r Vf-Tii otwi T-irjaTrifft f r " ia Congress, and their people are sot ere a'" permitted to choose their own lecaj officers U or enact local laws. Yet , they are required -to exercise a controlling influence hi exaead-' ing the Federal Constitution L ' TSS hat absur dity is here presented. I .. Ytt thiaiia the poei-jv tion and policy ofthe Republican party I A(ll a Jt V-t uv 1 y wvs (VUkyvvutaviVU . - , -a. ; 1 1' Prooressivx. One Capt.rJi C, Scraoton - having boon tried and disraS'ssed the servK -tor inarrymg a negresa of bad - imputation. 1 one of our exchanges dubs him the ' Jhroto 1 martyr, and falls on tha irienda hu.rj:$a- ; t ity to raise a shriek over this flagrant tr' rage upon the ' progressive spirit of eogtt-'- ' enment,? It wants to know why "aiasoul ' isu't to "march on" aa wetl aa Joha Brown's, and demands a tnisiBeenatica ' " party with Scranton, Sumner, PtJliips audi Tilton as its leaders. Characteristic, A couple of negroes liv- mg in a cabin pear Jit. Pleasant,. Ohio, j fancied themselves; insulted by a white maa, and forthwith made preparations to shoot him. : Before thev got the eua farrW tr,.-"?-Ja . they quarreled, when, one discharged the sa at the other's head, and sent tlie ramrod, skar " through, hilling hira instantly tlaterastTig; people I r How they ar4 improved utir 141.au uuuiug, t. 'lehch savaai save J"5 : , v 6i:chesiheata? ar F iacbeTKoah, VW'I 'FaU8 fce?l 6'oja, CosT-sJioa. ' :