The Sunday Oregonian., January 21, 1917, SECTION THREE, Page 6, Image 40

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THE SUNDAY OREGOXIAX, PORTLAND, JANUARY 21, 1917.
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PORTLAND, StSDAI, JANUARY SI, 1917.
THE BAR SINISTER.
One result of the war in Europe, in
all probability, will be to remove the
world-wide stain from the Innocent
illegitimate child who is now made
to suffer by the canons of society, and
this will come about not altogether
because there is a serious change of
opinion, one way-or the other, on the
part of the people, but rather because
the problem has become so great that
it can be met in no other way. The
number of illegitimate children is now
said to be enormous, by comparison
with other years. In the days of the
reconstruction, when the demand for
lives to fill the gaps is so strong, it
is not conceivable that people will
insist, as they often do now, that each
child shall .produce the marriage cer
tificate of his parents. The new child
will be accepted for what he is, and
will be on the same plane with, all
other children. In this way war,
which belongs to barbarism, will do
a real service In wiping out one of
the relics of barbarism, for whatever
may be said of the condemnation of
parents who sin, there can be no Jus
tification for the odium that in many
times and places has attached to the
Innocent one in the transaction
It Is a startling fact, however, as
asserted a few days ago at a confer
ence of the Women's Legislative Con
gress of Illinois, held in Chicago, that
3000 illegitimate children are born
every year In that city alone a con
dition that does not have the war in
Europe as a possible excuse and that
other large cities of the United States
are far from guiltless, as shown by the
vital statistics. It is also worthy of
note that strong Influences are already
being brought to bear in America to
revise the statutes on the whole sub
ject, with a view of giving the illegiti
mate child all of the rights that mor
ally belong to him. These are now
limited in many states. His right even
to a name in many cases still Is re
stricted as it was under the common
law of England, "until he has acquired
one by reputation," while in others
his right to support from either of his
parents beyond a relatively tender age
has been left vague. It is quite cer
tain that conditions such as these in
the United States will be corrected as
one of the results of the change in the
public attitude in the countries across
the sea.
That the bar sinister has not always
been a handicap Is shown by many ex
amples in history, of which a few will
suffice for the point. The most fa
mous of all the illegitimate sons of
a thousand years ago was William the
Conqueror, son of a Duke of Nor
mandy, whose mother was a tanner's
daughter. His life showed that he
wasted no time repining over his un
happy lot. Indeed, it is said he gloried
in it. John of Austria, whose father
was Charles V, but whose mother was
the daughter of a plain citizen, was
another. It was he who defeated the
Turks in the famous sea battle of
Iepanto, and whose ambition to res
cue Mary, Queen of Scots, and make
himself King of the island of Britain
was a picturesque event in early his
tory. John the Great of Portugal,
who inaugurated the heroic age for
his country, was still another. Jean
Dunois made a great military mark in
the world despite the so-called draw
back of illegitimacy. Alexander Du
mas is a conspicuous example in the
literary world, being the sori of a
French General and a Haitien negress
who had not bothered themselves
about the formality of a marriage
ceremony. Leonardo da Vinci's con
spicuous genius as a sculptor was not
the less recognized because of the bar
sinister on his escutcheon. These in
stances show that the exceptional man
is not held back by such a misfortune
of his birth, but they are not an argu
ment against a reform in the direction
of simple justice in modern times.
Civilized society is sometimes slow
In its reforms, as a result of the Innate
conservatism that characterizes in
particular the peoples of the so-called
Anglo-Saxon stock. The Roman law
was as a matter of fact in advance of
the English common law for some
centuries, and it is the basis of some
of the laws in states in the United
States today. The common law gave
the illegitimate no right of inherit
ance, but on the other hand his own
heirs at law could only be those who
were directly descended from him.
Having no father, he could have no
brothers or sisters, in the view of
those times. This is modified by local
statutes in our own country, so that
the right to inherit from the mother
is sometimes recognized, and the
mother, to make things even, is per
mitted to inherit from her illegitimate
child as next of kin. It has taken
some hundreds of years to bring
even these noderate changes about.
Originally, support of the child de
volved in the first instance upon the
mother, but there grew out of the
public necessities of the situation pro
vision for compelling the father. If
he were known, to contribute various
amounts for varying periods of time,
according to the views of the local
legislators as to about how much re
lief the community ought to have un
der the poor laws. It is a curious
fact that does not reflect much credit
on our ancestors, that statutes to this
effect grew out of the theory, not that
the child was entitled to the support of
the father, but that the taxpayers
ought to be relieved of the burden.
