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About The Sunday Oregonian. (Portland, Ore.) 1881-current | View Entire Issue (July 21, 1918)
THE SUNDAY OREG OMAN, PORTLAND, JULY 21. 1918. k PORTLAND. OREGON. Entered at Portland (Oregon) Postoffica as second-class mall matter. Subscription rates invariably In advance: (By Mail.) Daily, Sunday Included, one year ...... .$9 00 Daily, Sunday Included, six months 4.25 Daily, Sunday Included, three months ... 2.23 Dally, Sunday Included, one month -.75 Dally, without Sunday, one year ft. 00 Daily, without Sunday, six months Daily, without Sunday, one month 60 Weekly, one-year 1.00 Sunday, one year 2.50 unday and weekly (By Carrier.) Dally. Sunday Included, one year . 3.50 .$9.00 . .75 Daily, Sunday included, one month Daily. Sunday Included, three months ... 2.25 lally. without Sunday, one year 7.iu Dally, without Sunday, three months ... 1.95 Dally, without Sunday, one month ...... .65 How to Remit Send postefflce money or der, express or personal check on your local bank. Stamps, coin or currency are at own er's risk. Give postofflce address in full, in cluding county and state. Postage Rates 12 to 10 pares, 1 cent: 18 to 312 pages, 2 cents; 34 to 48 pages, 3 cents: 60 to 60 pages, 4 cents; 62 to 76 pages, 5 cents; 78 to 82 pages, 6 cents. Foreign post age, double rates. Eastern Business Office Verree Conk lln. Brunswick building. New York; Verree Conklln. Steger building, Chicago; Verree & Conklin. Free Press building. Detroit, Mloh. : fan Francisco representative, R. J. Bidwell, 742 Market street. MEMBER OF THE ASSOCIATED PRESS. The Associated Press is exclusively enti tled to the use for republication of all news dispatches credited to It or not otherwise credited to this paper, and also the locai news published herein. All rights of republication of special dis patches herein are also reserved. PORTLAND, 6CKDAT. JULY tU 11. WORK OF THE WAR CONGRESS. In the session which has been In terrupted by the recess, Congress has enacted a rreat code of war legisla tion for which the work of the preced ing session was in many respects only preparatory, and In so doing It has added enormously to the power of the President and to the military effective ness of the United States. It has well nigh completed the legislation neces sary to devote all the manpower and all the material resources of the Na tion to the single task of crushing Ger man militarism. The session began with a declara tion of war on Austria-Hungary at the call of the President. Congress was ready to include Turkey and Bulgaria also in this declaration, but withheld action In deference to the wishes of the President. War with the dual monarchy has been followed by a great increase In the financial and material aid given to Italy, In the sending of a first contingent of Amer ican troops to that country and in an Improvement of the morale of the Ital ian army, all of which contributed to the victory of Italy on the Plave and in the Alps. We may expect that the field of American operations will widen to include the Balkan peninsula', which would involve war with Tur key and Bulgaria. . Only preoccupa tion with the deliverance of France, Italy and Belgium from the invaders delays American participation in . the Balkan campaign, with a view to the emancipation of Serbia and Roumanla and the isolation of Turkey from Ger man aid. - A revolution has been effected In the economic life of the United States by the law placing the railroads in the hands of the Government for op eration, and. by the one recently en acted which makes like disposition of telegraph, telephone, cable and radio lines. Government price-fixing has also been authorized and a large meas ure of control has been established over the ereat basic industries. The Government has become the largest buyer of steel, coal, oil, lumber, cop per, zinc, textiles, it has taken a mo nopoly of shipbuilding and it has for bidden sale of ships to other nations. An economical proportion of the popu lation is employed directly or indirect ly by the Government. Laws to prevent and punish resist ance or opposition to war activity fill a large place in the work of the ses sion. Penalties have been provided for destruction of war material and munition plants, for disloyal acts or words, especially those designed to obstruct enlistment and " the draft. The espionage act has been extended to women, and German women have been registered. Lawless organizations like the I. W. W. have been declared unlawful, the German-American Alli ance has been dissolved, teaching of the German language In the "schools of the District of Columbia has been for- bidden, the . sale of German-owned property has been ordered and en- trance to and exit from the United States has been restricted by revision of the passport law. i Constant expansion of the armed forces has been provided by decision that young men shall register for the draft on attaining the age of twenty one. The draft quota of each state has been changed to the basis of class I, instead of population. Organization of a Slavic Legion, training of Latin American troops In the United States, Increase of the Navy to 131,486 and of the Marine Corps to 76,500 men have been authorized. There is general agreement that age limits for the draft should be extended, but action on that subject has been postponed until after the recess, when the Secretary of War Is to present recommendations. Pro vision has been made by treaty for draft by this country and Great Britain of their citizens in each other's ter ritory, and measures have been taken against alien slackers. - Civil rights of soldiers and sailors have been protect ed by establishment of a moratorium, and provision, has been made for re habilitation of those who return crip pled. Money for war purposes has been appropriated So liberally that any sum smaller than a billion dollars seems Insignificant. During the fiscal year which opened on July 1 more than $12,000,000,000 Is to be spent on the Army, a billion and a half on the Navy, eight . billions for artillery and small arms, a second billion for air planes, two and a half billions for ships, in addition to fifty millions for concrete ships, and a hundred millions for housing Government employes, to say nothing of such little matters as twelve millions for the Food Admin istration and eleven millions to stim ulate food production. All discussion and controversy In re gard to the efficiency of our war prep arations has ended In further addition to executive power. Delay In produc tion of arms, ammunition and aircraft and deficfencles and defects in Army cantonments were attributed by Sena tor Chamberlain to lack of co-ordina tion among departments and bureaus. which could be secured only by estab lishment of a War Cabinet exercising supreme authority under direction of the President. Mr. Wilson replied to this criticism by co-ordinating func tions and centralizing power under his own direction without the inter ventlon of a War Cabinet, so far as the law permitted, and by asking for unlimited authority to rearrange the war agencies of the Government. He was given It by passage of the Over man law and was also given two addi tional assistant Secretaries of War. He skilfully countered on the Senate's move to investigate the aircraft fail ure by appointing his former rival for the Presidency, Charles E. Hughes, to conduct a full inquiry. Congress has become thoroughly complaisant to ward him. As usual. Congress has not done as well In raising money as in spending It, and that is the reason for the long session with a recess in the middle. It authorized the third Liberty loan, also the fourth with a maximum of $8,000,- 000,000. but shrank from the distaste ful task of revising the miserable patchwork of a war revenue law which it passed last year, and it con templated, an early adjournment. It was sternly summoned to duty by the President, and has set Its committees to work during the recess to find means of raising eight billion dollars a year by taxation and of eliminating profiteering, which the Federal TVade Commission has exposed. It shows no disposition to establish a budget, though the President has called for it and though the huge financial respon sibilities of the war urgently require it. War revenue, extension of the draft age and water power will be the prin cipal subjects of legislation after the recess, with diversions in the Senate to discuss and vote on woman suf frage and immediate National prohi bition. Even without these additions the achievements, of the session haw been so many and notable as to bear witness to the industry and patriotism of Congress. A TIME FOR STRONG MEN. The speech of Colonel Roosevelt at Saratoga, from which liberal excerpts are published in another column, is the more worthy of attention because on the day when it was delivered he had received news that one of his sons had been either killed or taken prisoner in France and becanse all of his sons are In the fighting forces. Those facts are the best proof that he is a 100 per cent American and that his words come from his heart. From the long hesitation which preceded our entrance Into the war and from our utter unreadiness when we did enter, the American people need to pay heed to certain things. One is study of the records of men who seek office and election only of 100 per cent Americans. The men whom they send to Congress need to be men of such sterling loyalty and at the same time of such independent character that, without regard to party, they will stand by the Adminis tration on every measure when It is right and will speak out boldly and set it right when it is wrong. They should Insist that the war be continued vigorously until Germany is over whelmingly beaten and is forced to liberate every nation which the Kaiser has enslaved and to make full repara tion for every wrong he has done. .They should stand firmly . against an inconclusive peace, which would but be a breathing spell before another war. When Germany begins to realize that she is being beaten and that the longer the war continues the more crushing will be her defeat, another peace offensive will surely be started and will find a response among the fifty-fifty Americans and the camou flaged Germans who have for the time been silenced. That will be the time when this Nation will need men of unbending patriotism, clear foresight and strong will in places of power to Insure that this war shall so end that, so far as Is., humanly possible, it shall be the end of war. ' -. We need also men who will make sure that never again shall this Nation be so utterly unprepared to defend its liberty, and, with that, the liberty of the world as was the case in April 1917. We have had a lesson in this war which should be burned into our hearts' and should be handed down in full force to -our children. There have been moments in the last few months when the fate of democracy the world over seemed to hang on a hair, chiefly because this Nation was unready, though warning had been plainly given by the events of the last few years.