There is undoubtedly developing, as
has been said, a changing sentiment
toward the illegitimate child. It will
do well if it results in the liberalizing
of laws on the subject, and better yet
if it goes further and removes the
last vestige of taint toward the child
existing in the public mind. As
to the standing of the parents under
the new dispensation, it would take a
daring prophet even to attempt to
make a forecast. It may be that we
are tending toward the "single stand
ard," which would be morally ideal,
and it may be that once more we are
acting only under the pressure of
necessity. It is not for us as a people
to take too much credit for high mo
tives. The records have an uncom
fortable way of rising to confound
our claims. -
SALEM.
The indurated calm of the solemn
city of Salem, Mass., has been sadly
shaken by a barbarian proposal from
the capital city of Oregon that it
change its name. To be specific, the
iconoclastic manager of .the -Salem
(Or.) Commercial Club has ventured
to suggest to . the venerable fathers
of the Massachusetts Salem that it
adopt some other title, owing to the
general confusion by the public as to
the exact locale of the two Salems.
The irreverent suggestion has created
consternation, not to say horror, in
Massachusetts. Evidently the uncouth
West is laboring under a strange mis
understanding, for is not Massachu
setts the exclusive habitat of the one
and original Salem? It is, in the
aristocratic Judgment of ancient Sa
lem, the ''venerable mother" of all
the Salems. Indeed, the Eastern
Mayor claims that proud distinction,
saying also, in his freezingly polite
letter of refusal, that "all are named
for this famous historical city of
Massachusetts."
Now let us see about that. The
heroic pioneers who came the plains
across seventy or eighty ' years ago
brought their Bibles with them, and
read them, to good purpose. They
found a fine site for a future metrop
olis on the banks of the Willamette,
sixty miles from the river's mouth,
and they sought to give it a fitting
name. They found in the Seventy-sixth
Psalm this passage:
In Jndah Is God known: his name Is rreat
!n Israel.
In Salem also Is his tabernacle, and his
dwelling place In Zion.
It is Impossible "now to identify
with certainty the seat of the original
Salem; but it is known that it had a
king, and his name was Melchizedek.
It is quite clear, however, that the
biblical Salem was not 4n Massachu
setts. Yet the first American Salem has a
fame peculiarly Its own. There, In
Puritan times, nineteen women were
hanged as witches. The odium of
that mighty atrocity has never been
quite lifted from Salem. After all.
there are reasons why the request
from the Oregon Salem to the Massa
chusetts Salem should have been given
consideration.
MEXICO'S NEED.
That one of the chief causes of
Mexico's present plight is the utter
absence of an educated "middle
class" to lead the peons In their fight
against their real oppressors is pointed
out by Dr. Charles William Dabney,
president of the University of Cin
cinnati, who is chairman of a com
mittee of twelve American educators
who have recently made a study of
the needs of that mhappy country.
The people of Mexico think their chief
need Is liberty, when as a matter of
fact It is, first of all, education. The
trouble is that when, as the result
of some local uprising, extension of
liberty does come for a time to a few,
they do not know how to use it. They
mistake it for license and by their
excesses do the cause of enduring lib
erty real harm.
Dr. Dabney points out with truth
that the only basis that there can be
for democratic government is an in
telligent, organized public opinion.
This does not exist in Mexico. Under
the conditions that have prevailed for
many years, the only leaders have
been the "feudal lords" and the only
political issues have been personal
ones the fights being waged between
the followers of this individual or that,
and not between the champions of
one principle or another. Instead of
campaigns intended to educate the
voters, as we havje them in the United
States, there are in Mexico processions
and rallies and demonstrations in
tended to impress the "common peo
ple" by their glitter and pomp. The
appeal of the Mexican politician is
not to the sense, but to the senses,
which is a far different thing.
American educators take a rather
hopeful view of the future of the ulti
mate capacity qr the Mexican people
for government. They note that in
the course of wide inquiry into the
character of these people, the only
pessimists found were among the
business and professional men of the
border states. This is accounted for
by the fact that they have come in
contact chiefly with the worst types
of Mexicans the poor laborer, the
border trader or smuggler and the cat
tle thief and bandit. The common
Mexican in his normal surroundings
is pictured as a far different being
from any of these. It is not contended
that he has at present much compre
hension of the duties of the citizen of
a free republic, but it is believed that
there is hope for him under wise lead
ership, accompanied by education that
will teach him eventually to discrimi
nate between leaders and to decide
between issues affecting the welfare
of his country-
As has been pointed out before In
discussion of the specific requirements
of an educational system in any coun
try, it is essential that there shall
also be education for leadership, as
well as for those who while content
to follow should be equipped with dis
criminating powers. The American
committee believes that- the greatest
service the people of the United States
can do for Mexico, therefore, is to
aid in its education not only in the
training of the people in the trades
and in agriculture but in the higher
forms of leadership. For the latter
purpose, a college of the type of Rob
ert College, of Constantinople, is sug
gested as an excellent working model.
This is a coMege on a foundation ap
proved by the people and the friends
of the country, but at the same time
independent of control by either
church or state. In this work it is
proposed that the people of the United
States shall take the lead. It is ad
mittedly not an easy task, but the
reward is great, in the satisfaction of
a good work well done, and in a
material way.
One of the most promising possible
fields for the budding young agricul
tural scientist to work in would be
the search for a substitute for sisal,
from which all our binder twine is
made and for our supplies of which
we are dependent on the Mexican
state of Yucatan. Sisal, or the fiber
of the heniquen plant, has recently
been advance! in price from a frac
tion over 7 cents to 14 cents a
pound, while for a long time prior to
the organization of the heniquen
monopoly on modern lines the price
ranged little above or below 5 cents
a pound. The most recent advance
meant $26,000,000 a year added to the
load of the American farmer. To be
acceptable, a substitute would need to
combine strength with moisture-resisting
quality and at the same time,
of course, be produced and made into
twine cheaply enough to enter natur
ally into competition with the sisal
now used. Yucatan has prospered
mightily at the expense of the United
States, and it is some satisfaction to
know that a good share of the money
we are sending there is being used
for education and other high public
purposes. Still, we would rather have
the money at home.
. PROHIBITION PROHIBITS, BIT
The old controversy as to whether
prohibition prohibits in Kansas will
not down. The New York Sun quotes
from Governor Capper's newspaper,
the Topeka Capital, reports of the dis
covery of 602 quarts of liquor in the
university town of Lawrence and the
destruction .of "between $5000 and
$8000 worth of liquor and gambling
paraphernalia at Independence." The
gutters ran with "beer, blackberry
cordial, brandy and whisky and the
air was redolent with the odor."
Possibly the word "prohibit" is not
definitely enough defined. An un
successful attempt to violate the law,
as evidenced by seizure and destruc
tion of liquors, may mean that prohi
bition is prohibiting.
Still we find in Governor Capper's
Inaugural address, delivered a few
days ago:
It is Intolerable that the United States
Government should arbitrarily override and
defy the sovereignty of the commonwealths
which hive prohibition laws. The Federal
Government Ignores the laws of our state
and for a consideration grants licenses to
men to conduct in Kansas a business which
our state statutes have outlawed. Indirectly,
it is aiding and abetting violations of our
state laws conniving with bootleggers and
outlaws In defeating the will of our own
people.
On the other hand, in his message
to the Legislature, presented a day or
two later, he avers that "prohibition
prohibits in Kansas, the press agents
and the booze makers to the contrary
notwithstanding."
Still the law needs to be strength
ened, he informs the Legislature. He
recommends that the Governor be
given authority to suspend any officer
charged with law enforcement who
fails to perform his duty; that City
Attorneys be given inquisitorial pow
ers; that publication of liquor adver
tisements be prohibited and newspa
pers and periodicals carrying them be
barred from the state, and that the
Legislature memorialize Congress,
pending adoption of a Federal dry
amendment, "to enact Federal laws
which will aid and assist states hav
ing prohibitory laws to enforce them."
It must not be forgotten, too, that
Kansas has contributed a new word
to the language. It is "jointist." The
Supreme Court of that state has lately
been called upon to define the differ
ence between, a "bootlegger" and a
jointist," which one might, at first
thought, consider somewhat of a su
perfluity in a state where prohibition
prohibits. Says the court: "When
a person establishes himself in a
definite place of business, where
by skillful legerdemain he can sell or
pretend to sell the innocent Juice of
the apple as well as beer, both "near"
and "far," and other intoxicants, the
niceties of the Kansas language des
ignate him as a "jointist" and no longer
in the plebeian class of "bootlegger
ism." " In other words, a "jointist" is
the keeper of a. "blind pig," a "speak
easy" or a "life-saving station."
Out of this confusion of conflicting
facts and statements we gain this con
clusion; The prohibition law in Kan-!
sas is something like the prohibition
law in Oregon. It prohibits, all right.
when discussed with its enemies; but
just between friends, it needs a
bone-dry amendment and Federal
assistance.
DANIELS NEEDS A SILENCER.
President Wilson has repeatedly in
vited the co-operation of big business
men with the Government. Many big
business men have expressed readi
ness to co-operate, have shown it by
their acts and invite Government reg
ulation of their business. But while
this disposition grows on both sides.
Secretary Daniels, who sits at the
President's elbow, is a spouting geyser
of suspicion, distrust and detraction.