- Never again should this Nation risk Its life and the life of democracy in the world at large by such heedlessness of danger. Now, when the cloud seems to be lifting, is the time to take that lesson home. One of the greatest of the many great services which Colonel Roose velt has rendered to his country is that he has never rested from lifting up his voice in exhortation and warn ing. Now, when all recognize the truth of what he has said during the last four years, the people again in cline to him and heed him. GERMAN A DEAD LANGUAGE. Nothing short of profound contempt for all the Institutions of a nation which has placed itself without the pale of civilization could have accom plished the sweeping results noted in the movement to discontinue the teaching of the German language in the schools of- the United States. A recent survey made by John Walker Harrington, the results o'f which arc recorded In the New York -Times, shows that instruction In the German tongue has fallen off between 50 and 65 per cent in America since the war began, and that by the opening of school in September It will be near the vanishing point. Official action hostile to teaching German has been taken either by state or local authorities in thirty-six of the forty-eight states of the Union This is a three-fourths vote, but it does not adequately measure popular disapproved, because In the other states the language Is disappearing from currlculums through failure of pupils to elect it. There Is already a practically total absence of German study In the elementary schools of all the states. It is being dropped from high schools except where students are completing work for college credits, and normal courses In the Sumnfer schools this season were gen erally abandoned for lack of applica tions. Efforts to Induce colleges and uni versitles to withdraw credits for- Ger man for entrance to the freshmen classes have not been altogether suc cessful, but it is plain that the Ger man classes in institutions of higher learning will be depleted by natural methods within a few years. The "language of Schiller and Goethe" is being eclipsed by French and Spanish in the cultural field and by these and Russian and the Oriental languages where the ruling motive of the stu dent Is utilitarian. When Germany elected to substitute "kultur" for cul ture, It forfeited its right to a place among the moral and Intellectual leaders of the world. Virtual abolition of the study of German is not a mere ebullition of chauvinism. A certain amount of animosity toward all things Teutonic was to have been expected as a result 'of German conduct, but the language movement has a deeper foundation. It is now realized that we have been playing Into the hands of German propagandists for a long while. For illustration, the following passage from the official quarterly of the League for , Germanism in Foreign Lands: . -. - Work rendered. In the Interest or the German school Is a noble service rendered to the German nation, for the most effective means of perpetuating Germanism in for eign lands Is the school. Within its sacred walls the strarrge land is transformed for children and teachers and parents Into- a fatherland. It has required a National crisis to awaken us to the fact that an attempt was being made systematically to de nationalize us. That is at the bottom of the whole anti-German language movement. We do not want to "per petuate Germanism," since we have discovered Just 'what Germanism really is. WHERE IS HE? It would be interesting to discover what has become of the dyed-in-the-wool hobo who was so numerous only few years ago. It is not probable that he has been shamed into going to work, for he has usually been im pervious to moral suasion, and his numbers have not been appreciably changed by industrial conditions. - In busy season and slack, he -used to keep on the move, proud in his boast that he never had worked and never would work. -, - But It is now clear that he has gone somewhere for he no longer knocks at back doors, he is missing from the railroads and travel on the turnpikes does not account for him. , For years, particularly In the West, he was a type, always lazy, always roving, but not often criminal. His wants were few, constant change of scene being chief among them. Small communi ties used to temporize, with him, be cause it was cheaper to pass. him along than to feed - him at. the public ex pense. But now he . has practically dlsap peared, without leaving a trace behind him. TTTTrN'G MISFITS. The new undertaking of the Young Men's Christian Association, which proposes to get at the bottom of the problem of the human misfit, to read Just the life of the man who is living a "practically useless and non-efflclent existence, as the news story expresses It, and to equip him for a definite task in the world, recognizes one of the defects In the present educational system and seeks to repair the damage done before It is too late. One of the world's sad sights, especially lit these times when there are so many calls to service, is the man who has failed to find his niche. Not all such men are lazy, and some even possess ambl tion of a kind, but for one reason or another they are out of Joint with the times. They are employed in uncon genial or unprofitable occupations, they look bitterly upon those who have succeeded where they have failed, and .they attribute their own shortcomings to every cause but the right one. In this effort the service depart ment of the Y. M. C. A., of which Mr, Acheson is the head, will not be much guided by a standard literature. There Is overproduction of books purporting to tell mAi "how to succeed," and a dearth of practical formulas offering any definite promise of a cure. Effi ciency seems to be a favorite topic for the inefficient to write upon. The how-to-succeed" books fail to help the unfortunate to understand himself, which they should do first of all; they do not aid him In taking hold of a tangible reality; they furnish no start ing point. When a man with no par ticular vocation, or a vocation for which he is entirely unsuited, has read one of them he is as much be wlldered as before. It is not uncommon to come upon an advertisement in the Situations Wanted" column of any newspaper, In which the advertiser betrays lack of aim in every line. There is often a real tragedy in such a phrase as. "Will some one give employment of any kind to a willing young man? Can do anything: is handy with tools.' For the fact is, as any employer knows, that "can do anything" means can do nothing well enough to count. and willingness alone does not atone for utter lack of ability to do some one thing well. Not many replies arc received by advertisers of this class. The employer who reads the column usually has definite Ideas of what he wants. He is not impressed. The willing young man goes jobless, and if he is tempted sometimes falls Into a career of crime. The world in normal times Is filled with the type of young man who, if he were thrown out of his present em ployment, would not know what kind of a Job to look for. When he left school he took the first work that was offered to him. It may have been washing bottles, or driving a Jitney, or wrapping parcels. His immediate superiors have troubles of their own and no pains Is taken with his further training. He lacks initiative, and In the first dull season he is laid off. Subsequent experiences are repetitions of the first. There comes a time when he is a man with the working capacity of a boy. Unemployment Is not al ways the' gravest phase of his exist ence. Sometimes he falls into a rut in uncongenial work which he is afraid to leave for fear that he will starve, The problem Is highly individual and the first necessity is a eoncrete system of self-analysis' under the dl rection of vocation experts. It is pos sible to learn more about a man than he knows himself by some of the modern methods in vogue. He will be asked a series of questions seemingly unimportant in themselves, but which taken together will furnish a clew to where the trouble lies. The experts will want to know, if he had oppor tunity to attend a prizefight, a lecture on psychology or a minstrel show, .which he would choose, and why. - It will not necessarily be to his discredit that he does not prefer the lecture. He will be asked a good many ques tions about his dissatisfaction with his former employment. It may be that he is a bookkeeper - who grows so weary at his work that he cannot plan ahead.after the day is done. It may be, and it often Is, true that he only needs physical training or spec tacles that fit his eyes. Little things have often proved turning points in the lives of men. It is not enough merely to send one to another "job, for which he may be as unfitted as he was for his last one. The plan is to awaken his interest, to surprise him into revealing the secret of hi apathy, and then to lead him until he has developed strength to walk alone, A difficulty which confronts the vo catlonal expert is the Inability of th misfit to estimate, himself with even approximate accuracy. Curiously enough, the failures in life nearly al ways think that th0V hflVO flnntmanv AfV,, Aa-navmantm Hue I Man everything needful to succeed; it is hick that is against them. The scien- tific vocational questionnaire sets traps for such as these. "Would you rather lead or follow In" an adventure?" Is asked. The answer always is, "Lead." Are you Intensely energetic?" Nine answers out of ten are "Yes." Away down on the list comes the question. What do you do when you have lelsVre time?" More than one "ener getic" young man, who thinks he was born to lead in Important affairs. quite betrays himself by such an an swer as "Rest." Self-candor, as dis tinguished from morbid Introspection, requires the element of surprise. But It is believed that a set of questions can be devised which at least will furnish a working basis . for further examination. The self-analysis chart is an at tempt to "seek back through a man's life to a point where he made choices naturally." The next step In the plan is to enlist the aid of men of reason able success and genuinely sympa thetic nature In the vocation which It is thought the "patient" should con sider. All the data available are put at the disposal of the selected friend. At this point the scheme becomes a kind of "big brother" movement, with the practical advantage that a scien tific diagnosis has been made before the cure Is attempted. Much will be accomplished if the new department succeeds in awaken ing in the misfit the spirit of the emigrant, the confidence of the pio neer. The emigrant one time in his life cut loose from everything to which he was accustomed and struck out Into newi strange world. The misfit Is asked to emigrate in a slightly differ ent sense. If the spirit- of adventure can be aroused in him, and the Inhi bitions of the past removed, he will have been in a sense reborn. It is not altogether because the new is a land of special opportunities that the eml grant so often succeeds, but partly because of changes . within himself. The movement is fascinating In its possibilities highly promising In the hands of men, not too much given to theorizing, and particularly interest ing at this time because of the prob lem which will confront the country when the men of our Army return to civil life. It would be a fine thing for the country if demobilization could be accomplished without adding to the number of vocational misfits already demanding consideration. ARMY CHAPLAINS. News that the second term of the training school for Army chaplains Is now drawing to a close at Louisville will convey to a good many persons for the first time the information thai there is in the Army an educational Institution devoted exclusively to fit ting men for the peculiarly exacting duties of this branch of the service. Those who have had a vague notion that the chaplain was chiefly