Mr. Daniels has been unable to ob
tain bids for construction of the four
battle cruisers authorized by Congress
within the limit of price set by law.
The reason is plain, for prices of ma
terial and labor have advanced to un
precedented figures and t'.cilled labor
is scarce. Bidders are unable to guar
antee delivery of the ships within the
time limit set by law. The reason for
this also is plain, for shipbuilders are
crowded with work and have con
tracted their capacity far ahead, while
the sanie condition prevails 'in the
steel trade and the engine works
which must supply the material. Yet
when they ask higher prices and more
time than the law has provided, Mr.
Daniels protests "against the Govern
ment's being held up and made to
pay prices that have no relation to the
cost of material and labor." When
one company, which has been the
especial target of Mr. Daniels' asper
sions, reduces its bid and seeks to
vindicate itself before the public by
publishing the fact. Assistant Secre
tary Roosevelt says it was "the only
one" among those making such re
ductions "to use this fact for self
advertisement." Shipbuilders now retort to Mr.
Daniels' charge that they are trying
to hold up the Government by offer
ing to build the ships at cost plus 10
per cent or at a price which the Fed
eral Trade Commission decides to be
fair, but the Secretary asks Congress
to appropriate more millions to equip
more Navy-yards for shipbuilding and
for increased cost over the sum named
by Congress. Private yards cannot
guarantee completion in les than 4 6
months, but the Secretary proposes
to spend a year in constructing plants
and then to complete the ships in less
than that period, although the Navy
Department will have the same diffi
culty in procuring men and material
as embarrasses private yards.
Mr. Daniels combines unreasoning
disbelief in the good faith of business
men with overweening confidence in
his own ability to conduct-the big
business of shipbuilding. Even if it
were possible for the Government to
carry on a great industry as econom
ically as does" private enterprise, it
would be bad policy, from the view
point of National safety, to undertake
all the many enterprises which Mr.
Daniels wishes the Navy Department
to undertake. The war has proved
that a nation needs all that individual
enterprise can do in order to supply
a modern army and navy. It must
have numerous plants specially
adapted for making armament and
munitions, and it must divert thou
sands of other factories from the uses
of peace to those of war. Shipbuild
ers and armor makers offer to use
their plants as National assets, and
only by making fair terms with them
on the lines which, they have proposed
can the Nation be adequately equipped
ror defense. If Mr. Wilson desires the
co-operation of business men in pro
viding for the National defense, in
upbuilding industry and In expanding
foreign commerce, the first thing he
should do is to put a silencer on
Daniels.
THE VIRTUE OF SHAME.
Alameda, Cal., has adopted a plan.
in connection with its cleaning-up
movement, of placarding the premises
of its citizens with signs bearing the
words, "dirty." "very dirty." and the
like, to express the condemnation-of
the Board of Health of the condition
to which reference Is thus' publicly
made. The idea, of course. Is to
shame the owner, or tenant, into doing
the duty that he ought to do without
especial urging.
The Board of Health is armed with
full power, and tearing down the no
tices is heavily penalized. It is only
fair to say that it is not found neces
sary to make use of the system in
many instances, but it has proved ef
fective in stimulating among people
generally a new desire for an attract
ive city which we all want, if our
attention is called to it.
The force of example Is contagious.
as anyone who has traveled will real
ize, there being some cities that are
clean by habit and others that are
quite the reverse, and from the same
cause.
THE DARK FORCE IN RUSSIA.
The reported murder of Gregory
Rasputin brings into relief a trait of
the Russian people, which is the out
growth of their devotion to religion
and of their superstition. It Is not
confined to the ignorant, for. impostors
like Rasputin have been remarkable
for the influence they gained over the
imperial family and the nobility,
though the nobles have not scrupled
to play upon popular ignorance and
superstition in order to foist false
Czars upon the people for their am
bitious ends. Only the liberals among
the nobility and middle classes have
dared to tell the truth about Rasputin.
and they have been restrained by the
severe censorship imposed on them by
the press censor and the Holy Synod,
which forbid the least criticism of
the Czar.
Wonder at Rasputin's success In im
posing upon the ruling class in Rus
sia is enhanced by the reading of his
life story as related by George Ken
nan in the Outlook. He was born of
muzhik parents In a village -of West
ern Siberia, and as a boy received
only such education In the village
school as enabled him to write his
name and read the Bible. Rasputin
was not his family name; it was a
name which he assumed in later life.
and means a dissolute, licentious man.