a preacher while In the Army, as he may have been out of It, and that his principal duties consist of holding per functory services on Sundays and con ducting burial rites for the dead, will revise their opinions upon contact with the facts. Not only the increase of our regiments In numerical strength, but growing realization of the value of moral farces' in the making of a good soldier,' has made the chaplain's office Increasingly important. As to the kind of man likely to make an efficient chaniam, experience has shown that he ought to be in gen eral such a one as would' make a good officer In another branch, with a cer tain understanding of the mental and spiritual needs of men substituted for the other's technical military skill. The indefinable quality which we call "leadership" he must possess, as a matter of course, and It is essential that he shall be courageous and shall inspire the confidence of his men. It is rather necessary that he shall be physically fit in the highest degree, for he will be called upon to share hardships common to the command. He must be practically indefatigable, for with our regiments of three thou sand men and never more than two chaplains to a regiment, there is al ways a call upon his time and energy, It is unnecessary that he shall be either an eloquent pulpit orator or a preacher of the evangelist type, but he must possess the "solid virtues and carry them in a way that arouses the spirit of emulation. The right kind of chaplain will have opportunities for doing good such as are given to few men in a lifetime. The perfunctory one might better have remained at home. The list of virtues which are not only desirable but essential would seem to constitute a rather large order to fill, but, fortunately, there seems to be no lack of material. The call" Is still heard, and the spirit of consecration exists In Increasing abun dance. It is so plain by this time that this war Is a .deadly serious busi ness that no man who is looking for an easy berth is likely to offer him self. Even the chaplain's Job is no place for a non-reslstlng pacifist, and more than one chaplain has already given his life on the battle front. It is not expected that he shall fight with gun and sword, but he must be of the type who the boys believe would brave any peril for their sakes. The kind, of chaplain whom the soldiers like to shield from danger is the one who does not ask them to do it. The school for chaplains is sugges tive in the respect that it points to the need of special training for every branch of service these days. There is a technical Bide to pretty nearly every thing, even a chaplaincy. And another thought which obtrudes itself is that the benefit is far from being onesided. The -training and experience will greatly Increase the capacity for use fulness of the minister after peace is restored. It will be a privilege to be able, in the years to come, to address some millions of men as comrades of the great war, and these men will be no more than human if some of them do not listen Just a little more respect fully to the preacher who has been one of them. The chaplaincy in the Army is not only an opportunity for present service, but the open doorway to a permanent career. Until recently we associated the use of the tractor In farming , with such grains as wheat, oats, rye and barley, but recent demonstrations In the corn belt have shown that It Is valuable there. - The fact tht the tractor Is not regarded as profitable upon plantings of less' than 130 acres, and that its economies are most apparent where the acreage exceeds 200, has had a desirable tendency to cause increase of planted areas. It is not difficult to Induce a farmer to increase his planting, where he owns the land, where it can be shown that not only his gross Income but also his profits per acre will be considerably in creased. One o the chief advantages of the tractor In- the corn belt lies in its superior ability to work in heavy ground. It cannot supplant horses in I greatly reduce the number required J for the farm. It Is particularly en- couraging to know that farmers gen erally are mastering the mechanical problems involved. . . ; WAK TRAFSHOOTIXO. Those German newspapers which think American soldiers are using shotguns In their raids because they lack skill with the rifle will be unde ceived when our wing shots get to the front. An enthusiastic sportsman who writes in the Scientific American says that a shotgun in the hands of an ex perienced quail hunter would "nail every hjtnd grenade rising from a Ger man trench and kick it back." The grenade would be struck within five yards of the throwing trench every time and probably would explode to the great discomfiture of the thrower. Even the adept at clay pigeons, un known angles, would find it a sport ing 'proposition either hit the bomb or be killed by It. And there are trap shooters in nearly every community who could make a hit nearly every time. The fly In the ointment Is the "nearly." It would be a kind of sport in which it would be fatal to miss. JAMES BCCHANAJf AXD THE TJNIOX A proposal to erect a statue to James Buchanan, fifteenth President of the United States, in Washington, led to a sharp discussion In the Senate recently on the motives and services of Buchanan to his country, in, the ante-bellum period, and provoked out right assault on his loyalty by Senator Lodge of Massachusetts, although the scholarly representative of the New England state later sought to modify the gravity of his accusation by the statement that the disloyalty was in his acts and not In his intent, dis tinction which he did not make entirely clear, possibly because it does not exist. An able and thorough, if not entirely convincing, defense of -Bu chanan was