In his youth he was a village drunkard
and hoodlum, but he developed into a
man of powerful physique and not un
pleasing appearance and was particu
larly attractive to women. When he
approached middle life, he fell in with
an itinerant preacher, and ostensibly
reformed and became converted. He
pursued the study of theology for two
years, went on a long pilgrimage and
on his return to Western Siberia be
came an itinerant preacher under the
name of Rasputin. By personal mag
netism, religious learning and reputed
holiness he exerted strong influence,
particularly over women. In 1905 he
went to Petrograd with letters, of in
troduction from the church author
ities to Bishop Theofan and Father
John of Cronstadt.
He was "well on the road to success
in less than three months," says Mr.
Kennan. The ladies of the higher
court circles took him up and he was
received as a welcome guest in the
salons "as a sort of apostle, who had
come as the bearer of new truth and
teaching," claiming authority from on
high to cleanse the world of its sins.
A throng of disciples, especially fe
male, "opened a wide arena for the
gratification of his lascivious propen
sities."
In the Winter of 1906-7 he was
presented to the Empress, and "his
influence with the imperial family be
came so strong that even nobles. Gen
erals and high officers of state who
desired promotion .or increase of sal
ary sought his intercession and sup
port." He would write his name .on
a scrap of paper and say to
petitioner: "Take this to so-and-so and
tell him that Gregory ordered it." He
was a frequent visitor to tle palace
"and was apparently on intimate
terms with both the Emperor and the
Empress," though "his relations with
women of high social position be
came an open scandal."
Early in 1909 an ecclesiastical court
ordered him to seclude himself for a j
year in a monastery and there "listen
to spiritual admonition," but .he did
not obey and the court made no at
tempt to enforce the order. In 1910
Bishop Theofan denounced him as
a hypocrite and Prime Minister Stoly
pin ordered him out of the city." He
disappeared and for two years nothing
was heard of him, but his disciples
interceded for him with such effect
that toward the end of 1911 he re
turned and became more powerful
than ever. "He became the favorite,
if not the adviser, of the Emperor and
Empress," and set up and pulled down
high church dignitaries.
While visiting his native village in
July, 1914, he was stabbed on the
street by a peasant woman, who said
she "wished to remove from this world
that false, infamous prophet, who has
led so many people astray, and who
has falsely instructed the Czar on
countless questions." The Czar sent
the court physician and one of the
Empress' ladies in waiting to icare for
him, and on his recovery he returned
to the capital as powerful as ever.
Rasputin's influence on Russia's
course in the war Is popularly re
puted to have been great. He is cred
ited with having caused the removal
of the Grand Duke Nicholas from
command of the armies and with hav
ing favored a separate peace with
Germany, and the Grand Duke is said
to have declared that, if Rasputin
fell into his hands, he would hang the
impostor.
The Czar is so prone to fall under
the influence of religious impostors
that Rasputin's death offers little pros
pect of his emancipation from such
malign power. Mr. Kennan mentions
"the monk Iliodor, whose influence
over the Czar was very great." An
other Rasputin may come to be the
actual ruler of Russia. The Duma and
the press have dared only to refer
vaguely to "dark forces'" that were
attempting to control Russia's policy.
The empire's best hope of Sfcscape
seems to be gradual transfer of polit
ical power to the people through the
Duma, but the tremendous obstacles
in the way of that change have been
made apparent by the fall of Trepoff
as Premier at the instigation of the
reactionaries.
The Czar, might have been expected
to take warnirfe from history against
impostors. If liirrow religious bigotry
had not obscured his Judgment. The
accession of the first Romanoff to
the throne was preceded by attempts
to place three successive false Czars
on the throne. After the death of
Czar Feodor, son of Ivan the Terrible,
in 159S, a man appeared at the head
of an army, claiming to be Dmitri,
brother of Feodor, who had been
strangled. He was hailed by the peo
ple as Czar and reigned for nearly a
year. - He was assassinated, but other
factions brought out two other false
Dmitris before Michael Romanoff was
finally elected Czar in 1613 as the
founder of the present dynasty.
The statement that Prince Felix
Yusupoff played the leading part in
the assassination of Rasputin was
positive, but a sketch of this noble
man's character in the New York
Times by an Oxford College chum
represents him as most unlikely to
have figured in such an affair, and
doubt has been raised as to whether
the impostor is actually dead. The
Yusupoff family is the most powerful
and important in Russia next to the
Romanoffs, and Felix is heir to its
vast wealth, but he seems to have
cared for nothing but social pleasure.
Yet he might have been provoked by
Rasputin's intrigues with women
rather than by patriotic or religious
motives. That he is close to the Czar
may be inferred from his marriage
to Princess Irene, daughter of the
Grand Duke Alexander Mlchaelovitch.
It is impossible to forecast events
in Russia when the country is dis
turbed by a struggle for constitutional
rule with a despot who is dominated
by such a fellow as Rasputin while
an enemy is strongly entrenched on
Russian soil.