undertaken by Senator Knox.. of Pennsylvania the state from which Lincoln's predecessor came. It is curious and instructive to note that the debate was confined entirely to Republican Senators. Just as many of whom arrayed themselves on Bu chanan's side as assailed him. The Democratic Senators remained silent; but It must have been a source of sat isfaction to them that to the President who closed the long era of National control by the Democratic party be fore the continuous Republican Inter regnum which ended only with the election of Cleveland in 1S84 there was an attempt to do historic Justice) by many members of a party opposed to him. The resolution " to perml: placing of the statue, from funds be queathed by Harriet Lane, a niece of Buchanan, was adopted by a vote of 51 to 11, of whom all the latter were Republicans but one Hitchcock of Nebraska. The controversy over Buchanan at another time would have excited great Interest, and probably have revived something of the rancorous dispute throughout the Nation which has al ways attended consideration of his record. But the newspapers, owing doubtless to press of war news, gave it but little space and the decision of the Senate was accepted quietly, prob ably with the thought by the public that it is well to bury forever all per sonal and political resentments 'over the civil" war and Its causes. Yet It may be doubted if a plan to memo riallze In Congress the life and career of Jefferson Davis, conspicuous as they were even before the great Na tional breach, would now be so piaciaiy received; nor is there any sign that it will be attempted. Senator Lodge's address was a cita tion of many biographical authorities and of official documents, with the testimony of publlo men who had a share in the disturbing; events of the late days of the fifties. Buchanan had had a long, honorable and even distinguished public record before his election to the Presidency In 1856. He was born In Pennsylvania in 1791. so that he was 65 years old when he was made President, oldea than any other before or since except Jackson in his second term. In his early days he was a federalist, but he became a Democrat, had legislative experience, was elected Representative In Con gress, was minister to Russia, then U. 8. Senator for ten years, until made Secretary of State under Polk- period that covered the Mexican war and the Oregon question. fn1853 he was nominated by Tierce minister to Great Britain and there he signed the Ostend manifesto, proposing the pur chase, or if necessary the conquest, of Cuba by the United States. It was a project highly pleasing to the South ern Democracy, then engrossed In its schemes of territorial extension to preserve the National balance in the interest of slavery. It led to his nomination and election as President. During peaceful times, James Bu chanan might have been a capable President. But in the storm that broke over slavery, his hand at the tifler was too feeble to steer the ship of state Into calm waters. No one indeed could have done it by concilia tion or negotiation; but the thought, training and affiliation of Buchanan identified him with the Southern De mocracy, and in the development of the National consciousness against slavery and the National will for the Union, he was not able to maintain either himself or sustain his party in power. Buchanan, a lawyer, and very able one, was a strict constitu tionalist; and his interpretation was in accord with the great body of le&al opinion of the time, which found war rant for human slavery, and for state rights, and failed to regard the Fed eral power and interest as supreme The favorite theory was that the Fed eral Government and the state gov ernments represented co-ordinate and harmonious sovereignties, each su preme in its own field; but in the end the attempt to define the separate jurisdictions of the two necessarily broke down. Buchanan was for the Union, however. There is no reason able doubt of It- He declared in his last, annual message,- and In other public expressions, against secession and he had undoubtedly an earnest conviction that the Union should be preserved. But he took the anomalous position strange now, but familiar then, and shared, by a very large num ber of publlo men and other citizen! that while a state had no right to secede, the Federal Union had no right or power of coercion against secession. This was the central thought of his famous farewell message In 1860, af ter Lincoln had been elected, and while Buchanan was the Presidential locum tenens. "I think." said Senator Seward "that the President has proved two things: (1) that no state has a right to secede unless it wishes to; and (2) that It is the President's duty to en force the law unless somebody op poses him." President Buchanan, facing the re volt of South Carolina, had received , from that state a demand to turn over the National property within the star limits, and he had declined, with some show of firmness, and with a declara tion of purpose to execute the laws. It was here that Buchanan, who had followed the general course defined by the secession members of his Cabi net Lloyd, Cobb, Thompson broke away and Joined with Black, Dix, Holt and Stanton, who were for the Union. Meanwhile General Cass, Sec retary of State, had resigned in sheer disapproval of the December message, which Indeed pleased neither North nor South; and the Southern members,- too, left, and the President con tented himself with a policy of mark ing time - until President Lincoln should relieve him. Meanwhile, he had suffered his disloyal Secretary of War to divert a great part of the Na tional properties to the South an act which was probably without Buchan an's knowledge, or at least without a thorough appreciation