TRACING AN ENDLESS CHAIN. .
It seems to be impossible to extin
guish one evil without allowing an
other to thrive. That is the inference
to be drawn from this remark of Mr.
Ward, of the United States Biological
Survey:
The number of rabbits has Increased
rapidly on account of the campaign which
has been waged against the coyotes, which
are the principal enemies of the Jackrabblts.
If we exterminate the jackrabbit.
what pest will thrive on which the
bunnies wage war? War is being
waged on rats, but they are scaven
gers as well as thieves and plague
carriers. If we exterminate them, we
must provide some means of doing
the useful work they have hitherto
done. We are trying to exterminate
flies and mosquitoes, but possibly they
render a useful service which has not
yet been discovered, and some new
means must be adopted for doing their
work as their numbers diminish to
ward extinction.
In making war on animal pests, we
seem to have begun following up the
links of an endless chain in the econ
omy of nature. Whither will it lead?
That is a study for scientists.
PREPAREDNESS FOR COMPETITION.
The minds of the American people
are turning more and more from
pleased contemplation of their new
prosperity, to the question whether It
will last when the rest of the world
settles down to the ways of peace.
In two years our industries have
cleared off debts, have expanded
plants, increased capacity, branched
out into new fields and have accu
mulated a cash surplus. New indus
tries have been established to render
us independent of foreign supplies for
some necessary commodities. The Na
tion has bought back $2,000,000,000
of its securities and has lent an equal
amount abroad, .yet has vastly more
capital available for its own business
and for expansion of commerce than
it had two years ago.
This is the result of our great ex
cess of exports during the last two
years. Can we continue this or even
a much smaller excess after the war?
Other nations will then enter the race
against us with the greater zest be
cause they will have a great gap to
cover, a heavier load to carry and will
be looking forward to a long period
of peace after having lived for decades
under a threatening war cloud.
We are well equipped in the respects
named, but they will be better trained
and organized for the largest and most
economical production than they have
ever been. Their male population will
be much reduced and they will be
more heavily taxed than ever, but it
may prove that the higher efficiency
of their surviving men, the develop
ment of women's latent abilities, the
more general use of labor-saving ma
chinery, more friendly co-operation of
capital and labor, closer co-ordination
of industries and other lessons of the
war may offset these disadvantages.
Judge K. H. Gary is a consistent
optimist about the American future,
but he harbors no illusions, and in
an interview with Henry C. Emery,
published in Collier's, he said:
These nations will not remain Inactive
or despondent or Indifferent. We shall see
the most active and persistent efforts to re
build and extend ind to succeed in the in
trnationHl race for supremacy that the
world has ever witnessed. From adversity
will come greater prosperity than ever be
fore. . Krom necessity will spring thought
and study and effort that will enable the
survivors to reach greater heights of suc
cess than have been supposed to be within
the reach of humankind. The peoples of all
the different countries, suffering in their
thoughts of the past, will be inspired to
greater exertions in their efforts for the
future.
In order to cut down their debts and
rebuild their Industries, European na
tions will reduce their- purchases and
do their utmost to increase their sales,
even at the sacrifice of profit. For
a time they must buy many of our
products, but they will do allJthey
can "to produce their own supplies
and buy only as little as they can get
along with where they can't produce."
As to manufactures, their capacity be
fore the war was sufficient for their
needs and left a surplus for export,
so that American prices were fixed by
the cost of imported goods. Their
export surplus is likely to be no less,
and may be more, after the war.
An article by A. Maurice Low in the
North American Review will do much
to dispel any illusions as to the na
ture and permanence of our great new
export trade. Comparing the first
seven months of 1914 and 1916,- he
shows that over 86 per cent of the
1916 total consisted of commodities
either designed for use in war or the
demand for which was stimulated by
war. Deducting these, he finds that
the normal increase for 1916 over
1914 would have been only $58,806.
000 instead of $1,700,000,000. The
difference between these two sums is
the war business, which will end with
peace. If we are to retain any part
of our lead over other nations, we
must develop peace trade to replace
this war trade, and must do so in com
petition with a Europe which has
been rejuvenated, reorganized and re
energized. How little advance we
have made in peace trade with Latin
America is apparent from Mr. Low's
statement that the increase was only
12.72 per cent.
Even under the strain of war. those
European nations which retain con
trol of the sea have increased their
exports to this country. During the
eleven months ending November,
1916, as compared with the same pe
riod of 1916, our Imports from France
increased from $67,935,657 to $9S,
404.909; from Italy from $47,105,500
to $55,445,970; from Great Britain
from $231,192,517 to $279,727,143;
from Russia in Europe from $2,037.