of Its intent. Senator Knox's defense of Bu chanan was largely a reproduction of the approving Judgment of various commentators his biographer, George Tlcknor Curtis, a New Englander, chief among them and a showing that the Buchanan course was pre cisely the policy proclaimed and adopted by -President Lincoln in the early days of his administration. He was anxious to avoid civil war, and so was-Lincoln; he was willing to con ciliate the South if possible, and so was Lincoln: and he was determined not to be the first to shed human blood, but so was Lincoln. It is not to be forgotten that so great a voice of the Republican party as Horace Greeley would have "let the way ward sisters depart in peace." and there was a powerful sentiment every where to avoid war. Senator Knox was able to make a remarkable case for Buchanan, quoting many strong expressions for the Union and even for the assertion of the Federal power, But Senator Lenroot countered with a quotation from Buchanan's anomalous December message and another from Lincoln's Inaugural address. Said President Buchanan: Without descending to particulars. It mar be safely asserted that the power to make war against a state is at variance- with the whole spirit and Intent of the Constltu tlon. Suppose such a war should result in the conquest of a state; how are we to gov ern it afterwards? Shall we hold It as province and govern It by despotic power? In the nature of things, we could not by puysical force control the will off the peo- pie ana compel tnem to elect senators ana Representatives to Congress and to perform all the other duties depending upon their own volition and required from the free citizens of a free state as a constituent member of the Confederacy, But It we possessed this power, would It be wise to exercise It under existing circumstances? The object would doubtless be to preserve the Union. War would not only present the most effectual means of destroying It. but would banish all hope of its peaceful re construction. Besides, in the fraternal con flict a vast amount of blood and treasure would be expended, rendering future recon dilation between the states Impossible. Said President Lincoln: In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow countrymen, and not In mine, la the mo mentoui Issue of civil war. The Govern ment will not assail you; you can have no conflict without being yourselves the sg- gressors.- You have no oath registered In heaven to destroy the Government, while 1 shall have the most solemn one to "pre serve, protect and defend it. There can be no doubt about the meaning and intent of Lincoln, which was to throw the onus of war upon the South, but to resist with force; while the Buchanan declaration was a plain invitation to secession. It has been said that It is unfair to weigh Buchanan and his administra tion in the clouded and hostile light of his time or by the partisan Judg ment of his critics. It is true. It is Just to remember, however, in any at tempted parallel between his policies and Lincoln's, that Lincoln was elected In protest against the purposes and principles of the party which elected Buchanan, and with the avowed de sign of defeating and reversing them. It was inevitable that a President elected as Buchanan was, and sur rounded as Buchanan was by repre sentatives of the South, should be in harmony with the general Intent of his party unless he was willing to break with the leaders and confound the democracy. He did neither. He sought a middle course, and he failed. Andrew Jackson rose to his full stat ure as a President and as a loyal de fender of the Union and supporter of his oath when he struck nullification dead in the designed secession of South Carolina at the "threshold of treason" he called It. 'Buchanan as Senator was a firm and effective fol lower and adviser of Jackson; yet he profited nothing by the example of the Illustrious Democrat. The strength, of the Liberty motor does not lie in adaptability to every kind of aircraft, but in the fact that It Is machine-made and standardized, making quantity production possible. It is In this field that Americans excel. Nothing is gained by making extrava gant claims' which cannot be Justified by events. The truth about the Lib erty motor Is good enough. We can sympathize with the Rus sians who are reported to be suffering from a famine in shoes. At the rate they are rising in price In this country only shlpworkers and millionaires will be able to buy them before long. There will be Joy among the ban tams over the ruling which lets men five feet tall Into the Army. If sol diers were measured by the Inch. Na poleon never would have been heard from. Write cheerful letters to the boys In the trenches, or else don't write. If they can endure trench life, the people at home have no troubles to tell them that are worth mentioning. It need not be forgotten that every day Is still thrift stamp day. When in doubt about what to do with a quarter, buy a thrift stamp. If still in doubt, buy another. . The confirmed loafer is finding It more and more difficult to keep from working. It is a Jolt to some fellows to find that even money will not save them. The long-expected "surprise blow"' on the .western front was a surprise, all right, but pot the kind the Crown Prince thought it was going to be. Turkey and Bulgaria quarreling over the spoils of war furnish a fine ex ample of counting chickens before they are hatched. Rain has been falling at various places several hundred miles around Portland, but the city remains an Is land of drought. A good way to tickle the vanity of a middle-aged man is to -ask him for his registration card. "Wnale pot roast" sounds better when we have read on to "ten cents a pound, The Peripterous. Pertpterous A Structure Having R" of Columns on All Sides. Dictionary. (Synopsis of preceding synopses.) The Oreconlan. a great morning news paper, employs a distinguished literary architect to construct a peripterous. Ke does It- It has rows of columns on east. west, north and south. The Peripterous becomes a Free Auano um for che expression of incompetent. Ir relevant and immaterial opinion, new verse and anecdotes. TOO TRUE TOO TRCPi. Oh, McAdoo, oh. McAdoo. is there anything else that you can do? Liberty bonds we get from you. For war-tax drags vou arlve the cue. We cannot ride on the fast choo-choo Without the consent of MoAdoo. Oh, McAdoo, oh. McAdoo. is mere anything else that you can do? Woodrow's captain, you're the crew. All or his orders you put through. Tou give us the pep and we kerchoo! Oh. W. S. a McAdoo. Ob, McAdoo. oh. McAdoo, is mere anything else that you can doT When the kid waked up with a loud boo-hoo. Say. dldja walk the long night through? If you ne er did that, for you, pooh- pooh ! You don't know what work Is, McAdoo. JOB, e e THAT PUZZLIXO FREXCH. It was on the Associated Press cir- cult and war news was on the wire: "Elite German armies are engaged e "Hnw many German armlesT" -ELITE." "How many is that?" editor asks. "How do I know? Send a message." see PAT IS PriZLED. "Ireland Is bitterly opposed to con scrlptlon." News Item. A quart thing I'm seein the rr.orntn". And faith. I can't think that Its rolKht; The hidlines the paypers adornln That Irlshniln don't want to folght. Sure. Ireland's proudest tradition Is "ffflsrht at the dhrap of the hat"; For foightlng is is our ambition. No schpalpeen can bate us at that. Why.' aven the cats of kllkenny Fought till they Intirely were gone; You're knowln' that there wasn't any To carry the scrlnimagih on. Amerlky now is a nation. The peace-lovln' wan on the map, A country wid no reputation For schtarting a bit of a scrap. But dhrafted mln, lauerhln" and Jokln. A soight that Is good for sore eyes; Their friends, tho wld grafe they are chokin", A waving thim schmllin' good-byes. They've tackled the Job, and they'll do It Widout any whlnln' or fuss. And har-red as it Is they'll go through it Are Yankees, then, braver than us? I'll ntver. no nlver belave it, Whatlver the paypers they say That bllssed old Ireland. God save it. Is shirking her Juty today. Addle Antrim Snook. RIdgefield. Wash. The Practical Mind. A correspondent who signs the name Equal Rights" writes to say that, as one who has to do all his smoking in the garage on one day of the week in order that the color and natural odor of the lace curtains in the house may be preserved, he Is opposed t smoke less Tuesdays. "If worst comes to worst, and it couldn't be much worse." remarks Equal Rights, "let s make It Sunday." - Bat tbe Flsb. AVaa Not Ssreetnei. He worked hard and earnestly to put Portland "over the top" in the liberty loan. Red Cross and other drives. Em ploys labor and encourajtes it In every way to economise and buy war bonds and stamps. The Government had re quested abstemiousness In the use of sugar, but this was two weeks before they took the sugar bowl away from us. His lunch consisted of: One glass of iced tea. One small piece of fried halibut. One dish of rice over which had been poured a sweetened sauce. One large slice of layer cake with a very sweet filling. One section (one-quarter) of sweet ened berry pie- Two thin ellces of bread with one mall pat of butter. Four heaping teaspoonf uls of sugar went into the tea, followed by the Juice from a quarter section of lemon. This was left lightly stirred and. as sugar melts slowly in a cold liquid, most of it remained in the glass. Five spoonfuls of sugar went on top of the sweetened rice and four more on the berry pie. The cake and fish man aged to escape. G.H. OVIl HAIR-TRIGGER. POETS. It was Thursday evenlnar. The news of the great American offensive was still hot. It was also the time of the regular monthly meeting of the Socie ty for the Suppression of War Poetry. The discussion turned to the deplor able state of unpreparedness In which the war found this otherwise great and glorious nation. It was freely admitted by the few undismayed and still coura geous members of the society encaged In this noble undertaking that the gen eral state of unpreparedness had not extended to the poets. They were ready. Almost at the Instant that this prop osition went to unanimous vote, a epe clal messenger brought In the follow-. lng from Mr. Louis C Miller. It had al ready been endorsed and approved by the National Board for the Suppression of the Metric System. PERSHING'S DRIVE. Oh! listen to my story. It will not take long to tell. How the Kaiser In his glory. Saw the lurid fires of Hell. When Pershing bucked the Una. Like a peacock on its perch. Sat the Kaiser on his throne. He was Lord of all creation. Claimed the universe for his own, When Pershing bucked the line. There was neither parley nor old guff; The drive it started and ended mighty quick. Bill the Kaiser, he had to stand the gaff; And I'm telling you it made him aw ful sick, When Pershing bucked the line. Now the Kaiser he Is happy. In his cottage by the sea. But he often does get snappy,, When telling of the power h to be, Before Pershing bucked the line. FUslsg aa Usual. ABERDEEN. S. D. John P. Smull. editor of the Summit Independent. Is a sportsman and a lover of Nature, and all that, but he questions If a recent fishing expedition taken by him paid In dollars and cents. Smtill belongs to an organization known as "The Truth ful Fisherman's Society," and submits the following report: Cost of trip, (5.50; fish caught, bass. 0; pike, 0; pickerel, 0; croppies. 0: perch, 2; weight of fish. 1 pound; value of fish; 10 cents; miles rowed, 800. Publishers' Auxiliary.