101 to $4,395,142. If these countries
have been able thus to increase their
sales to us while their industries are
largely engrossed in production of war
material, how much more will they
be able to sell when their entire en
ergy is turned to producing the things
which we and other peaceful nations
consume?
These considerations add cogency to
the opinions of Judge Gary as to the
measures of preparedness we should
take for the return of peace. Though
he Is executive head of the greatest
corporation in the United States, he
holds opinions which, coming from
a politician, would be considered rad
ical. He opposed price-fixing pools
in the steel trade. He inaugurated the
policy ofpublicity for the affairs of
great corporations. He advocated
Government regulation of industrial
corporations even to the extreme of
price fixing. He established insur
ance and pensions for employes and
j has made many of them stockholders
in his corporation. Me nas proved
himself capable .of viewing business
problems as a citizen, not merely as
a selfish moneymaker who is only
"out for himself."
He recommends first that the tariff
"be taken up promptly and on a
purely business basis without partisan
bias." He says "it would be as wrong
to use the threatened danger as a
means to secure excessive protection
as it .would be to fall to afford ade
quate protection." He would "estab
lish a line of Justice between producer
and consumer." He predicts that
Great Britain will abandon its free
trade policy and will do all In its
power to lessen its dependence on
American supplies. He considers anti
dumping legislation "good as far as it
goes, but not adequate to meet the
need." Europe will rely on its regu
lar tariff to prevent dumping, and we
must do the same.
Next in importance is the provision
of an adequate merchant marine. He
would have subsidies "If it is proved
that subsidies are needed," but "the
first step is the repeal of existing laws
hampering the chance of develop
ment," including the La Follette act
and any other restrictions which deter
capital. On this point he said:
The time has come when the need of
sufficient transportation facilities In our own
hands Is felt more than ever by large ex
porting concerns. The need for American
commerce is so great that we should not
be afraid of subsidies if they should prove
necessary.
It will devolve upon the President,
the several commissions which have
Government relations with business in
charge, and finally upon Congress to
provide the economic defenses of
American industry and commerce.
That those defenses may be adequate,
they must cast aside political consid
erations and prejudices. If they fail,
our new wealth is likely to vanish as
rapidly as it has come, and the close
of President Wilson's second term As
likely to find us suffering from de
pression equal to our present pros
perity. Mr. Vopicka. Is exonerated of the
charge of unneutrality, but being the
possessor of embarrassing military in
formation he will not join the Rou
manian government at Jassy for a
while. Meanwhile, the allies, of course,
will not try to find out whether he
knows anything.
When It is a matter of interfering
with what he considers his "vested"
rights, the Democrat backs up. So it
is. too. with questioning the wisdom
of his President. A Democrat takes
his politics as he does his religion
seriously when it suits his current
state of mind.
Ex-Secretary Fisher accuses the
"heads by inheritance" of the great
packing concerns of ignorance of
fundamental economic laws, but no
one will have the temerity to say
that they do not know which side their
bread Is buttered on.
The "tentative programme" for
raising revenue, which Includes the
bond issue approved by the Adminis
tration, seems to have overlooked the
tentative saving of any money any
where along the line.
Mr. Taft remarks that the present
Congress is wasting a lot of time on
the "leak" inquiry. If pork and similar
legislation were held up while the in
quiry is on. we could wish that it
might continue forever.
Sing Sing convicts are peeved be
cause the state prison superintendent
has been censoring the matter offered
for publication In the Star of Hope.
They will be demanding their liberty
next.
With liquor advertising barred from
newspapers and mails, it will soon
come to a point where the deaf-mute
language will be the only means of dis
covering where a bottle can be found.
The second raid of the Moewe does
not speak well for that ceaseless vigil
of the British navy, of which we have
heard so much, though the North Sea
fogs are a good friend to the Germans.
Coming just after the House com
mittee had selected another man. Mr.
Untermyer's statement that he could
hardly afford to accept the job is
even more easy to undertsand.
Japan has increased its trade with
China 30 per cent in a year, from
which we deduce that the ancient cus
tom of boycotting is falling into dis
use in the Celestial republic.
If Pershing's men were consulted
about it, no doubt the march out
would be made as quickly as the ad
vance some months ago, which would
be going some. '
One German submarine has just re
turned after having sunk sixteen ships.
And they are said to be building 1000
submarines!
The "meek and lowly" potato about
which we used to read is losing most
of Its meekness and lowliness these
days.
Our Army aviators have discovered
that certain sections of Mexico, also,
are very dry.
It is also apparent that Switzerland
has heard of the safety-first move
ment, t
It seems proper in a double sense
to remark that the Moewe is a bird.
Striking Chicago janitors appear to
have a real lead-pipe cinch.
Gleams Through the Mist
Br Dea t el lima.
THE BILLIAD.
The Legislature's gone another week.
It's wheels smooth-running and with
scarce a squeak.
High pile the bills, the while the clerk
Pulls off his coat and gets right down
to work, i
And low and lorn within the statehouse
halls
The humming note of errant lobbyist
falls.
Committees argue pro and argue con.
And meet together to confer upon
Plans to reduce by shrewd consolida
tion Commissions In the state in operation.
While in the hall the lobbyist's trap Is
set
To catch a law for more commissions
yet.
Yt strive the legislators evermore
To grow one board where two boards
grew before.
To make the State and Desert Land
Boards one.
And for a tax commission give us none.
While haunts the lobbyist the lobby
still.
With new commissions done up In a
bill.
Meanwhile from time to time, as meteor
scoots.
Some squeaking bill is hurled upon the
chutes
And the committees chuckle as 'tis
done.
And start another toward oblivion;
But ever in the outer reaches shrills
The voice of lobbyists, lobbying for new
bills. The Lay of the Lost Lobbyist.
(An Intermezzo.)
The hall was long, the benches cold
The lobbyist Infirm and old.
His thumbs were calloused as his soul.
From plucking many a button hole.
And. such is habit's iron grip-
But whispers came from out his Up.
Far had he sought and seeking still
Was he. someone to take his bill:
Some stalwart Solon who would dare
His bill unto the House to bear.
And oft the aged fellow sighed
And fondled -at his bill with pride.
And teardrops from his eyelids broke
And thus unto himself he spoke:
"Breathes there a man with soul so
dead
Who never to himself hath said":
"I have a cure for civic 111
Which I'll embody in a bill.
And. in mine own, my native land.
Shall evil evermore be canned."
When such there be, they mark hlra
well;
At his approach the Solons yell.
And dodge him where his course Is bent.
And talk about the six per cent
High though his purpose, proud his aim.
Noble his bill as wish could claim
Designed to help the civic health
The legislators go by stealth
And leave to wander, fret and moan.
The lobbyist all by his lone.
CHORl'S OF COMMITTEEMEN.
(Tuned to the whetting of bolos on
boots.)
Come with thy bills full of many pro
visions Solons most popular, Solons most
wise;
Lay 'em out here while we make some
incisions
Into the splendid laws you would
devise:
Till the big bright clauses so neatly
placed
Are half expunged and are half erased.
While we operate and we make elisions
And carve out the vitals and go'uge
the eyes.
Swiftly, all. swiftly your bill. Is speed
ing Along the road to an early tomb,
When we have finished with what it's
needing
We'll gather it up with a pan and
broom:
For many come and but few are chosen
And oft the bill in our hands reposin'
Has hardly a chance for a second read
ing Hero re we consign It unto its doom.
Come with your bills, the concentration
Of all the wisdom beneath your lid;
Little you dream that evisceration
In the committee for It Is hid.
For we are the lords of life and death.
And many a bill may scarce draw
breath
Till we whet up our bolo with exulta
tion. And reach for the bucket to grease the
skid.
BARD'H BOVK-DHY SAEXGEIIFKST.
"Boy, who is that thundering at the
postern gate?"
"A boomerang bard." replied the C.
O. B. "He has come back."
"Roll him in." I commanded, lolling
back in my plush-padded swivel chair.
The bard came stealing In, and, in
spite of the mask he wore, I recognized
"W. J. S.." who sang blue notes but a
short fortnight agone.
And plucking at his harp with either
hand, he sang a song, which boosts our
stock as well as being a bone-dry song,
and which, as you have not heard, we
will proceed to reproduce, without the
music
Friend Dean, you are there.
And it's me that does care
When you say that it is Eaton's song.
iThe music is sweet.
The meter is neat
But I have heard you singing too long.
Now please don't disguise.
And tell me such lies.
Or I will be down with a club,
And what I will do
Will not be credit to you
And you will have to send for a sub.
Now keep right on singing
And merrily swinging.
And turning the tears into smiles;
Your harp is in tune.
Like the sweet birds of June,
And your songs lead in all of the
styles.
And why should we cry.
In a state that Is dry.
With churches around us galore?
We'll now end the rhyme.
And think of the time
And the few that we all have in
store.
(Note If you keep on putting too
many feet in your lines, W. J. S., what
I will do to you will look like chi
ropody.) Old Blood Will Tell. '
Puck.
Politician Who's back of you? Of
fice Seeker Ten generations of glor
ious ancestors! Politician Urn 1
might get you a job classifying fossils
in the Smithsonian Institute.